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Stewart, Brandon. "Crossing Over: Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.
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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
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Jones, Esyllt Wynne. "Ethnic nationalism in Quebec and Wales : the case of public broadcasting conflict". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61858.
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McCallister, Gerald L. Jr. "Ethnic Similarity and Rivalry Relations". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700063/.
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Research on ethnicity and conflict treats the concept of ethnicity as defining the actors in these conflicts, whereas research on the construction and maintenance of ethnic identity explores why ethnicity unifies individuals into a single social group. What happens when this unifying concept is divided between two enemy countries? How does this situation influence peace settlements over territorial issues, armed conflict, and economic relations between these countries? To answer these questions, I create a continuous measure of ethnic similarity between rivals. I find that ethnic similarity can facilitate cooperation and exacerbate conflictual interactions between rivals, but governments will seek to limit interactions with their rival when the cross border ethnic groups are minorities. In addition, I create categorical predictors of ethnic similarity, which reveal nuances in these relationships. Specifically, rivalries sharing a pan-ethnic identity are more likely to engage in conflict regardless of actual ethnic similarity, and dyads with a majority in one country sharing ethnicity with a minority in another country are less likely to fight once in a state of rivalry. This is because a quid pro quo exists between these rivals where one rival can reduce oppression of the minority in exchange for the other rival not supporting secessions by their co-ethnics. These pairs of rivals also are more likely to attempt peace settlements. Contested nations, which are rivalry-dyads with similar ethnic majorities, are both the most likely of the ethnically similar rival categories to engage in militarized interstate disputes, but also engage in larger amounts of interstate trade.
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Carment, David 1959. "The international politics of ethnic conflict : the interstate dimensions of secession and irredenta in the twentieth century, a crisis-based approach". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41358.
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One of the most challenging issues for students of international relations is the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in both its secessionist and irredentist forms. This thesis contributes to an understanding of the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in three ways. First, the thesis provides a more precise delineation of the causal relationship between ethnic and interstate conflict. Second, the thesis develops a model to identify the conditions under which ethnic conflict is most likely to lead to interstate conflict. Third, and finally this thesis provides insight into a theory and policy for management and resolution of ethnic conflict. The results of this research are used to identify the international conditions and actions that affect the dynamics and resolution of ethnic conflict. From that perspective, the central goal of this inquiry is to lay the groundwork for preventive peacekeeping.The inquiry unfolds in five stages. First, a formal model, specifying the precise causal relationship of the selected variables and their interaction effects, is presented. Second, two cases (Somali irredentism and the Indo-Sri Lankan crisis) are used to test the assumed linkage. Third, aggregate data from the International Crisis Behavior Project data base, for the period 1918-1988, are used to test the explanatory power of variables derived from the combined framework. Fourth, two additional cases (Thai Malay separatism and the Balkans War) are used to test the most relevant propositions from the previous phase. Fifth and finally, based on the degree of support for propositions from both quantitative and qualitative analysis, the model is refined. Policy relevant and theoretical contributions are presented in the light of the findings. Directions for further research also are discussed.
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DeVotta, Neil. "From linguistic nationalism to ethnic conflict Sri Lanka in comparative perspective /". Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3031040.
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Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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Nsabimana, Christian Garuka. "The concept of power sharing in the constitutions of Burundi and Rwanda". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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Matter, Scott. ""We have this land as our right" : ethnicity, politics, and land rights conflict at Enoosupukia, Kenya". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83127.
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Population growth and internal migration in parts of the developing world have led to increased conflict over land rights carried out in the context of competing tenure paradigms. In Kenya, violent conflict between 'indigenous' and 'outsider' communities occurring in the midst of a program of democratic liberalization and political change has been variously explained as primarily driven by material or political interests. This thesis examines land rights conflict in the wake of a violent clash at Enoosupukia in 1993, which led to the displacement of up to 30,000 people, and analyzes how changing tenure paradigms, shifting socio-spatial boundaries, ethno-political polarization, and pressure on land resources all contribute to the perpetuation of conflict and tenure uncertainty. I argue that, despite challenging civil precepts of liberal governance, assertion of exclusive ethnic rights to traditional territories may nevertheless lead to political justice and alleviate the marginalization of indigenous and minority groups.
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Yakinthou, Christalla. "Between Scylla and Charybdis : Cyprus and the problem of engineering political settlements for divided societies". University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0113.
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Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.
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Lunsford, Sharon. "Language Policy, Protest and Rebellion". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2790/.
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The hypothesis that language discrimination contributes to protest and/or rebellion is tested. Constitutional language policy regarding administrative/judicial, educational and other matters is measured on three separate scales developed for this study; the status of each minority group's language under its country's policy is measured by another set of scales. Protest and rebellion variables are taken from Gurr's Minorities at Risk study. Findings include an indication that group language status contributes positively to protest and rebellion until a language attains moderate recognition by the government, at which point status develops a negative relationship with protest and rebellion, and an indication that countries with wider internal variations in their treatment of language groups experience higher levels of protest and rebellion on the part of minority groups.
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Boshoff, Hercules Jacobus. "Sudan’s old and new conflicts : a comparative study". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3383.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.Recent years have seen new ideologies and political factors being introduced into the Sudanese political landscape. The new war in Darfur has revealed that the traditional North-South conflict is not necessarily a religious war but rather a war that goes beyond religion and ethnicity. Several factors underpin the civil wars in Sudan; principally disputes over religion, identity, inequality, resources, governance, self-determination, autonomy and secession. The attempt is therefore to define the various actors, factors and issues underlying both the North-South conflict and the new war in Darfur, and to analyse and compare the differences and similarities between the two wars. Both the conflicts in Southern Sudan and in Darfur have their origin in the decay of the Sudanese state and in both cases did political marginalisation resulted in political exclusion. Another resemblance between the two wars is the acute identity crisis that resulted from the long history of stratification and discrimination. Both warring groups want to reassert their distinguishing characteristics in the respective conflicts where ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ have distinctive meanings and are used as racial, cultural, and political identities. The third similarity between the South and Darfur is the ethnic cleansing tactics and policies the Sudanese government has adopted. The differences between these two wars is that Southern Sudan has developed into a war over national resources while Darfur does not share the same strategic commodities. The second is secession. The South started as a secessionist war while neither of the rebel groups in Darfur have demanded any form of self-determination. Darfur has also seen relatively timely international attention compared to Southern Sudan. Comparing the two conflicts do reveal that neither religion nor race is at the heart of Sudan’s wars. Instead, the root of the insurgencies is largely founded upon culturally and regionally imposed economic and political marginalisation coupled with the politicization of ethnic identities. The challenge for Sudan will be to create a new consciousness of common identity and a new meaning of belonging that grants peace, dignity, development and fundamental human rights.
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Riley, Timothy. "Trans-boundary river basins: a discourse on water scarcity, conflict, and water resource management". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4396/.
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This thesis is an inquiry regarding the interconnections between water scarcity, geopolitics, resource management, and the strategies for developing effective ways to resolve conflict and encourage sustainable water resource use in developing countries. The ecological services of trans-boundary rivers are explored in conjunction with the potential impacts to freshwater availability due to economic modernization, water resource development, and decision making regimes that determine how water is allocated among competing users. Anthropogenic stressors that induce water scarcity and the geopolitical mechanisms of conflict are studied. A discourse on the creation and functional extent of global and localized water ethics is investigated, emphasizing the importance of perceptual dispositions of water users in understanding the value of trans-boundary river basins.
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Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.
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This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.
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Girard, Victoire. "The economic relevance of caste and religious identities in India". Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010027.
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L’identité est une nouvelle frontière pour la recherche en économie. Nombre de questions en cours d’exploration, telles que les conflits, la coopération,la culture, la confiance, le bonheur, ou le capital social, remontent à une question liée à l’identité. Cette thèse se focalise sur les conditions qui rendent une identité saillante à travers l’étude des identités de caste et de religion en Inde rurale. Il s’agit d’une contribution empirique, qui s’appuie sur des données villages et ménages. Cette thèse se concentre en particulier sur les conflits ou la ségrégation, qui sont autant de signaux que les identités de groupe sont saillantes. Ainsi, cette thèse étudie les raisons qui peuvent rendre une identité de caste ou de religion importante pour les conflits (première partie), et l’accès aux bien publics (deuxième partie). Dans les chapitres 1 et 2, je documente que les différences entre les groupes, qu’elles portent soit sur les bénéfices retirés de biens censés être publics, ou sur la distribution de la richesse, peuvent affecter la relation entre identité et conflit dans l’inde rurale. Dans le chapitre 3, je montre que le processus d’exclusion peut être modifié par des interventions politiques, en l’occurrence la mise en place de quotas en faveur des basses castes, cependant les quotas apparaissent n’avoir d’effet que pendant le mandat où le quota est en placeIdentity is a new frontier for research in economics. Many of the puzzles in economics today can be traced back to a question of identity: conflict, cooperation, culture, trust, happiness, and social capital, among others. This dissertation asks which conditions make an identity salient through the case studyof caste and religious identities in India. It is an empirical contribution, relying on village and household level data. This dissertation studies whether and howcaste or religious identities matter for conflicts (first part), and public goods access(second part). In Chapters 1 and 2, I document that differences in either group level payoff (from supposed-to-be public goods), or wealth distribution, can affectthe relation between identity and conflict. In Chapter 3, I show that process ofexclusion can be modified by political interventions, namely the imposition of political quotas in favor of the low castes
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Teshome, Bisrat. "Poverty and Conflict: A Self-Perpetuating Cycle in the Somali Regional State (Region 5), Ethiopia: 1960-2010". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/230.
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Region 5 is one of the most impoverished and insecure regions of Ethiopia. For decades, the region has suffered from a multitude of armed conflicts involving state and non-state actors. Region 5 is also one of the most underserved states of Ethiopia with some of the lowest levels of human development indicators nationwide. Although the adversities of poverty and conflict are widely acknowledged in their own respect, there has been little or no inquest into why poverty and conflict have prevailed under the same space for decades. Poverty and conflict have often been seen as separate phenomena that are dealt with using different sets of theories and practices in the real world. Nonetheless, a closer look at poverty and conflict in Region 5 reveals that both are strongly connected to each other. The poverty-conflict trap has been an on-going cycle in the region for the last five decades. The main intent of this research paper is analyzing the two-way relationship between poverty and conflict in Region 5. By studying this relationship, this analysis seeks to contribute to a new framework that brings peacebuilding and development closer.
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Gross, de Almeida Daniela. "The Darfur conflict : beyond ethnic hatred explanations". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2185.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.Sudan is a country that has been affected by a history of multiple destructive civil wars. Conflicts that, in a global perspective, have proven to be as devastating as interstate wars, or on occasion even more destructive, in terms of the numbers of casualties, refugee figures and the effects on a country’s society. The conflict in Darfur, in the western region of Sudan, is a civil war that illustrates one of the direst scenarios. In around five years of warfare, more than 200,000 people have died in the conflict, and around two million Darfurians were displaced, creating what the UN calls the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The civil war was initiated by the attacks of two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, against government installations. Although presenting insurgency characteristics, the civil war in Darfur has been commonly labelled as a “tribal” conflict of “Africans” versus “Arabs”. An explanation that seems to fail to clarify the complex circumstances belying the situation. As seen in this study, although identity factors played their role as a cause of the conflict, the ‘ethnic hatred’ justification of war doesn’t seem to be sufficient to explain the present situation. Darfur appears to be a clear example that there is no single factor that can explain such a war. In the case of Darfur, various factors seem to have interplayed in creating the necessary conditions for the eruption of violence. This study focused on two of these factors – the environmental hazards that have been affecting the region, and the government’s use of the Janjaweed militia in its counterinsurgency movement. Both, and in different ways, seem to have contributed to dividing the Darfurian society between two poles, thus worsening the circumstances in the region and helping generate the high levels of violence that characterise the Darfur conflict. Most important, in analysing the conflict of Darfur with a point of view that goes beyond the “ethnic hatred” explanation, it seems possible to identify issues, such as land ownership, that are in vital need of being addressed in order to achieve peace in 4 the region. As seen in this thesis, it seems that it is only through a broad understanding of the complex causes of the conflict that peace negotiations might have any hope of success. While those continue to be ignored, any peace agreements or prospects of finding a solution to the conflict will be unrealistic.
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Morrison, Lisa Marie. "The relationship between ethnic rebellion and democratization". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5num=osu1063748963.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 160 p. : ill. Advisor: Edward Crenshaw, Department of Sociology. Includes bibliographical references (p. 152-160).
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Holloway, Troy. "Ethnic Groups and Institutions: Can Autonomy and Party Bans Reduce Ethnic Conflict?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707380/.
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Can institutions successfully reduce ethnic conflict? Institutions such as autonomy and federalism are often advocated as a means to prevent ethnic conflict, however empirical evidence is largely mixed with regards to their effectiveness. In a similar manner, political parties have begun to receive more scholarly attention in determining their relationship with ethnic conflict, but their evidence is also mixed. In this research I examine autonomy, federalism, and the banning of political parties within ongoing ethnic group self-determination movements. While I do not find evidence for a relationship between autonomy and conflict, I do find that federalism increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict. Additionally, the banning of ethnic political parties indicates a strong increase the likelihood of ethnic conflict, while the banning of regional political parties significantly reduces the likelihood of ethnic conflict.
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Maguire, Keith. "Ethnic conflict and political violence : a theoretical and comparative analysis". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1994. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU060518.
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The subject of this thesis is the relationship between ethnic conflict and political violence. The thesis examines the types of political violence that are most prevalent in liberal-democratic states, using case studies from the conflicts in Northern Ireland since 1968, the Basque country since 1952 and the United States in the post-1945 period. It is argued that it is in what will be described as secessionist conflicts that political violence is likely to be at its worst. It will be argued that a number of factors are present, where campaigns of terrorism have been most intense and have seen the highest level of fatalities. In the cases, where terrorist groups have become enduring in their communities, it is likely that they will provide a range of goods and services to their communities. It will also be argued that participation in the labour market is also an important determinant as to whether or not a community will be prepared to give support to terrorist groups. It will be argued that many ethnic conflicts have been made more intractable because policy-makers have diagnosed the problem in an unsatisfactory fashion. Evidence will be cited to argue that ethnic-specific policies have focused on the symptoms of problems while failing to deal with their root causes. Instead of ethnic-specific policies, it will be argued that labour-market policies are the key to reducing ethnic conflicts. Therefore the strategy of conflict resolution in this thesis is based on a mixture of both micro and macro level policies. At one level, policies will be needed to disrupt the groups involved in carrying out acts of violence, while at the same time policies are also designed by government to make the political and economic environment less hospitable for groups, espousing strategies based on the use of sub-state violence.
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Laoye, Oluwagbemiso. "The Relationship between Judicial Independence and Ethnic Conflict". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984193/.
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The relationship between judicial independence and the levels of ethnic conflicts in developing countries has remained a significant research area due to increased cases of the conflicts with lack of judicial independence in the countries. Judicial independence is seen as an essential element of democracy in that an independent judiciary can act as an arbiter between different groups and institutions. The main aim of this study was to examine the relationship between judicial independence and ethnic conflicts empirically. Greater judicial independence should be associated with less ethnic conflict, because an independent court can serve as an arbiter for disputants, and thus lessen the likelihood of conflict. The study involved 128 developing countries over a 30-year period from 1981 to 2010 using secondary data sources and employing statistical methods to test the relationship between judicial independence and the levels of ethnic conflicts. Findings indicate that judicial independence has a statistically significant negative association with the levels of ethnic conflict. Therefore, this study recommends that the governments of developing countries should promote judicial independence as part of solutions for ethnic conflicts .
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Rahmawati, Arifah. "Papuan enthno-political conflict : causes, contexts, and policy implication /". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FRahmawati.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Security Building in Post-Conflict Environment))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Douglas Porch. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-77). Also available online.
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Rahmawati, Arifah. "Papuan ethno-political conflict: causes, contexts, and policy implication". Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1634.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines causes and contexts of conflict in the Papua province of Indonesia. The Papua conflict is categorized as an ethno-political conflict as groups of Papuan ethnics raise some incompatible issues about the government of Indonesia. They are expressing their political ideas with various actions from rebellion to non-violent political campaigns. The Indonesian government, at the same time, has chosen various policies from counter-insurgency to accommodation. The counter-insurgency policies, however, have escalated the conflict and regenerated more grievances to the Papuans that increase international concerns. Thus, this thesis argues for a peaceful resolution over the Papua conflict through negotiation and accommodation. The thesis also expects the active engagement of the civil society at the local, national, and international levels.
Civilian, Ministry of Education of Indonesia
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Byman, Daniel Leo. "Preventing the recurrence of ethnic conflict : lessons from the Middle East". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10387.
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Avtzaki, Nickolaou Maria. "Education and ethnic conflict resolution : bicommunal academic links in Cyprus". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12913/.
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Many contributors to the interdisciplinary field of conflict resolution have emphasised the impact of socio-psychological and psycho-cultural influences in maintaining and perpetuating ethnic conflicts. The review of the literature concerning Cyprus reveals that such factors have been active in the 37 years of ethnic separation between the Greek-Cypriot and the Turkish-Cypriot communities. Although strategies are available to bridge communities and offer prospects for a reconciliation and peace centre on facilitating interaction, contact and dialogue between communities at all levels, it is surprising how little has taken place between the two academic communities on the island. This is in contrast to the picture found in similar conflict cases, such as the ones in Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine. Despite some notable efforts and collaborations currently in place, the numbers involved constitute a very small fraction of the two academic bodies. The research has aimed at establishing the role of higher education in divided societies, not only by examining theoretically and philosophically its importance as a part of a reconciliation process but also by depicting the opinion of academics from both parts of Cyprus. The research has shown that although they are optimistic about future links, they nevertheless identified major implications stemming out of the issues of ‘recognition’, nationalism, social pressure, the impact of media and the characteristics of the academic cultures in each respective community. These explain the contrast between much good-will and little real action. The analysis of findings includes a discussion of possible strategies to establish an open dialogue between the two academic communities and to facilitate collaborations.
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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Ethnic conflict in Nigeria: a challenge to inclusive social and political development". Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006955.
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The question of ethnicity has been one of the most topical subjects of study by social scientists. The controversies around this phenomenon seem to have been heated up by the high visibility of mobilized and politicized ethnic groups in most multi-ethnic states. Therefore, the extent to which ethnic nationalities are able to effectively manage the interplay of ethnic differences determines to what extent a multi-ethnic nation develops without crisis. Historically Nigeria has come a long way from multi-ethnic entity with political differences and background to the amalgamation of 1914 till the present structure of thirty-six states. Ethnicity, no doubt has contributed immensely to ethnic conflicts in Nigeria because of long standing revulsion or resentments towards ethnic groups different from one’s own or fear of domination which can as well lead ethnic groups to resort to violence as a means to protect and preserve the existing ethnic groups. Significantly ethnicity in Nigeria, is a product inequality among the various ethnic groups orchestrated by a long period of colonialism; a period which witnessed the ascendancy of three major ethnic groups to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups and a period when the three major ethnic groups were used as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political goods, resulting in the inability of other ethnic groups to access these socio-political goods. This situation has continued to impact negatively on the forces of national integration and cohesion in ethnically divided Nigeria. Considering the relationship between ethnicity and development; socio-political exclusion is not only ethically dangerous to development but also economically unproductive. It deprives groups and individuals of the opportunity for the necessary development that can be beneficial to the society. Thus, it is important to develop an integrative socio-political frame-work that explicitly recognizes the participatory role of every ethnic group in governance. Hence, there is a need for the adoption of inclusive governance to manage ethnicity in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, ethnic conflict still persists and an attempt will be made in this study to identify the reasons. Central to socio-political sustainability in Nigeria is a system that should recognize that differences are important to development and encompass notions of equality. Such a system should acknowledge the socio-political and economic power of every ethnic group and promote a system devoid of ethnocentric and exclusionary socio-political and economic policies.
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Welt, Cory. "Explaining ethnic conflict in the South Caucasus : Mountainous Karabagh, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28757.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004.Includes bibliographical references (p. 305-320).
(cont.) the USSR and finds that a focus on opportunity provides the best explanation for the presence or absence of mass mobilization. Finally, the dissertation argues that conventional state security concerns best explain the start of escalation. Union republic opponents, Azerbaijanis and Georgians, perceived regional mobilization to be manifestations of broader "interstate" conflicts pitting Azerbaijan and Georgia against, respectively, Armenia and Russia. They did not consider the actions of regional groups to be a product of group insecurities. The dissertation concludes by applying the above findings to the practice of conflict resolution.
This dissertation investigates the origins of ethnic conflict in the South Caucasus. It explains the mass mobilization of regional groups in Mountainous (Nagorno) Karabagh, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia from 1987 to 1989, variation in the goals of these groups (and of other regional groups in the USSR), and the start of the conflict-spirals that ultimately led to ethnic war. The dissertation examines three aspects of mass mobilization: group motivation, the commitment problem, and perceptions of opportunity. Utilizing historical memories, leadership rhetoric, signals of opponent intentions, and evidence of shifting capabilities, the dissertation assesses four hypotheses for group motivation: fear of violence, cultural extinction, demographic shift, and economic discrimination. It concludes that all three groups were mainly motivated by a fear of future demographic shifts and economic discrimination. The dissertation argues that the three regional groups also shared a political commitment problem--the absence of a mechanism that guaranteed union republic opponents would protect their demographic and economic interests after they agreed to a compromise. Contemporary signals of intent and historical precedents led groups to believe their opponents were committed to state centralization, not the expansion of regional autonomy. Regarding opportunity, two regional groups believed their demands coincided with Mikhail Gorbachev's commitment to rectify "deviations" from the early Soviet path of state development and could thus persuade the central government to accommodate their demands. The third regional group did not and so pursued a more modest political goal. The dissertation applies the above findings to cases of regional mobilization (and its absence) elsewhere in
by Cory D. Welt.
Ph.D.
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Harmon, Gail. "War in the Former Yugoslavia: Ethnic Conflict or Power Politics?" Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/587.
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Thesis advisor: Kathleen BaileyAlthough the Croatian and Bosnian wars of the early 1990s were brought to a peaceful conclusion over ten years ago, they remain pertinent events today both for the study of political science and future attempts at global conflict resolution. While they are often characterized as ethnic conflicts, this study poses the question of whether a conflict can ever truly be ethnic in the sense that the sole motivation for violence is ethnic hatred rather than strategic considerations. This question brings the motivations for violence in the Yugoslav case into question. This project explores relevant literature on contemporary theories of ethnic conflict and surveys events in the region from the arrival of the Slavic people to the Balkans in the sixth century to occurrences as recent as 2006. The conflicts are viewed in terms of more general views about conflict prevention and resolution as well as being more specifically applied to the current conflict in Iraq
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Chalkley, Marie Leone. "Saying Sorry: Conflict Atrocity and Political Apology". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11054/.
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This study proposes and tests a comprehensive theory detailing the motivations behind political apologies. A brief survey of the literature shows a field rich in case studies but lacking in rigorous scientific analysis. The theory presented proposes a three-level examination of political apology at the state, dyadic, and system levels and incorporates the effects of culture, conflict, and the nature of the international system into analysis. This study makes use of a new dataset recording the occurrence of political apologies for interstate conflict atrocities from 1900 to 2006. The results suggest that the existing literature, while rich, does not account for all the motivating factors behind apology. The results also confirm that political apology is a creation of the modern era and a result of the liberalization of the international system. In conclusion, paths for future research are suggested and the advent of a global "age of apology" is confirmed.
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Ozsut, Melda. "Rentier States and Conflict: New Concepts, Different Perspectives". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1157529/.
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Since the 1970s, a curious phenomenon has emerged, suggesting that resource rich countries are "cursed" by their resources. Over the last couple of decades, researchers have argued that rentier countries are more likely to have educational underachievement, the Dutch disease, corruption, slower democratization, and conflict. Although current research has proven helpful and productive, some aspects still remain contested in both theoretical and empirical terms. This dissertation aims to fill certain lacunae in this literature. My dissertation examines how ordinary citizens turn into dissidents and then to rebels in rentier states. I build and test an innovative theoretical argument, which focuses on individuals' daily lives, and explains how policies by rentier governments discourage merit-based employment. This, in turn, yields a high level of grievance among segments of the population. I also develop a comprehensive theory that combines macro-level and micro-level explanations of conflict onset in rentier states. Finally, I analyze an important, but previously neglected aspect of civil wars in rentier states: conflict outcomes. I suggest that the existence of abundant natural resources would have a significant impact on conflict outcomes. Accordingly, government victory would be more likely, and negotiated settlement would be less likely in rentier countries compared to non-rentier countries.
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Kigera, Kathryn. "A Critical Examination of Change in Interpersonal Relationships among Youth from Different Ethnic Communities as a Result of Ethnic Conflict". Thesis, The George Washington University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10605752.
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This study examined interpersonal relationships among youth from different ethnic communities. The purpose of this study was to examine interpersonal relationships among youth from different ethnic communities in Kenya, especially the vulnerable population of individuals with disabilities, and the ways interpersonal relationships between youth from different ethnic communities change as a result of ethnic conflict. This study utilized survey methodology to gain a better understanding of interpersonal relationships between youth from different ethnic communities and individuals with disabilities. The sample of the survey comprised 42 participants between the ages of 18 and 35 who were in Kenya during the postelection conflict of 2007 and 2008. This study found that some participants experienced strain in their friendships with individuals from different ethnic communities, particularly those that were fighting against one another. Both participation in and harmful action against individuals with disabilities were also reported. However, the experience of youth with disabilities was not dissimilar to that of their nondisabled peers. This study has the capacity to lead to additional studies with a larger sample size within and outside of Kenya, and to break apart key findings into individual studies.
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Koneska, Cvete. "Between accommodation and resistance : political elites in post-conflict Bosnia and Macedonia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:854136ff-ef12-448b-9713-a150e4c0fbe3.
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This thesis explores why political elites in post-conflict ethnically divided states accommodate or resist each other across ethnic lines. The geographic focus of research is on post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia. In both countries the track record of post-conflict politics has been uneven and on some issues political elites still resist agreement and co-operation across ethnic lines. This thesis explores the reasons behind this mixed pattern of ethnic accommodation and resistance. Based on the post-conflict literature in social science, the thesis examines the impact that the following explanatory variables have on ethnic accommodation and resistance: power-sharing mechanisms, political party dynamics, informal practices, policy legacies, and external actors. The analysis is situated at the policy level. Two policy areas, highly sensitive for ethnic relations in the post-conflict context, are analysed and compared in each of the two countries. In Bosnia, the focus is on military and police reforms; in Macedonia, on minority education and decentralisation. Within the wider institutionalist approach, the empirical chapters present the findings of process tracing in each of the four policy fields. Based on these findings, the thesis demonstrates that although power sharing arrangements tend to lead to greater ethnic accommodation, they are not always sufficient to produce accommodating outcomes. Informal practices often supplement the work of formal institutions in providing incentives and means towards greater accommodation. External actors tend to enable greater accommodation when perceived as neutral and credible by domestic political elites. Ethnic divisions in both countries remain and require regular management by a flexible set of institutions, which can accommodate challenges unforeseen by peace agreements.
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Forhan, Kayleigh J. "Perpetuating Ethnic Conflict: PRC Minority Policy in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1288282990.
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Tosaka, Rumi Morishima. "Is "identity-based conflict" a valid or banal concept? Event history analysis of civil war onset, 1960-2000". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1212613719.
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Shungur, Shantarene. "Cooperation among adversaries : managing transboundary water disputes in conflict settings". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102173.
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Intrigued by the observation that enduring, task-based water treaties have, surprisingly, emerged within protracted conflict settings that lock the riparians in a deadly embrace, I constructed an interdisciplinary theoretical framework to explain the causes of riparian conflict, and the conditions for riparian conflict resolution. Drawing on the literature from international relations, comparative politics, resource economics and public choice theory, I explain how the constraints posed by ecological forces in a conflict setting, and the political opportunities presented by a particular economic-developmental context shape the decisions of policymakers during the negotiation process that precedes regime emergence.Next, a model is developed that first illustrates the causal pathways among five independent variables, (water scarcity mode, critical environmental threshold, riparian position, state power profile and sustainable development of water resources); three contextual variables, (conflict setting, economic-developmental level, economic-developmental crisis) and the dependent variable of riparian conflict. The pathway is then extended with the addition of two more contextual variables (negotiation structure and strategy) to explain the second dependent variable of regime emergence. Eight hypotheses are then theoretically derived and tested with specifics from four cases covering both developing and developed state riparian conflicts within protracted and non-protracted settings. The Middle East, South Asian, and North American regions are thus studied.
It was evident that the degree of water scarcity has either conflict enhancing or conflict mitigating properties depending upon the patterns of interaction among the variables. Both contextual variable clusters had theoretically significant effects on the nature of the regime. I inferred that the state formation dynamic influenced the economic-developmental context in which water policy is formulated and shaped the domestic configuration of water interests. It appears that the influence of rent-seeking groups opposed to a transboundary water treaty wax and wane once critical environmental thresholds, which aggravate or cause an economic-developmental crisis, are exceeded (especially in the most powerful state). This, along with other economic, international and geographic factors, ultimately, alters the preferences of the policymakers to enable compromise at the international level. A state's institutional capacity to adopt a more sustainable water usage pattern is also relevant in this regard.
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Brock, Christopher. "Political violence and inter-ethnic conflict : An analysis with reference to Chechnya and Northern Ireland". Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523009.
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Suaka, Yaro David. "An investigation into the causes and ramifications of political conflict in Ivory Coast". Thesis, Walter Sisulu University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11260/d1007276.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the causes and the ramifications of the political conflict in Ivory Coast from 2002 to 2009. A purposive sampling was used to select fourteen respondents. Qualitative methodology was used for the study. The data collection instruments were semi-structured interview questions, open-ended Semi-structured questionnaire and documentary analysis. The analysed data revealed that the causes of the conflict were: competition for scarce resources, bad governance, media incitement, xenophobia, incessant political power struggle and the proliferation of small fire arms entering the country. The effects experienced during the conflict were human rights violation, destruction of property including UN premises and displaced people both internally and externally. Some recommendations made include: Efforts should be made by the Government to strengthen good relationship among different ethnic groups and help them adapt to new challenges that confront democratic developments in the country. The Government should organise the South African style of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to revisit the horrors of the past in order to heal wounds and prevent future occurance of the conflict. Employment opportunities and other income generationg ventures for Ivorian should be created by the Government by attracting local and foreign investors. The numerous rebels should be given special skills training in other for them to be able to live among the communities in Ivory Coast. Government of national unity should be encouraged in situation like this. ECOWAS as well as AU should make sure that when disarmament instituted, it should be done properly. They should always monitor it and not to allow the arms to get into the country again. It is the hope of the researcher that this study makes a contribution towards the prevention of similar conflicts in Africa in the future.
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Adamides, Constantinos. "Institutionalized, horizontal and bottom-up securitization in ethnic conflict environments : the case of Cyprus". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3791/.
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This thesis examines the manner in which some environments, such as ‘ethnic’ conflict situations, provide fertile ground for securitization process to develop into a more institutionalized form. Once institutionalized, securitization is no longer limited to the typical unidirectional top-down (i.e. elite-driven) path, but rather it becomes subject to bottom-up and horizontal forces, creating what is termed in this thesis ‘horizontal’ and ‘bottom-up’ securitization. These horizontal and bottom-up forces lead to ‘involuntary’ acts at the actor and audience levels, which in turn contribute to the perpetuation and further institutionalization of an already securitized environment. Within this framework the audiences have a much more active role in the development and perpetuation of security narratives and threats than they do in the ‘mainstream’ reading of the theory. The Cyprus conflict, as an intractable ‘ethnic’ conflict, is used to test the abovementioned arguments. Empirical evidence from the case study demonstrates that the social context dominating such environments contributes significantly to the development of institutionalized, horizontal and bottom-up securitization, obstructing desecuritization and subsequently also the prospects for conflict resolution.
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Guha, Sohini. "Ethnic parties, material politics and the ethnic poor : the Bahujan Samaj Party in North India". Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=111337.
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Note:Many studies explore the determinants of support for ethnic parties, and the consequences of such parties for democracy. This dissertation addresses these questions through a study of the Bahujan Samaj Party (B.S.P.) in India's largest state, Uttar Pradesh (U.P.). The BSP is India's only successful lower caste party, and gained greatest support over the last two decades in U.P., which it now rules. The dissertation argues that material benefits, delivered on a programmatic basis, account for the success of the B.S.P., and perhaps other ethnic parties too, among poorer groups.[...]
De nombreuses etudes se penchent sur les facteurs expliquant l’appui citoyen aux parris ethniques ainsi que les consequences d’un tel appui en ce qui a trait a la democratie. Cette these aborde ces questions a u·avers une etude du Parti Bahujan Samaj (PBS) dans le plus grand Etat indien, !’Uttar Pradesh (UP). Le PBS est le seul parti de basses castes ayant connu un succes electoral en Inde, et dirige maintenant l’UP, resultat d’une popularite croissante au cours des deux dernieres decennies. Cette these argumente que les avantages materiels, distribues de facon programmatique, expliquent le succes du PBS, et sans doute celui d’autres parris ethniques representant les couches les plus pauvres de la societe.[...]
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Miller, Sara Ann. "Ethnic Conflict, Electoral Systems, and Power Sharing in Divided Societies". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/7.
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This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.
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Torun, Nevzat. "Soviet Nationality Policy: Impact on Ethnic Conflict in Abkhazia and South Ossetia". Scholar Commons, 2019. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7972.
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This study aims to answer two interlinked questions with respect to ethnic conflict in Georgia: Why and how two ethnic groups (Abkhazians and Ossetians) in Georgia sought secession in 1990s rather than accepting unity under a common Georgian roof, and what explains the occurrence of ethnic conflicts between the Abkhazians and Georgians and between the South Ossetians and Georgians?
The central argument of this thesis is that Soviet nationality policy was a foremost driving force in shaping consciousness of being ethnic groups in Georgia and set the stage for the inter-ethnic conflicts of the post-Soviet era. A number of factors explain the particular inter-ethnic conflicts in Georgia among ethnic groups, including a long historical relationship between the Georgian people and the Abkhaz and Ossetian minorities, but I argue that the foremost factor was the role of Soviet nationality policy that evolved from Lenin to Gorbachev, a policy that granted ethnic groups some level of privileges and fostered a wave of national self-assertion, Soviet nationality policy and the Soviet federal structure created numerous ethnic- and territorial-based autonomous units during the Soviet era; these units shaped their own political institutions, national intelligentsias, and bureaucratic elites, forming the basis for later nationalistic movements and developing a wish for self-determination and full independence. These institutions and beliefs made ethnic conflict in a post-Soviet Georgia inevitable.
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Macaulay, Christopher Cody. "Territorial Issue Salience: Escalation, Resources, and Ethnicity". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011849/.
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Conflict over territory is a major concern to scholars and policymakers, and much of conflict over territory is driven by the issues that make territory more or less attractive, or salient, to states. I examine the impact that tangible and intangible issue salience has on territorial claims, and in particular, how it drives both conflict and conflict escalation. I argue that intangible issues, such as ethnic or religious kin, plays a greater role in driving more severe forms of armed conflict and conflict escalation, compared to tangible factors such as natural resources. This is theorized to be due to the difficulty in dividing territory with intangible elements, as well as domestic political pressure driving leaders to escalate. These suppositions are supported, with the finding that identity plays a particularly crucial and unique role in driving states to more severe forms of armed conflict. Further, I examine how natural resources may be viewed by states by their type and form of utilization, with certain resources likely to be more valuable or strategic to states based on their rarity, concentration, or ease of substitution, based in part on a state's level of development. The results support a fairly uniform role of natural resources, with particular resources and combinations of resources serving to drive low level conflict, but with generally little impact on severe forms of armed conflict. Development also is found to play a role, driving poorer states to dispute natural resources of certain types. Lastly, I return to the topic of conflict over territory with an ethnic dimension by examining the role of issue indivisibility in the negotiations process, and find that negotiated settlements are harder to reach, and states more likely to favor unilateral action when disputing territory with an ethnic or religious component compared to other types of issues in claimed territory.
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England, Martha Elizabeth. "Ethnic Conflict and Contemporary Social Mobilization: Exploring Motivation and Political Action in the Sri Lankan Diaspora". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35026.
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Members of the diaspora are conflict actors with an agency that is important to include in conflict theories and analysis of international relationships. Scholarship suggests its origins, and thereafter changes in the conflict cycle effect decision-making and mobilization in the diaspora, but the conditions and mechanisms that inform these processes are undertherorized. The Sri Lankan conflict and its Toronto based diasporas are used to explore processes of diasporization and mobilization in the context a changed political landscape. A series of semi-structured interviews and a short survey asks respondents to assess their motivations for mobilization. The comparative work is within and between ethnic groups. New Institutionalism underscores this project. Butler’s (2001) epistemology, Brinkerhoff’s (2005) identity-mobilization framework, the political process model and insights from the New Social Movement literature are used to situate politicized identities and political activism directed toward the homeland. Attention is paid to factor processes.
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Otazo, Jaime. "Discours des médias et dynamiques sémio-stratégiques des acteurs sociaux dans le cadre du conflit ethno-identitaire : Le mouvement des indiens Mapuche vu par la presse au Chili [1996-2004]". Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030102.
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En adoptant un point de vue socio-sémio-discursif, cette recherche analyse la couverture de presse du mouvement des indiens Mapuches au Chili entre 1996 et 2004. Les résultats de cette analyse sont rapportés aux dynamiques sémiostratégiques des acteurs sociaux visant l’espace public médiatisé. Conformément à cet objectif, on propose un cadre théorique et méthodologique capable d’aborder les relations complexes entre les dynamiques sémio-stratégiques des acteurs sociaux visant l’espace public médiatisé et les textes d’information en tant que résultat d’opérations de transformation sémiotique propres aux médias. Trois démarches analytiques complémentaires on été menées sur un corpus documentaire composé par 2 144 informations publiés dans deux journaux de référence : l’analyse des représentations médiatiques du conflit et de ces acteurs, l’analyse des formes discursives choisies par la presse afin de construire l’événement, et la reconstruction, à partir du témoignage des journalistes et du discours public des organisations Mapuches, des dynamiques sémio-stratégiques déployées par les acteurs sociaux dans l’espace public médiatisé. Considérant ce qui se réfère au contenu des représentations médiatiques, il est possible d’observer un travail de stéréotypage généralisé, autant des événements du conflit que des acteurs engagés. Ces résultats sont en cohérence avec des recherches préalables à ce sujet. Cette représentation du conflit est associée à des formes discursives particulières telles que la mise en chronique, la condensation événementielle ou l’utilisation des stratégies de titrage visant la mise en suspens et l’activation des imaginaires catastrophistes. La couverture développe des cycles d’attention médiatique qui relèvent de la logique du champ médiatique autant que de la logique des agencements sémio-stratégiques des mouvements sociaux. En confrontant ces résultats avec l’information provenant de recherches préalables sur les correspondants des médias dans la zone du conflit, on a pu constater une coordination instable entre l’instance médiatique et les acteurs engagés dans la « lutte » symbolique du conflitBy adopting a socio-semiotic approach, this research seeks to understand the role played by the media in ethno-identity conflicts. Different aspects of media coverage of Mapuche conflict in Chile were analyzed from a discourse analysis perspective with the aim of clarifying the relationship between media and the actor’s semio-strategic behavior. A theoretical and methodological framework was proposed to precise the complex relationship existing between the press discursive structures and the socio-political context referred by them. In particular; 2.144 news articles were analyzed in order to descrive: a] the representations that the reference press in Chile produces about the conflict and his actors; b] the discursive aspects that express in a direct manner the semiostrategic moves of the conflict actors and, and c] the reconstruction of semiostrategic dynamics of social actors on the mediated public sphere. Concerning the content of media representations of the conflict, we observed a generalized work of stereotyping of conflict events as well as conflict actors. These results are coherent with previous research on the subject. Particular discursive forms are associated with the established representations: the chronicle as the dominant genre of news reporting, phenomena of events condensation, or the use of headlines strategies to achieve suspense effects and activate catastrophic imaginaries. Cycles of media attention seem to depend simultaneously on the media logic and the semio-strategic agency of social actors and movements. When these results were compared with previous researches on media correspondents, it was observed an unstable coordination between media and social actors’ goals
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Hamilton, David R. "Opportunity to Rebel: The Effects of Unemployment Coupled with Ethnic Divided on the Onset of Civil Conflict". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/32.
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The effects of unemployment on the genesis of civil conflict are examined as both a social and economic factor, with particular emphasis on civil conflict in ethnically heterogeneous nations. A logit statistical analysis of a data set indicates that increased unemployment rates do contribute to the onset of civil conflict.
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Westberg, Anja. "Föreställningar om etnicitet som orsak till politiskt våld - ett antropologiskt perspektiv. En diskursanalys av artiklar i svensk dagspress om kriget i forna Jugoslavien 1991-1995". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22542.
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The aim of the thesis is to examine discourses about political violence categorised as “ethnic” in academic literature and the media. Employing the method of discourse analysis, the study analyses news coverage of the wars in former Yugoslavia 1991-1995. The theory applied is based on Michel Foucault’s theory of the relationship between power and discourse in the constitution of knowledge, and the main arguments are supported by the work of the political scientist V. P Gagnon Jr. and the social anthropologist Stef Jansen. The empirical material consists of 60 articles from three Swedish newspapers; Svenska Dagbladet, Sydsvenska Dagbladet and Arbetet. Three types of representations of the war in former Yugoslavia are identified in the analysis; primordialism and “ethnic hatred”, neoprimordialism and ethnic mobilisation, as well as the Balkan perceived as a primitive “other”. It is argued that journalistic stories in the news coverage are imbedded in dominant discourses that produce knowledge and “truths” about so-called “ethnic conflicts”, assuming that ethnicity is the cause of violence. Therefore, the thesis shows the need for anthropological knowledge about the process of ethnic identification during conflict.
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Turner, Kathleen Therese. "Competing myths of nationalist identity : ideological perceptions of conflict in Ambon, Indonesia /". Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2006. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060713.204930.
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McKee, Erin Leigh. "Conflict-Conditioned Communication: A Case Study of Communicative Relations between the United States and Iran from 2005-2008". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/264.
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In protracted international conflicts, truth is often sacrificed in the name of victory. Political realists see international politics as a competition to win power, retain power, and demonstrate power; misleading the enemy in the name of strategy and misleading the public in the name of security are necessary elements of the game. A less obvious condition is that those caught in the cycle of intergroup conflict also withhold truths from themselves. This denial of truth and reality--to the Other, to the public, and to the self--is especially prevalent in the communicative relationship between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study explores the communicative relationship between the United States and Iran via mass media with a particular focus on propaganda as "natural." The literature review explains how conflict-conditioned communication grows and operates within the context of intergroup conflict, including the significance of globalization and information technology. The communicative relationship between the United States and Iran is used as a case study to explore conflict-conditioned communication. A snapshot of the U.S.-Iran communicative relationship was taken from May 1, 2005 - May 1, 2008. Articles from three print and online media sources were combed and analyzed for examples and patterns of conflict-conditioned communication. The method is based on an approach to understanding conflict-conditioned communication that was developed by Dr. Harry Anastasiou, a conflict resolution professional and educator. The method additionally utilizes the work of Dr. William O. Beeman, an expert on misperceptions between the United States and Iran. The conflict-conditioned communicative relationship between the United States and Iran shows how legitimate concerns and human needs are filtered through collective psychology, history, and national identity and absorbed into misperceptions. These misperceptions are perpetuated through propaganda and lead to unyielding political positions. The dual phenomena of globalization and advanced information technology amplify these unyielding political positions by spreading propagandized misperceptions faster and farther than ever before. As the United States and Iran become more entrenched in unyielding political positions, communication reduces to competing systems of propaganda, thus making peaceful conflict resolution less likely.
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Hama, Yaseen. "Federalism and the challenges of ethnic conflict regulation in deeply divided society : the case of Iraq". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/51304/.
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Bad governance of ethnic diversity exacerbates ethno-sectarian conflicts, and ethnic conflict management is a sensitive and fundamentally needed component of the contemporary world. This study assesses political models for managing ethno-sectarian diversity, focused on the deeply divided society of Iraq in relation to its ethnic conflict and political system, with federalism and partition being potential solutions explored in relation to stakeholders’ views, studied qualitatively using focus groups and interviews with procedure and analysis derived from grounded theory. Due to failed integration, Iraqi society since 2003 has undergone de facto territorial division in response to ethno-sectarian violence, creating a map between conflicting groups and identity politics. This thesis criticizes integrationist perspectives supporting a central unitary Iraq, and those proposing hard partition; federal-based soft partition, giving each cultural group control and autonomy in their territory, may achieve stability, whereas secession is impossible. This balances Shia desire for centralism and Kurdish demands for more autonomy or secession. In addition, it is not necessary to impose a single national identity in federal model; dual identity should be accepted to satisfy groups’ identity aspirations. The current impasse is due to authoritarian centralism imposing monolithic identity; Iraq should be a democratic multicultural state, avoiding sectarian policy and implementing civic characteristics to enhance Iraqi identity. This study contributes to existing research, analysing how inappropriate policies of ethnic diversity may escalate into ethnic conflicts. This thesis adds to the field of studies interested in ethnic conflict regulation, particularly Iraqi ethno-sectarian conflict, and provides suggestions for regulating it.
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Mendel, Yonatan Yoni. "Arabic studies in Israeli-Jewish society : in the shadow of political conflict". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609996.
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Clark, Bradley. "Discovery of Resources and Conflict in the Interstate System, 1816-2001". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28406/.
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This study tests a theory detailing the increased likelihood of conflict following an initial resource discovery in the discovering nation and its region. A survey of prior literature shows a multitude of prior research concerning resources and nations' willingness to initiate conflict over those resources, but this prior research lacks any study concerning the effects of the discovery of resources on interstate conflict. The theory discusses the increased likelihood of conflict in the discovering nation as both target and initiator. It further looks at the increased chance of conflict in the discoverer's region due to security dilemmas and proxy wars. The results show strong support for the theory, suggesting nations making new resource discoveries must take extra care to avoid conflict.