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Sergey, Chernyakhovsky. "Need for the Empire". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 2 (27.05.2022): 319–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-2-319-334.
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Analyzing the world experience of empires, including the Russian empire, and their main features, the author of the article comes to the conclusion that empires do not entirely disappear as there are many zones in the geopolitical space for which the form of empire can be seen as optimal. The fall of one empire generated in this space can serve as just prologue for the appearance of another one, – with different authority subjects and different carrier ethnos, but fulfilling the same function: to politically unite the multiethnic and multicultural territory drawn to unity. The author believes that in fact the empires can be viewed as extensive spaces-states united by the Project. The author thinks that the collision of interests choice between empire and the people should be viewed through this prism, noting that People who reject the Project will remain just population. This is caused by the fact that the Project, apart from other things, constitutes the identity of people that creates the empire, expressing its collective “Self” and “Connotations”, in other words, – the variety of values that are considered existential for this people. The tenacity of empires for several centuries, including the contemporary epoch, even if in different forms, is determined by the fact that only Empire can be considered the form of the Project existence.
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Kumar, Krishan. "The time of empire". Thesis Eleven 139, nr 1 (kwiecień 2017): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617701919.
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General and comparative studies of empire – like those of revolution – often suffer from insufficient attention to chronology. Time expresses itself both in the form that empires occur, often in succession to each other – the Roman, the Holy Roman, the Spanish, etc. – and, equally, in an awareness that this succession links empires in a genealogical sense, as part of a family of empires. This article explores the implications of taking time seriously, so that empires are not considered simply as like ‘cases’ of a general phenomenon of empire but are treated as both ‘the same and different’. Concentrating on the European empires since the time of Rome, the article shows the extent to which empires were conscious of each other, seeking both to imitate admired features as well as to escape from those thought less desirable. It also shows the difference between ancient and modern empires, considered not so much as different types as in the differences caused by their location in different points in historical time. Comparative studies of empire, the article concludes, must pay attention to both continuity and change, both similarity and difference.
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Breuilly, John. "Modern empires and nation-states". Thesis Eleven 139, nr 1 (kwiecień 2017): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617700036.
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Empires and nation-states are not opposed or distinct forms of polity but closely linked forms. Pre-modern empire existed without any contrasting form of polity we might call a nation-state. Rather, they contrasted with non-national state forms such as city-states, small kingdoms and mobile, nomadic polities. These in turn were in constant interaction with any neighbouring empire or empires, perhaps becoming the core of an empire themselves, perhaps taking over all or part of an existing empire, perhaps maintaining some autonomy by virtue of remoteness or lack of attractiveness, perhaps by balancing opposed empires against each other. Empires did not have a national core, and non-empires were not national. By contrast, modern empires have always had a clearly designated nation-state core and a physically separate set of non-national peripheries. This has been crucial to ensuring that when formal empire is ended, both the imperial core and the former colonies are defined as nation-states. But ex-imperial nation-states and ex-colonial nation-states are really two kinds of states. Much contemporary confusion about the prospect for a world order of nation-states revolves round the failure to make that basic distinction.
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van der Ploeg, Jan Douwe. "The imperial conquest and reordering of the production, processing, distribution and consumption of food: a theoretical contribution". SOCIOLOGIA URBANA E RURALE, nr 87 (czerwiec 2009): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sur2008-087003.
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- Empire is a new mode of ordering and governance. Food empires are monopolistic networks that control large, and expanding, parts of the production, processing, distribution and consumption of food. But food empires are not necessarily involved in the physical realities associated with these processes. Food empires control the routing and the associated transformation of agricultural and food products. In this respect food empires clearly represent an "invisible hand", a series of combined and repeated interventions into the markets that together represent "extra- economic power". Empires (and food empires particularly) do not only center on control, they simultaneously represent the appropriation and centralization of value. Due to Empire, value has, as it were, become footloose; it is increasingly becoming "a ghost".Key words: empire; imperial networks; food production; world market; global exclusion; theory of value.
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BAKER, ANDREW. "American empire – a dangerous distortion?" Review of International Studies 36, nr 04 (30.04.2010): e1-e11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000331.
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Abstract This article reviews the idea of ‘American Empire’. For most of the Cold War, this term formed part of particular kind of Marxian critique of American power. Neither American nor European statesmen, nor the mainstream press, regarded America as an ‘empire’. Interestingly, the idea of an ‘American Empire’, stripped of its Marxian connotations, entered the mainstream towards the end of Cold War. This article asks two questions: what does it mean? Is it a useful expression or a dangerous distortion? It will be argued that, as a general statement of American political economy, ‘American Empire’ is meaningless: it neither lends itself to positive comparison with European empires nor describes any concrete aspect of the international relations of the US. However, it is possible to refer to American empires limited in time and space, for instance to formal empire in the Philippines or informal empire in Iran. ‘American Empire’ is thus a distortion; but is it dangerous? The idea certainly captured the neoconservative imagination, but it does not seem to have had real policy implications.
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Cosgun, Melih. "The comparison of the westernization process in ottoman and Russian empires". New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, nr 2 (12.01.2016): 199–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.444.
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The point of origin in the comparison of the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire were not as different from each other unlike the similarities. Both empires has chosen to shape with their own internal dynamics and enclosed social life over the years. In addition, they have taken samples the West as their model for modernization. These Empires have been described as “other†by Western because of “Islam†in Ottoman Empire and “Orthodoxy†in Russian Empire. Similar social patterns, political unrest and modernization moves has been the starting point of the study. The study referred to in the title of “comparison†did not include the concept of the just determination of similarity. Although both empires have many similarities, there were many striking differences each other. The most obvious differences in etymologic, Ottoman bureaucracy designate modernization as “Westernizationâ€, other side Russian administrators named modernization as “Europeanismâ€. Another notable element was observed in various economic lives. The transition to capitalism in the Ottoman Empire directed by external forces on the other hand, Russia gave direction to this transformation of its own volition. The purpose of study is to show the similarities and differences in the Ottoman and Russian modernization with using the comparative historical sociological method.Keywords: ottoman empire, russian empire, modernization, westernization, political life
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MACDONALD, PAUL K. "Those who forget historiography are doomed to republish it: empire, imperialism and contemporary debates about American power". Review of International Studies 35, nr 1 (styczeń 2009): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509008328.
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AbstractA growing number of scholars, commentators, and pundits describe the contemporary US as an empire. This article argues that these authors have not paid sufficient attention to the historiography of empire and imperialism. Indeed, the historiography of the British and American empires offers important lessons for current debates including what is the appropriate definition of the American empire, what are the social and political foundations of the American Empire, and what are the consequences of the American Empire for the US and the wider world.
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Wigen, Einar. "Ottoman Concepts of Empire". Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, nr 1 (1.06.2013): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080103.
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Empire was never an important concept in Ottoman politics. This did not stop Ottoman rulers from laying claim to three titles that may be called imperial: halife, hakan, and kayser. Each of these pertains to different translationes imperii, or claims of descent from different empires: the Caliphate, the steppe empires of the Huns, Turks, and Mongols, and the Roman Empire. Each of the three titles was geared toward a specific audience: Muslims, Turkic nomads, and Greek-Orthodox Christians, respectively. In the nineteenth century a new audience emerged as an important source of political legitimacy: European-emergent international society. With it a new political vocabulary was introduced into the Ottoman language. Among those concepts was that of empire, which found its place in Ottoman discourse by connecting it with the existing imperial claims.
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Khodarkovsky, Michael. "Between Europe and Asia". Canadian-American Slavic Studies 52, nr 1 (22.03.2018): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05201002.
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Abstract This essay addresses an unusual knot of the Russian historiography: was Russia a colonial empire and if so, why did he authorities consistently refuse to identify the empire as such? I am providing some answers by examining the Russian empire in a broad comparative perspective of both European and Asian empires. In the end, the goal of this essay is to re-open a discussion on the nature of the Russian empire.
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Mikhail, Alan, i Christine M. Philliou. "The Ottoman Empire and the Imperial Turn". Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, nr 4 (20.09.2012): 721–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000394.
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AbstractAs a polity that existed for over six centuries and that ruled on three continents, the Ottoman Empire is perhaps both the easiest and hardest empire to compare in world history. It is somewhat paradoxical then that the Ottoman Empire has only recently become a focus of students of empires as historical phenomena. This approach to the Ottoman Empire as an empire has succeeded in generating an impressive profusion of scholarship. This article critically assesses this literature within the larger context of what we term the Imperial Turn to explain how comparative perspectives have been used to analyze the empire. In doing so, it sheds new light on some older historiographical questions about the dynamics of imperial rule, periodization, and political transformation, while at the same time opening up new avenues of inquiry and analysis about the role of various actors in the empire, the recent emphasis on the empire's early modern history, and the scholarly literature of comparative empires itself. Throughout, the authors speak both to Ottoman specialists and others interested in comparative imperial histories to offer a holistic picture of recent Ottoman historiography and to suggest many possible directions for future scholarship. Instead of accepting comparison for comparison's sake, the article offers a bold new vocabulary for rigorous comparative work on the Ottoman Empire and beyond.
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Blond, Phillip. "Empire, nationalism and christianity". Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 9, nr 2 (24.11.2021): 130–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2021.2.7.
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This paper studies in parallel the history of empire and the development of universals. It uses as its preliminary orientation the work of Eric Voegelin who argued that universals develop in history alongside and through universalising empires. We find this basic contention highly credible as it is empires that force us to develop cognitive approaches that encompass both colonised and coloniser in any subsequent social structure. So conceived, the paper then argues that empires are synonymous with human history as such and that even those entities (such a Greek city states) which are eulogised for escaping this logic are on examination no less imperial than the empires they oppose. The paper then argues that the development of universals is not a byproduct of empire but rather that it drives imperial expansion in the first place. It seeks to argue that ideation is the casual factor in human history, social structures and behaviour. It argues contra thinkers like Francis Fukuyama, there is no biological foundation for the qualitative distinctions of civilisation, rather the paper contends that the origin of civilisation lies in human conceptuality not human biology, locality or indeed any other material force impinging on life. So configured, the paper then concludes that the primary political question lies in bringing together the question of the good with empire – a process most advanced in human history by Christianity.
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Bacon, J. M., i Matthew Norton. "Colonial America Today: U.S. Empire and the Political Status of Native American Nations". Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, nr 2 (kwiecień 2019): 301–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000069.
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AbstractThe article systematically assesses U.S.-Native relations today and their historical foundations in light of a narrow, empirical definition of colonial empire. Examining three core elements of colonial empire—the formal impairment of sovereignty, the intensive practical impairment of sovereignty through practices of governance and administration, and the continuing otherness of the dominated and dominant groups—we compare contemporary U.S.-Native political relations to canonical instances of formal colonial indirect rule empires. Based on this analysis, we argue that the United States today is a paradigmatic case of formal colonial empire in the narrow, traditional sense, one that should be better integrated into the comparative, historical, and sociological study of such formal empires. Furthermore, this prominent contemporary case stands against the idea that the era of formal colonial empire is over.
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Maxim, Sigachev, Kharin Alexey i Skakun Pavel. "Neoimperial Project for Contemporary Russia: Theoretical Conceptualization and Political Projecting Attempt". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 2 (27.05.2022): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-2-287-310.
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The article is devoted to the examination of the issue of the new type empires. The authors systematically analyze the following questions: 1) the theory of empires and neo-empires, neo-imperial discourse in Russia, 2) the imperial project in the history of Russia and the challenges to the contemporary Russian state system, 3) complex network empire. The article emphasizes the idea of the principal difference between the phenomenon of neo-empires and the global “Empire”, conceptualized in the works of M. Hardt and A. Negri.
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Macinnes, Allan I., i Jean-François Dunyach. "Introduction: Enlightenment and Empire". Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 38, nr 1 (maj 2018): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2018.0230.
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The Enlightenment is here located in the global transmission of goods, people and ideas. The Scottish participation in Empires is explored through four distinctive themes. The first scrutinises how Whig and Jacobite perspectives on Enlightenment affected Scottish engagement with the British and other Empires. The second relates to the impact of Enlightenment thinking on the reputed decline of Spanish Empire on Scottish commercial access to Latin America. The third deals with enlightened critiques of Empire that were not necessarily sustained by observation and practical experience. The fourth explores through case studies the application of Enlightenment in North America and India. Most of the contributions were primarily given as papers to the Eighteenth Century Scottish Studies Society Conference held in Paris Sorbonne in July 2013 with the Adam Smith Society and the Centre Roland Mousnier (Sorbonne) on ‘Scotland, Europe and Empire in the Age of Adam Smith and Beyond’. This volume is published with the financial support of the Centre Roland Mousnier, Sorbonne University.
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Parker, Jonathan Richard. "From Empire to Oblivion: Situating the Transformation of the Habsburg Empire in a Eurasian Context from the Eighteenth Century to the First World War". Hungarian Historical Review 11, nr 2 (2022): 422–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2022.2.422.
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In this essay, I situate the Habsburg Monarchy in the Eurasian imperial context by bringing together a variety of recent secondary literature dealing with the Habsburgs and examples of empires in world history. In doing so, I show how the Habsburgs paralleled and diverged from other polities that have been more consistently identified as empires. I also offer a schema for thinking about polities in terms of both how uniformly they are organized internally (i.e., how unitary they are) and the extent to which they can enforce the will of the center (how much like a state they are). This schema draws inspiration from a number of works, chiefly Karen Barkey’s Empire of Difference and Valerie Kivelson’s and Ronald Suny’s Russia’s Empires. By applying this schema, I argue that the Habsburg Monarchy certainly embodied some characteristics of empire, even as its agents sought to transform it into something more similar to but still distinct from emerging nation states elsewhere. I argue that the Habsburg Empire underwent dramatic state consolidation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and that many of the transformations and challenges it experienced in this period were broadly similar to those which other empires underwent or faced. I begin by defining “empire” and showing how the Habsburgs fit into that definition in the eighteenth century. I then discuss attempts to reform the Habsburg Empire into a more unitary, less structurally imperial polity, though I also keep in mind the ways in which it retained imperial characteristics. Specifically, I examine the role of nationalism in supporting and challenging imperial rule. Finally, I examine the destabilizing challenges the Habsburg Empire faced, in particular elite consensus and international legitimacy (or lack thereof).
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Hedinger, Daniel, i Nadin Heέ. "Transimperial History - Connectivity, Cooperation and Competition". Journal of Modern European History 16, nr 4 (listopad 2018): 429–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-4-429.
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Transimperial History – Connectivity, Cooperation and Competition This Forum article argues that a turn in empire history is needed, one which we label «transimperial». Whereas national history has been transnationalized in recent decades, the history of empires has, by and large, remained nationalized. Since transnational history, global history, postcolonial studies and new imperial history all offer an abundance of tools to tear down imperial borders and deconstruct nationalized narratives, the moment seems to have come for a shift, namely for what we call a transimperial approach to imperial history. We seek to show how such an approach makes it possible to dynamize and decentralize the history of empires both on the level of empirical research and historiographical narratives. By including marginalized empires we offer a way to overcome British centrism of empire studies. On the methodological level, this contribution seeks to discuss imperial competition, cooperation and connectivity not as separate phenomena but as entangled processes. The point is not to analytically isolate cooperation or competition but to shed light on how they reinforced each other and how connectivity plays into this. The article shows that a key to establishing a transimperial approach is to consider time and space together by focusing on the transformative aspect of competition, cooperation and connectivity in spaces in-between empires. In this article, we highlight transimperial histories avant la lettre, on which such an approach can rely. Finally, we discuss how this approach helps challenge essentializing master narratives in empire studies, be it the one in which the British Empire serves as a model for other empires or the one where the Japanese empire is seen as a mimicry of European imperialism.
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Surman, Jan. "The Circulation of Scientific Knowledge in the Late Habsburg Monarchy: Multicultural Perspectives on Imperial Scholarship". Austrian History Yearbook 46 (kwiecień 2015): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000150.
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The question of how to categorize and study science in multicultural empires has in recent years increasingly occupied historians of science and of empires. Issues of intercultural mediation, brokerage, or cultural translation have been particularly influential in the study of science in colonial empires. However, the question for continental empires was about science as a reaction to pluricultural reality. Ernest Gellner, Deborah Coen, and Johannes Feichtinger, among others, have taken a similar approach to the Habsburg monarchy, which notwithstanding its legal status as a monarchy shared several characteristics of an empire. These reactions to empire also included nationalisms, which, as recent publications have shown, largely defined the shape of the late-nineteenth-century scientific landscape in Central Europe. In this article, I want to look at the imperial scientific landscape from yet another perspective, concentrating on itinerant scholars and the circulation of knowledge in the Habsburg Empire. In my view, this constitutes an imperial culture of its own that has not yet been thoroughly analyzed.
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Bastos, Cristiana. "Intersections of Empire, Post-Empire, and Diaspora: De-Imperializing Lusophone Studies". Journal of Lusophone Studies 5, nr 2 (19.12.2020): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21471/jls.v5i2.367.
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The present article opens with a generic plea for the de-imperialization of Lusophone studies. A de-imperial turn should allow researchers to explore more thoroughly the experiences of diaspora and exile that an empire-centered history and its spin-offs have obfuscated; it should also help to de-essentialize depictions of Portuguese heritage and culture shaped by these narratives. Such a turn promises to address the multiple identifications, internal diversities, and racialized inequalities produced by the making and unmaking of empire. My contribution consists of a few ethnographic-historic case studies collected at the intersections of empire, post-empire, and diaspora. These include nineteenthcentury diasporic movements that brought Portuguese subjects to competing empires; past and present celebrations of heritage in diasporic contexts; culture wars around representations; and current directions in post-imperial celebrations and reparations.
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Voeltz, Richard. "Queen Victoria's Empire". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 29, nr 1 (1.04.2004): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.29.1.46-47.
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Victorian Britain has recently been treated by no less than three major historical television and video productions without even counting A& E's miniseries Victoria and Albert, which is clearly more love story than history. Simon Schama 's A History of Britain, a BBC and History Channel production, carries the story into the Victorian era where he focuses on emerging concepts of gender and family life and the hubris of liberal humanism and colonialism. Patrick Allitt of Emory University delivers a series of lectures for The Teaching Company that focus on the achievements of Victorian Britain as well as the strange internal contradictions of a time that seems remarkably close to our own in so many ways. PBS 'sentry in the current Victorian video derby is Queen Victoria's Empire, part of the Empires Collection that includes Egypt's Golden Empire, The Greeks, The Roman Empire in the First Century, Islam: Empire of Faith, and Napoleon.
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Libaridian, Gerard J. "The History of Imperial Politics and the Politics of Imperial History". Journal of Political Science: Bulletin of Yerevan University 1, nr 3 (29.12.2022): 10–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/jops/2022.1.3.010.
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This article constitutes a discourse of the essence of the empire, and on ensuing contradictions in what otherwise had been a commonly experienced history by Turks and Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. This article is a moment of reflection on the author’s paradigm of empire, based on his academic research and diplomatic experience. The article addresses three questions: 1) What are empires and what are not, 2) Contradictions in the common history of Muslims/Turks and Armenians and possible explanations for these contradictions, 3) The fate of empires in international politics today. The author’s empire paradigm to these three questions is motivated by two main considerations: (1) How can we explain the fundamental differences between the opposing histories of empires and peoples subject to empires? (2) On an intellectual and scientific level, how can we contribute to efforts that can move us closer to a more thorough history from which we could draw some lessons? Historical discourse shows that differences will always remain, but even these differences should be aimed at enriching our knowledge and perspectives, and not at ignoring, obscuring or otherwise ignoring aspects of history itself. Contemporary interest in such comparative research goes beyond the methodologies that support the social sciences and the integrity of the profession of historian or other scholars of history.
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Murawiec, Laurent. "Empire ? Quel Empire ?" Le Débat 133, nr 1 (2005): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.133.0096.
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Kim, Jimin. "Empire Versus Empire". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 22, nr 4 (26.11.2015): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02204003.
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Many studies on u.s.-Korea relations describe the bilateral interactions to 1905 and the restored diplomatic relations after Korea’s liberation in 1945. This study focuses instead on the interwar years proceeding from the premise that American understandings of colonial Korea are important to grasp u.s. wartime planning for Korea’s future. It explores unofficial levels of interactions, representations, and perceptions of Japan and the United States regarding colonial Korea. On one hand, American writers and professionals portrayed Korea as a developing country needing critical help from Japanese colonizers that coincided with imperial imperatives. On the other hand, professional scholars and u.s. government officials began to look at Japan’s rule in Korea from a more critical perspective, observing problems with Japanese rule in Korea in economic, political, and social affairs. u.s. officials posted in Korea, in particular, saw how Koreans were suffering from Japan’s discrimination and harsh rule. This repressive colonial rule was creating appeal for communism among the Korean people. u.s. officials began to doubt the feasibility of Japan’s pan-Asian doctrine, questioning if it could be a successful ruler. These varied American views of colonial Korea became the basis of u.s. policy toward post-colonial Korea after 1945.
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O'Neill, John. "Empire versus Empire". Theory, Culture & Society 19, nr 4 (sierpień 2002): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276402019004014.
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Hardt and Negri's Empire pronounces the end of socialist/communist history based upon class and colonial struggles. The only dialectic of history is in the capacity of American capitalism for self-transformation and universalization. Empire presents a revisionary narrative of American republicanism, New Deal and post-war hegemony that has evolved into the current new world order. In this project, the struggle for social justice has shifted from national to international institutions of humanitarian justice and security sanctioned by US military and commercial power. Yet Empire delivers its own post-communist manifesto, arguing that information capitalism cannot dominate the general intellect (Marx, Grundrisse) of its symbolic labour force. The latter must be understood in terms of Spinoza's concept of the constitutional capacity of the multitude for exercising its collective freedom, becoming-communist. Empire concedes the privatization of the industrial commons (loss of welfare state functions) and ignores the repressive and violent interventions of old-order US imperialism.
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Malherbe, Jacques. "The Decline of the Eastern Empire and the Fall of Constantinople: An Omen for Europe?" Athens Journal of History 10, nr 2 (28.03.2024): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.10-2-1.
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There is a theory, already outlined by Toynbee, that empires that have succeeded one another in a dominant position are seeing their centre of gravity shift from east to west. This theory has most recently been evoked in connection with the replacement of the European empire by the American empire, which now seems to be giving way to an Asian empire. If we want to analyse historically the mechanisms that lead an empire to its downfall, the best example to choose is undoubtedly that of the Eastern Roman Empire or Byzantine Empire in Western terminology. It is a world that has disappeared, but one that is close enough to us to allow us to understand it, and even to learn from its evolution, which only seems inevitable in retrospect. This story with its succession of internal and external causes of decline is summarized in the present study, leading to the disappearance of the Empire at the hands of the Ottoman dynasty. A parallel is drawn with the present situation of Europe.
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Zheng, Youlian, Yue Yuan, Qiaoxian Zheng i Deming Lei. "A Hybrid Imperialist Competitive Algorithm for the Distributed Unrelated Parallel Machines Scheduling Problem". Symmetry 14, nr 2 (21.01.2022): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/sym14020204.
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In this paper, the distributed unrelated parallel machines scheduling problem (DUPMSP) is studied and a hybrid imperialist competitive algorithm (HICA) is proposed to minimize total tardiness. All empires were categorized into three types: the strongest empire, the weakest empire, and other empires; the diversified assimilation was implemented by using different search operator in the different types of empires, and a novel imperialist competition was implemented among all empires except the strongest one. The knowledge-based local search was embedded. Extensive experiments were conducted to compare the HICA with other algorithms from the literature. The computational results demonstrated that new strategies were effective and the HICA is a promising approach to solving the DUPMSP.
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Chekalenko, Liudmyla. "REVIVAL OF THE EVIL EMPIRE AS A THREAT TO HUMANITY". Scientific Journal of Polonia University 62, nr 1 (8.07.2024): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/6219.
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Empires are an extraordinary phenomenon in the history of mankind. The study of empires requires scientific understanding, thoughtful comparison and deep analysis. Such way of studding the comparative approach of the problem has arisen that will help us understand the nature of the emergence and disappearance of imperial formations, find answers to difficult questions: how empires grew, for what reasons some of them were powerful and others weak, why some empires disappeared and others flourished (John Hutchinson, 2017). Is there a connection between the instability of power, coups and the death of empires? And finally, what are the consequences for world development of the disappearance of imperial formations. Among the reasons for the demise of empires, researchers single out political and economic problems, social and cultural issues, and environmental challenges. The author of the article tries to explain how the Moscow Empire was formed and how the Russian Empire manages to survive despite a number of dangerous challenges. In the submitted article prof. L.Chekalenko for the first time revealed the phenomenon of "saving" the empire in historical and political dimensions. The author discovered that Russia was saved by its vassals – conquered peoples. So, the article examines the factors that support and revive imperial formations, and also makes cautious assumptions about the future scenarios of the development of events surrounding the current situation.
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Lincove, David. "Book Review: The Persian Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia". Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, nr 2 (4.01.2017): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56n2.145b.
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This encyclopedia is the first English language reference source to focus exclusively on ancient Iran during the period of its great empires before the arrival of Islam from 700 BCE to 651 CE. The major empires were the Medes, the Achaemenids, the Seleucids, the Arsacids (Parthians), and the Sasanians. Ancient Iran covered a geographic area that varied over time. At its greatest expanse the Achaemenid Empire (559–330 BCE) ruled territory continuous from Thrace in southeastern Europe to the Indus River in India. Almost as large was the Seleucid Empire (305–125 BCE) which was not Iranian or Persian but Macedonian, founded by one of Alexander the Great’s generals after his death. With the expansion of the empires through military conquests and the administrative control of vast geographic areas, Kia emphasizes that languages, ethnicities, religions, and cultures of the Persian empires were very diverse and that Persia itself was actually a southern province of Greater Iran.
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Popple, Simon. "Preface: Visual Empires 1. Focussing on Empire". Early Popular Visual Culture 9, nr 2 (maj 2011): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17460654.2011.586553.
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Khalid, Adeeb. "Turkestan’s Place in the Russian Empire". Oriente Moderno 102, nr 2 (19.01.2023): 192–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340284.
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Abstract This article examines Turkestan’s position in the tsarist empire to argue that it was a distinctly colonial territory, directly comparable to the overseas colonies of other contemporary empires and less like other older parts of the Russian empire. This article locates Turkestan’s coloniality not in formal structures, but in its immense distance — moral, political and legal — from the metropolis and the imperial authorities’ use of Islam as a marker of immutable difference.
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Leonhard, Jörn. "The Longue Durée of Empire". Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, nr 1 (1.06.2013): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080101.
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Against the background of a new interest in empires past and present and an inflation of the concept in modern political language and beyond, the article first looks at the use of the concept as an analytical marker in historical and current interpretations of empires. With a focus on Western European cases, the concrete semantics of empire as a key concept in modern European history is analyzed, combining a reconstruction of some diachronic trends with synchronic differentiations.
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Ramantswana, Hulisani. "Sacred Texts Produced under the Shadows of Empires: Double Consciousness and Decolonial Options in Reading the Hebrew Biblel". Old Testament Essays 36, nr 1 (13.07.2023): 235–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2312-3621/2023/v36n1a14.
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The Hebrew Bible is a complex of sacred texts shaped and reshaped by Israelites, Judaeans and later Jews under the shadows of empires, which threatened, oppressed, dominated and at times provided protection to them. At the same time, they more often than not had to resist, shun, and yet forcefully submit to the empire and on other occasions, they supported, colluded with and mimicked the empire. This essay explores decolonial options for reading the Hebrew Bible, considering two determinations: the Hebrew Bible is a product of the colonised and was influenced and sponsored by the empire.
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Ishfaq Ahmad Mir. "BABUR THE FOUNDER OF MUGHAL EMPIRE IN INDIA". International Journal of Social Science, Educational, Economics, Agriculture Research and Technology (IJSET) 2, nr 3 (28.02.2023): 1293–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54443/ijset.v2i3.142.
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The fourteenth century of the Christian period was a time of significant transition. The social and political environment was undergoing changes. Strong, centralized empires were erected in the east, while the middle classes in the west started to seek and obtain a part of government. Islamic control thrived during this period, bringing people from all over the globe together via trade and business. There were such powerful and centralized Islamic empires as the Mongols, Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals. The Mughal Empire was made up of the conflicted, cooperative, and inventive relationships between the imperial dynasty and individuals from a wide range of cultural backgrounds in the numerous Indian territories that it was in charge of at the time. Three centuries' worth of rule might be attributed to the Empire. The Empire reached its zenith as the most powerful and prosperous state in human history
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Malik, Adam. "Analysis of The Progress and Setback of Islamic Civilization of The Mughal, Safawi and Ottoman Türkiye". TAJDID 30, nr 2 (4.01.2024): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.36667/tajdid.v30i2.1489.
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The purpose of this article is to find out the progress and decline experienced by the three major empires during the Islamic civilization, namely the Mughal Empire, the Safavid Empire and the Ottoman Empire. The analysis was carried out to describe the various advances experienced by the three kingdoms along with the factors that led to their decline. The research method used is Library Research. The results of the study show that the progress of Islamic civilization during the Mughal Empire was one of them influenced by Sulakhul politics which gave a new breath to Indian society at that time. Meanwhile, one of the factors that caused the collapse of the Mughal empire was an attack from the British army. The progress of the Safavid kingdom tended to be in the field of science, ranging from religious knowledge to general knowledge. Among the reasons for its decline were the endless attacks from the Ottoman Turks and the Afghans. The Ottoman Empire was one of the largest occupations that made a significant contribution to Islamic civilization. One of them is the conquest of Constantinople as promised by the Prophet. The decline of the Turkish empire was caused by several factors both internal and external, ranging from incompetent successors to western attacks.
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Alam, Mohit Ul. "The Imperial Design and Shakespeare". Crossings: A Journal of English Studies 2, nr 1 (1.09.2009): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.59817/cjes.v2i1.403.
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My paper aims at showing that Shakespeare worked within an imperial paradigm. The basis for saying so is that in Europe, starting with the ancient Greece, the idea of the empire was pre-formulated before the establishment of an empire. That is. the empire was invented before it was actualized. The Greeks, followed by the Romans, read the map of the world from a moral premise. They imagined an empire with Athens as the centre, implying that the lands away from the centre were the locations for barbarians, who were morally inferior and bestial. Such a view of the empire has been called ‘poetic geography’ by Gimabattista Vico, an eighteenth-century philosopher. My point is that the poetic geography was not only created by the Greeks and the Romans in respect of their empires, but the English also had pursued a poetic geography before the English/British Empire took shape. In this pursuit Shakespeare had been used as an agency to further the imperial cause. But Shakespeare had been at best a double-edged agency, because while he was found useful in pushing the imperial agenda he also became the site of resistance for the colonized.
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Schreiber, Katharina J. "Conquest and Consolidation: A Comparison of the Wari and Inka Occupations of a Highland Peruvian Valley". American Antiquity 52, nr 2 (kwiecień 1987): 266–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281780.
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A recent archaeological survey was conducted of a highland Peruvian valley in order to evaluate the effect on a local culture of the expansion of empires. The strategy employed in the consolidation of a region under an imperial administrative structure is the result of two general factors: the needs of the empire, and the level of extant local political organization. Evidence of Wari and Inka imperial facilities in the Carahuarazo Valley is interpreted in light of changes in the local culture during each occupation to provide a more complete picture of this process. A relatively greater Wari presence and lesser Inka presence are interpreted as the result of differing administrative needs on the part of the respective empires, as well as differing local systems at the time of each conquest. Similarities in goods and services extracted by each empire serve to indicate that although imperial strategies differed, the end result of consolidation of the area into each empire was roughly similar.
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Go, Julian. "Myths of nation and empire". Thesis Eleven 139, nr 1 (23.03.2017): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617700046.
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While empires and civic-liberal nations have been seen as opposite and even contradictory political forms, this essay argues that they are similar. Both create and depend upon hierarchical differentiation accompanied by exclusion and subjugation. Furthermore, they are logically related. The hierarchies typically attributed to empires are inscribed into the very theoretical and institutional core of civic-liberal nationhood. Using the American ‘liberal empire-state’ as the example, the essay uncovers these hierarchies and discusses two logics of imperial differentiation: the subjugation of bodies and of territory. It suggests that exploring the shifting lines and principles of hierarchization offers the most fruitful analytic strategy for examining the history of nations and empires.
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BARTLETT, ROBERT C. "How to Rule the World: An Introduction to Xenophon'sThe Education of Cyrus". American Political Science Review 109, nr 1 (13.01.2015): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000550.
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As a contribution to the study of empire and imperial ambition, the present study considers the greatest analysis—Xenophon'sThe Education of Cyrus—of one of the greatest empires of antiquity—the Persian. Xenophon's lively and engaging account permits us to watch Cyrus as he builds a transnational empire, at once vast and stable. Yet Xenophon is ultimately highly critical of Cyrus, because he lacks the self-knowledge requisite to happiness, and of the empire, whose stability is purchased at the price of freedom. Cyrus finally appears as a kind of divinity who strives to supply the reward for moral excellence that the gods evidently do not. Xenophon implies that any truly global empire would have to present itself as a universal providential power capable of bestowing on human beings a blessed happiness that as such transcends our very mortality.
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Evans, R. J. W. "COMMUNICATING EMPIRE: THE HABSBURGS AND THEIR CRITICS, 1700–1919". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 19 (12.11.2009): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440109990065.
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ABSTRACTIn the vibrant current debate about European empires and their ideologies, one basic dichotomy still tends to be overlooked: that between, on the one hand, the plurality of modern empires of colonisation, commerce and settlement; and, on the other, the traditional claim to single and undividedimperiumso long embodied in the Roman Empire and its successor, the Holy Roman Empire, or (First) Reich. This paper examines the tensions between the two, as manifested in the theory and practice of Habsburg imperial rule. The Habsburgs, emperors of the Reich almost continuously through its last centuries, sought to build their own power-base within and beyond it. The first half of the paper examines how by the eighteenth century their ‘Monarchy’, subsisting alongside the Reich, dealt with the associated legacy of empire. After the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Habsburgs could pursue a free-standing Austrian ‘imperialism’, but it rested on an uneasy combination of old and new elements and was correspondingly vulnerable to challenge from abroad and censure at home. The second half of the article charts this aspect of Habsburg government through an age of international imperialism and its contribution to the collapse of the Dual Monarchy in 1918.
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Salvati, Giulio. "Axis Empires. Toward a Global History of Fascist Imperialism". Fascism 5, nr 1 (26.05.2016): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00501005.
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The international workshop organized by Daniel Hedinger and Reto Hofmann and financed by the Center for Advanced Studies at Ludwig Maximilian University in Munich brought scholars working on Axis countries together in order to explore viable approaches for a global history of fascist imperialism. The major questions addressed the colony–metropole relationship and its role in the radicalization process as well as the ways in which fascist empires learned from the imperial strategies used both by their allies and by their liberal-empire counterparts. In two days, the participants discussed how, when, and where these empires intersected, thereby investigating ideology, culture, empire-building processes and (self) perception.
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Korolkov, Maxim. "Building Empire, Creating Markets: Commercial Policies and Practices in Imperial Qin (221–207 BCE)". Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 66, nr 1-2 (31.01.2023): 206–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341594.
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Abstract The expansion of states played a crucial role in the commercial growth in the ancient world. The empires provided physical infrastructures, such as roads, and institutions, such as legal order and standardized currencies, that reduced the transaction costs of economic exchanges. Expensive activities by the imperial governments, including military conquests and urban development, required efficient mechanisms for accumulating, transforming, and transferring resources, and markets often provided such mechanisms. This article explores the relationship between empire-building and commercial change in the Qin Empire (221–207 BCE), the first of China’s centralized empires. I demonstrate how the empire’s need to administer and tax its territories contributed to the growth of markets.
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Li, Runlin. "The Relation Between Architectural Style of Different Dynasties and the Sociocultural Context in Ancient China: A Comparative Study of Architectural Style in Tang and Ming Dynasty". Communications in Humanities Research 2, nr 1 (28.02.2023): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/2022364.
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The Tang empire marked the peak of imperial China as it was one of the greatest superpowers in the world of its time. The Daming Palace that represented the empires authority and strength was also of glory. It was an unprecedentedly magnificent compound built to demonstrate the supremacy of the vast empire to all its people and visitors. Despite the empires mightiness, rising warlords and corrupt bureaucrats destroyed it from within as well as the Daming Palace. After the downfall of Tang, China experienced a long period of chaos and another Han-ruled empire was only to be seen five contraries later. The Ming empire reorganized regimes in China and the Forbidden City in Beijing, which still exists today, demonstrates in silence the changes of Chinese society. From the changes in symbolism significance and more deliberate distinction of the royaltys privilege, as the one chosen by god, from others in the empire, we can connect the social changes with the surfacing changes of buildings. For example, the Ming government had more control at local levels so that they could collect more taxes and nip any potential threat to the central government in the bud. The government also conducted an embargo in coastal areas to protect them from foreign invaders. To eliminate all threats to the throne, the empire set up a secret police force that supervised the society from nobilities to peasants. All these policies lead to a stricter social stratification that was visible through the changes in architecture. The changes in politics and economic aspects such as taxation lead us to one conclusion, which is the strengthening of the centralization of power and an extension of governance to lower levels. And this study is planned to unveil the connections between the changes in architectural and social developments.
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Li, Runlin. "The Relation Between Architectural Style of Different Dynasties and the Sociocultural Context in Ancient China: A Comparative Study of Architectural Style in Tang and Ming Dynasty". Communications in Humanities Research 2, nr 1 (28.02.2023): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/20220364.
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The Tang empire marked the peak of imperial China as it was one of the greatest superpowers in the world of its time. The Daming Palace that represented the empires authority and strength was also of glory. It was an unprecedentedly magnificent compound built to demonstrate the supremacy of the vast empire to all its people and visitors. Despite the empires mightiness, rising warlords and corrupt bureaucrats destroyed it from within as well as the Daming Palace. After the downfall of Tang, China experienced a long period of chaos and another Han-ruled empire was only to be seen five contraries later. The Ming empire reorganized regimes in China and the Forbidden City in Beijing, which still exists today, demonstrates in silence the changes of Chinese society. From the changes in symbolism significance and more deliberate distinction of the royaltys privilege, as the one chosen by god, from others in the empire, we can connect the social changes with the surfacing changes of buildings. For example, the Ming government had more control at local levels so that they could collect more taxes and nip any potential threat to the central government in the bud. The government also conducted an embargo in coastal areas to protect them from foreign invaders. To eliminate all threats to the throne, the empire set up a secret police force that supervised the society from nobilities to peasants. All these policies lead to a stricter social stratification that was visible through the changes in architecture. The changes in politics and economic aspects such as taxation lead us to one conclusion, which is the strengthening of the centralization of power and an extension of governance to lower levels. And this study is planned to unveil the connections between the changes in architectural and social developments.
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Collet, Hadrien. "LANDMARK EMPIRES: SEARCHING FOR MEDIEVAL EMPIRES AND IMPERIAL TRADITION IN HISTORIOGRAPHIES OF WEST AFRICA". Journal of African History 61, nr 3 (listopad 2020): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853720000560.
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AbstractThe history of medieval West Africa is defined by the age of three great empires that succeeded one another: Ghāna, Māli, and Songhay. How did these empires come to frame our view of the West African past? To answer the question, we have to understand first how the European and Eurocentric concept of an empire was imposed on a specific African context and why it thrived. In this respect, the case of Sudanic empires in particular illuminates the process of history writing and scholars’ relationship with their time and object of study. In the last few years, Sudanic empires have made a prominent return to the historical conversation. I propose here a critical reflection on ‘empire’ and ‘imperial tradition’ in the western Sahel based on europhone and non-europhone (Arabic) historiographies, from the first histories written in postmedieval West Africa to those produced by twenty-first-century scholarship.
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Dickinson, E. R. "The German Empire: an Empire?" History Workshop Journal 66, nr 1 (1.09.2008): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbn028.
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Pihen, Stéphane. "Empire, vous avez dit Empire ?" Cahiers pédagogiques N° 546, nr 5 (1.05.2018): 49–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cape.546.0049.
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Андрей Викторович, Семенов. "POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF IMPERIAL STATEHOOD". STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, nr 4 (grudzień 2022): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2022-1-4-271-275.
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The article is devoted to the emergence and development of imperial statehood. Its analysis is carried out from the standpoint of political science. The definition of empire is formulated and its typological features are highlighted. The development of imperial systems in the past and present is considered. Special attention is paid to the Bonapartist empires of the XIX century. The specifics of the development of the Russian Empire and the problems of imperial statehood at the present stage are analyzed. The colonial aspect of imperial statehood is considered. The reactionary nature of the fascist empires of the mid-twentieth century is shown and the main features of US imperial liberalism are highlighted.
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Khaynazarov, Bakhromjon, i Zhuldyz Turekulova. "FROM THE HISTORY OF THE AGREEMENTS BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN AND CHINESE EMPIRES ON THE ISSUE OF EAST TURKESTAN IN THE XIX CENTURY". CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF HISTORY 02, nr 11 (1.11.2021): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/history-crjh-02-11-08.
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In the 21st century, the scientific study of the history of colonial policy pursued by the great empires on the basis of modern approaches has not lost its relevance. Their policies in different regions have led to political, economic and cultural changes as well as conflicts of interest. In particular, in the XVIII century in Central Asia there was a sharp political process. Not only will there be military conflicts in the region, but the political interests of several major empires will clash in the region. In particular, the growing economic potential of the Russian Empire increased its aspirations for East Turkestan, and on the other hand, after the Manchu dynasty took the Chinese throne, their bold move to the region aggravated the political situation. The short-lived occupation of Mongolia, Tibet, Lobnor, and the present-day Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region by the Qing Empire resulted in the abolition of the centuries-old statehood of the peoples of Central Asia. In this sense, the occupation of East Turkestan by the Manchus was the responsibility of the Russian Empire and the Chinese administration.
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Nataliya, Dobryakova. "Foreign military intervention in the Caucasus in 1918-1920: the Ottoman, German and British empires". Kavkazologiya 2022, nr 4 (31.12.2022): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2022-4-120-128.
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The article examines the topics related to the armed intervention of three empires - the Ottoman, German and British on the territory of the Caucasus in 1918-1920. The reasons why these states implemented their foreign policy in the Northern Caucasus and Transcaucasian during the First World War and immediately after it are given. It is proved that the three empires had completely different motivations for invading the territory of the former Russian Empire in the Caucasus re-gion. If the Ottoman Empire first of all hatched revanchist plans to return the region that once be-longed to them to its state, using pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism as leverage, then the German Empire wanted to join the economic exploitation of the Caucasus, primarily the Baku oil fields. It is concluded that the most large-scale military intervention came from Great Britain, which was due to extensive pre-war investments in the oil industry of the Caucasus and, in this regard, the desire to protect their positions in this region, including by military means.
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Deng, Yihan. "Characteristics of the Development of Early Empires Based on a Comparison of Rome and Qin Han". Communications in Humanities Research 4, nr 1 (17.05.2023): 375–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/4/20220581.
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Rome in the west and the Qin and Han dynasties in the east became empires after a long period of warfare in a similar period. Although both shared the characteristics of empires, they still showed significant differences on the road to unification. Rome, driven by the growing power of the aristocracy, kept squeezing civilians and eventually had inner conflicts which transformed the empire into monarchies under the pressure of popular sentiment and aristocratic plutocracy. On the other hand, Qin and Han, under the premise of emphasizing blood ties, kept weakening the tradition of the previous period, laying down the logic of hereditary rule of the dynasty with divinely granted human rights and ensuring the stability of the dynasty with stable local administration and grassroots power under civil governance. This paper will take a comparative historical approach, focusing on Rome and the Qin and Han dynasties. It is illustrated from the formation of the empire and its early manifestations in politics, economy, culture, military administration, and local governance systems to explore what characteristics the early empire had.
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George, Rosemary Marangoly. "Homes in the Empire, Empires in the Home". Cultural Critique, nr 26 (1993): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1354457.
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