Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Essex Liberal Religious Conference”

The alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government has been widely reported and resulted in significant benefits for the Church. However, beginning in mid-2016, the top church leadership, including the Episcopal Conference, has distanced itself from the government and condemned its use of National Catholicism as legitimation rhetoric for the government’s malpractices in the fields of human rights and democracy. How to account for this behavior? The article proposes two explanations. The first is that the alliance of the PiS with the nationalist wing of the Church, while legitimating its illiberal refugee policy and attacks on democratic institutions of the government, further radicalized the National Catholic faction of the Polish Church and motivated a reaction of the liberal and mainstream conservative prelates. The leaders of the Episcopate, facing an empowered and radical National Catholic faction, pushed back with a doctrinal clarification of Catholic orthodoxy. The second explanatory path considers the transnational influence of Catholicism, in particular of Pope Francis’ intervention in favor of refugee rights as prompting the mainstream bishops to reestablish the Catholic orthodoxy. The article starts by tracing the opposition of the Bishops Conference and liberal prelates to the government’s refugee and autocratizing policies. Second, it describes the dynamics of the Church’s internal polarization during the PiS government. Third, it traces and contextualizes the intervention of Pope Francis during the asylum political crisis (2015–2016). Fourth, it portrays their respective impact: while the Pope’s intervention triggered the bishops’ response, the deepening rifts between liberal and nationalist factions of Polish Catholicism are the ground cause for the reaction.

That a ‘secular’ government should not sponsor religious expressions may seem almost like an analytic truth. And yet, in practice, liberal democratic governments often support religious symbols and expressions. So, are governments that purport to be secular and yet support religious symbols or expressions just being hypocritical, or incoherent? This article, written for a conference on ‘Freedom from Religion’ held in Tel Aviv in December 2011, considers three different versions of secularity – what I call the ‘classical’, ‘comprehensive’ and ‘agnostic’ versions – and concludes that none of these versions forbids religious expressions by ‘secular’ governments.

The scientific-theoretical conference under such a name took place on November 13-14, 1996 in Sumy. She continued to discuss the issues raised at the scientific and theoretical conference "Spirit, soul, person: origins and searches", held here in 1993. The organizers of the current conference were Sumy State University, Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Ukrainian Association of Religious Studies, Ukrainian Philosophical Foundation, Sumy Art Museum. The Sumy Regional Branch of the Liberal Party of Ukraine (Head - A. Gapon) revealed great help in organizing the forum.

This is the text of the opening keynote lecture delivered at the conference, “Is Religious Freedom under Threat?,” Christ Church, Oxford, May 23–25, 2018, convened by Oxford University's McDonald Centre for Theology, Ethics and Public Life and Emory University's Center for the Study of Law and Religion.It is truly an honor to deliver the opening lecture for this McDonald Conference titled “Is Religious Liberty under Threat?” Since it was only four years ago that I had given a talk on that subject for the Oxford Journal of Law and Religion’s Summer Academy, which built in turn upon my Harold Berman Lecture at Emory University two years before, I have had to give some serious thought to how I might avoid repeating myself. Yet when I looked back over what I said on those occasions, I wished that I had dwelt less upon the threats and more on the challenge of how to address them. What I would like to do in this lecture, therefore, is to offer some suggestions in the hope of stimulating discussion about how to make the case for religious freedom as a fundamental human right in today's increasingly secular liberal democracies.

The systemic transformation initiated by the Roundtable talks of 1989 made it necessary for Poland to amend its constitution, including the regulations concerning the freedom of conscience and religion. It was natural for churches and religious organisations, including the Catholic Church, to participate in the constitutional debate. The study, reflecting only the Catholic Church’s official positions, presents issues concerning the Catholic Church’s position on religious freedom in the individual dimension, that is, the freedom of conscience and religion. The Conference of the Polish Episcopate’s 1990-1997 positions on religious freedom in the individual dimensions contained some of the most important aspects of the teaching of the Second Vatican Council. These represented the basis of the Episcopate’s position in the several-year-long debate on the desired model of the state. The constitutional guarantees of religious freedom contained in the article 53 (freedom of conscience and religion) should be seen as a compromise between the principles of liberal ideology and the teachings of the Vaticanum II.

“I hope that the matter of the agreement not to discuss the war can be satisfactorily clarified,” Walter M. Horton wrote to the office of the Federal Council of Churches in November of 1941, referring to a meeting of several hundred liberal Protestant leaders the FCC was planning for the following March. “I found some questioning about it” at a recent meeting of peace advocates, some of whom, Horton continued, expressed fear that if they went to the conference they would be obliged “to swear an oath not to say a word about the dominant reality on the horizon.” The distinguished Oberlin theologian worried that the question of “a just and durable peace” that was to be addressed at the “Delaware Conference”—so named on account of its being held on the Delaware, Ohio, campus of Ohio Wesleyan University—might not be effectively engaged because opponents of American entry into World War II were being asked to shut up in the presence of the self-styled “political realists” who were chiefly behind the conclave.

AbstractHow the Nippon Sei Ko Kai (NSKK), the Anglican Church in Japan, can respond to the discussion at the Lambeth Conference 2008? The NSKK celebrates its 150th anniversary of its missionary, beginning this year (2009). The NSKK is a diverse church where high and low, broad and liberal co-existed from the beginning, which in a way represented the epitome of the Anglican Communion. The NSKK officially expressed its position regarding the ‘Anglican Covenant’, at an early stage when the Windsor Report 2004 was issued; owning a binding force as in ‘Anglican Covenant’ does not match the spirit of Anglicanism which values the unity of diversity and autonomy of each province and diocese, and ‘Chicago-Lambeth Quadrilateral’ is enough for a guideline for the unity of Anglican Identity. The NSKK is a church, which values the principles of the consensus fidelium in the Anglicanism and focuses on the Anglican Consultative Council as the center.

The systemic transformation initiated by the Roundtable talks of 1989 made it necessary for Poland to amend its constitution, including the regulations concerning the freedom of conscience and religion. Reflecting only the Catholic Church’s official positions, presents issues concerning the Catholic Church’s position on religious freedom in the individual dimension, that is, the freedom of conscience and religion. The Conference of the Polish Episcopate’s 1990-1997 positions on religious freedom in the individual dimensions contained some of the most important aspects of the teaching of the Second Vatican Council. The constitutional guarantees of religious freedom contained in the article 53 – freedom of conscience and religion – should be seen as a compromise between the principles of liberal ideology and the teachings of the Second Vatican Council. Debate’s counterparts were: the President of the Polish Republic, the Constitutional Commission of the National Assembly, the Constitutional Commissions of the two chambers of Polish Parliament: political Parties and citizens’ movements as well as individual persons. More then that, as far as this freedom touches the crucial element of the human nature, it creates in every person a deep foundation for the existence of other freedoms.

On 7-9 May 2004, the SSHRC-funded, York University-based MCRI projecton Diaspora, Islam, and Gender project held an international conferenceon “The Making of the Islamic Diaspora.” Under the directorship ofHaideh Moghissi, Saeed Rahnema, and Mark Goodman, the event was heldin Toronto and was cosponsored by the Ford Foundation EducationalProject for Palestinians, the Atkinson Faculty of Liberal and ProfessionalStudies, the York Centre for Refugee Studies, and the York Centre forFeminist Research. The conference brought together an impressive collectionof scholars from around the world to share knowledge and insight intothe challenges that face diaspora communities of emigrants, refugees, andexiles who originate from Islamic cultures, with a specific focus on the genderdimension of displacement.In addition to the invited guests and speakers, the conference wasattended by approximately 50 academics, graduate students, and the publicat large. The conference’s guest of honor was the Honorable Zahira Kamal,Minister of Women’s Affairs for the Palestinian National Authority, whoparticipated in the conference and presented a keynote address at a dinnerreception in her honor.The conference’s panels discussed themes related to identity formation,gender in diaspora, fundamentalism and human rights, the diasporaexperience, and the media and representation. Nergis Canefe, for example,spoke about issues of religious identity and national belonging andnoted that diasporas offer a site of new membership that is different thanmigrants and represent the flourishing of hybrid identities. She describedthe “common immigrant story,” where such socioeconomic barriers asracism, stereotyping, media representation, and difficulty in recertificationmake it extremely difficult to have a smooth life transition in a newcountry ...

The secular principle of religious freedom is complicated by the postsecular recognition that religion has societal relevance beyond the religious sphere. This chapter focuses on the public activism of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops’ (USCCB) regarding religious freedom. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) contraception mandate, which the bishops rejected, provided the political and legal opportunity for the bishops’ campaign. The chapter shows, however, that its evolution can be traced pre-ACA to the growing momentum in favor of same-sex marriage. It discusses the thematic content of the bishops’ “Fortnight for Freedom” campaign, and the cultural salience of the claims advanced. It also highlights the limits in both the bishops’ construal of religion in civil society and secular expectations of it. Such limits, the chapter shows, are also evident in the polarized views of doctrinally conservative and liberal Catholics, and in the ambiguity in how Americans more generally evaluate pluralism and religious freedom.

Early in the nineteenth century, British Quakers broke through a century-long hedge of Quietism which had gripped their Religious Society since the death of their founding prophet, George Fox. After 1800, the majority of Friends in England and Ireland gradually embraced the evangelical revival, based on the biblical principle of Jesus Christ’s atoning sacrifice as the effective source of salvation. This evangelical vision contradicted early Quakerism’s central religious principle, the saving quality of the Light of Christ Within (Inward Light) which led human beings from sinful darkness into saving Light. The subsequent, sometimes bitter struggles among British Quakers turned on the question of whether the infallible Bible or leadings from the Light should be the primary means for guiding Friends to eternal salvation. Three of the most significant upheavals originated in Manchester. In 1835 Isaac Crewdson, a weighty Manchester Friend, published A Beacon to the Society of Friends which questioned the authority of the Inward Light and the entire content of traditional Quaker ministry as devoid of biblical truth. The ensuing row ended with Crewdson and his followers separating from the Friends. Following this Beacon Separation, however, British Quakerism was increasingly dominated by evangelical principles. Although influenced by J.S. Rowntree’s Quakerism, Past and Present, Friends agreed to modify their Discipline, a cautious compromise with the modern world. During the 1860s a new encounter with modernity brought a second upheaval in Manchester. An influential thinker as well as a Friend by marriage, David Duncan embraced, among other advanced ideas, higher criticism of biblical texts. Evangelical Friends were not pleased and Duncan was disowned by a special committee investigating his views. Duncan died suddenly before he could take his fight to London Yearly Meeting, but his message had been heard by younger British Friends. The anti-intellectual atmosphere of British Quakerism, presided over by evangelical leader J.B. Braithwaite, seemed to be steering Friends towards mainstream Protestantism. This tendency was challenged in a widely read tract entitled A Reasonable Faith, which replaced the angry God of the atonement with a kinder, gentler, more loving Deity. A clear sign of changing sentiments among British Friends was London Yearly Meeting’s rejection of the Richmond Declaration (1887), an American evangelical manifesto mainly written by J.B. Braithwaite. But the decisive blow against evangelical dominance among Friends was the Manchester Conference of 1895 during which John Wilhelm Rowntree emerged as leader of a Quaker Renaissance emphasizing the centrality of the Inward Light, the value of social action, and the revival of long-dormant Friends’ Peace Testimony. Before his premature death in 1905, J.W. Rowntree and his associates began a transformation of British Quakerism, opening its collective mind to modern religious, social, and scientific thought as the means of fulfilling Friends’ historic mission to work for the Kingdom of God on earth. During the course of the nineteenth century, British Quakerism was gradually transformed from a tiny, self-isolated body of peculiar people into a spiritually riven, socially active community of believers. This still Dissenting Society entered the twentieth century strongly liberal in its religious practices and passionately confident of its mission ‘to make all humanity a society of Friends’.

This chapter assesses how the Jews of France, Belgium, and the Netherlands dealt with the unprecedented religious, educational, and cultural needs of their diverse constituents. The sharp increase in the number of alienated and unaffiliated Jews was a source of deep concern to rabbis and religious educators. In response, Orthodox institutions initiated liturgical changes that they hoped would make religious services more attractive. Liberal Judaism also made new inroads. Many young Jews had lived through the war years without any access to Jewish learning or Jewish communal life. In addressing the needs of this ‘lost’ generation, local Jewish educators not only had to develop innovative pedagogical techniques, such as informal classes, public lectures and discussion groups, and the use of radio, television, and film but also had to find ways of reintegrating young people into Jewish and general society. Thanks to funds received from the Claims Conference in the early 1950s and with the assistance of teachers and curricula supplied by American and Israeli agencies, Jewish pedagogues, rabbis, and administrators in western Europe not only formulated creative strategies to educate children, but also set about training new administrators, spiritual leaders, and schoolteachers.

The article covers the religious conception in the work of the famous American philosopher Richard Rorty. The author emphasises the secular and finalist views of R. Rorty on the nature of religion, and on the philosopher’s gradual perception of the need for their creative reinterpretation due to the actualisation of the role of religion in intellectual and political spheres. The article uncovers two fundamental constituents of Richard Rorty’s religious philosophy. The first of them is associated with R. Rorty’s perception of the ‘weak thinking’ concept in the writings of Italian philosopher Gianni Vattimo. R. Rorty holds ‘weak thinking’ and ‘kenosis’ to be the key to understanding the possibility of religion in the postmodern era. The second aspect concerns the existence of religion in the public space. Here the distinction between ‘strong’ narratives and ‘weak’ thinking correlates with the politically significant distinction between ‘strong’ religious institutions and private (parish, community) religious practice. Rorty believes that the activity of ‘strong’ religious structures threatens liberal ‘social hope’ on the gradual democratisation of mankind. The article concludes that Richard Rorty’s philosophy of religion presents an original conception of religion in the context of modern temporal humanism; the concept positively evaluates religious experience to the extent that it does not become a basis for theoretical and political manipulations on the part of ‘strong’ religious institutes.

Conversions, particularly those deemed as apostasies, were scrutinized by the dominant majority religions and often characterized as “aberrant” phenomena posing threats to national unity. This discourse had also spread to politics and manifested itself in oppressive measures, particularly against proselytization by religious minorities, and fuelled mistrust of converts within religious communities. However, the rhetoric of national/ethnic loyalty was also exploited by the propaganda of liberal politicians who favoured conversions from Catholicism to Serbian Orthodoxy as a means of adopting an imagined Yugoslav national identity. Similarly, some Slovenian Catholics from the border region of Venezia Giulia (slo. Julijska Krajina), annexed by Italy in 1920, turned to Orthodoxy to protest against the Holy See’s perceived indifference to the fascist policy of forced assimilation, which culminated in the forced resignation of bishops who sympathized with the Slovenian and Croatian minorities. The main ideologue of Slovenian political Catholicism, Anton Mahnič, claimed in the late 19th century that “only a convinced Catholic can be a true Slovenian”, thus marginalizing followers of non-Catholic religions, liberals and non-religious alike. Conversely, the Lutherans of the German minority on Slovenian territory contended that “to be a German means to be a Lutheran” and actively recruited German Catholics to strengthen their ranks and consolidate themselves as a singular national and religious entity. Another facet of the perceived foreignness of faiths other than Roman Catholicism among Slovenians is reflected in reconversions to Catholicism. While Catholic critics viewed “apostates” who left Catholicism as unsatisfactory adherents who would not necessarily become exemplary members of their newly adopted religion, Orthodox priests claimed that many Slovenian converts were not truly dedicated to the cause, only reluctantly embracing Orthodox customs and remaining Catholics “at heart”. This entrenched view emphasizes the inhospitable environment surrounding the exercise of a religious choice. In addition, compounded by pragmatic conversions of Catholics to Serbian Orthodoxy and Islam, which often lacked sincere commitment or integration into the newfound faith.

When Paul Rudolph was commissioned to design a new university campus for East Pakistan in the mid-1960s, the project was among the first to introduce the expressionist brutalist lexicon of late-modernism into the changing architectural language of postcolonial South and Southeast Asia. Beyond the formal and tectonic ruptures with established colonial-modern norms that these designs represented, they also introduced equally radical challenges to established patterns of domestic space-use. Principles of open-planning and functional zoning employed by Rudolf in the design of academic staff accommodation, for example, evidently reflected a socially progressive approach – in light of the contemporary civil rights movement back in America – to the accommodation of domestic servants within the household of the modern nuclear family. As subsequent residents would recount, however, these same planning principles could have very different and even opposite implications for the privacy and sense of security of Bangladeshi academics and their families. The paper explores and interprets the post-occupancy experience of living in such novel ‘ultra-modern’ patterns of a new domesticity in postcolonial Bangladesh, and their reception and adaptation into the evolving norms of everyday residential development over the decades since. Specifically, it examines the reception of and responses to these radically new residential patterns by female members of the evolving modern Bengali Muslim middle class who were becoming progressively more liberal in their outlook and lifestyles, whilst retaining consciousness and respect for the abiding significance in their personal and family lives of traditional cultural practices and religious affinities. Drawing from the case material and methods of an on-going PhD study, the paper will offer a contrapuntal analysis of architectural and ethnological evidence of how the modern Bengali woman negotiates, adapts to and calibrates these received architectural patterns of domesticity whilst simultaneously crafting a reembraced cultural concept of femininity, in a fluid dialogical process of refashioning both space and self.