Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Empereur de Rome (Romance)”

This article reads the two Spanish versions of the Flores romance as ideologically embedded in the conflict and contact between Christians and Muslims in medieval Iberia, as well as after the "Reconquista" of 1492 and the subsequent renegotiation of Spanish-Morisco relations. It argues that the printed version of the romance, published in 1512 and frequently reprinted, imagines a fictional resolution to the problem of the Moriscos' socio-political status by making its Morisco protagonist an emperor of Rome. It contrasts this successful fiction with a failed contemporary forgery that had a similar goal: the Lead Books of Granada.

L’article analyse le rapport étroit entre la loi et le pouvoir des princes en tant que magister legum , de César à Néron. L’analyse porte sur la dualité entre le bon prince, démontrant ses vertus grâce à des décisions sages, et le mauvais prince, terrorisant son peuple. César est l’exemple type du bonus princeps , il se laisse guider par sa bienveillance et son indulgence et est considéré par les sources littéraires comme iustus , même s’il agit à l’encontre de la loi. Il est clair qu’Auguste doit suivre le modèle du bon prince qui accomplit les vertus prédéterminées par son père adoptif. L’article s’intéresse surtout au cas d’Auguste qui, par son comportement, influence le verdict d’un procès. Face à l’ auctoritas du prince, beaucoup d’accusés abandonnent et nombre d’entre eux commettent le suicide, car tomber en disgrâce, vivre une renuntiatio amicitiae de la part du prince, a des conséquences considérables dans la société romaine. L’ auctoritas du prince juste n’a pas de limites. Tibère et Caligula sont des exemples de mali principes. Claude est condamné dans la lecture satirique de Sénèque parce qu’il n’a aucune considération ni pour la justice, ni pour l’équité, ni pour tout procès de droit commun. Néron, le dernier empereur julio-claudien, constitue le premier exemple attesté largement de l’effacement de la mémoire d’un prince-tyran tandis que Rome sombre dans une période de bouleversements d’une durée d’un an et demi (68-69), pendant laquelle quatre empereurs ont régné sur l’Empire romain.

The anonymous and fragmentarily preserved Romance-dialect Chronicle describing the history of Rome in 1325–1360, the extensive correspondence between Cola di Rienzo (1313–1354) and rulers, nobles, Church dignitaries, and intellectuals (especially Petrarch) in Italy and abroad, as well as various documentary sources allow us to trace Rienzo’s career in considerable detail. A papal notary, a scholar in Classical literature, an exceptional orator and a copyist and translator of Ancient Roman inscriptions, Rienzo, aided by a group of followers, overthrew the baron rule in Rome in May 1347, assumed the title of ‘Roman Tribune’ and seized power with the aim of reuniting Italy under a common emperor, a concept modelled on the first Roman emperor, Augustus. After undertaking a number of more or less successful measures, public manifestations and diplomatic activities, he was forced to retreat by a clash with the barons’ army even before the end of the year. After years of exile, he returned triumphant in the middle of 1354 to seize power, but the first few weeks of tyranny and arbitrary measures led to his tragic demise at the hands of an infuriated mob. Later he grew into the subject of myth, portrayed in numerous literary, musical, and dramatic adaptations. The present paper examines two ancient documents crucial to the formation of the principate (the renewal of which was Cola’s objective), i.e. Augustus’ account of his own deeds (Res gestae divi Augusti), which is mentioned by Suetonius and known from three epigraphically attested copies from Asia Minor, and a bronze plaque bearing a law on the conferment of powers on Emperor Vespasian, the so-called Lex de imperio Vespasiani. The plaque was used as propaganda by Cola during his preparations for the coup. The inconsistencies between the parts of the law preserved on the plaque (it must have been preceded by at least one other plaque) and the account of Cola’s interpretation as given in the anonymous Chronicle raise a number of questions, which resist definitive answers.

Après sa victoire à Actium, Octave devint le seul maître de Rome. Il lui incombait donc de réaliser les réformes nécessaires pour mettre fin au long cycle de guerres civiles qui avaient agité la République. La réorganisation de l’État romain par Octave conduit à la naissance d’une nouvelle structure politique : le Principat. Pendant de nombreuses décennies, le concept d’usurpation fut préféré à celui de coup d’État pour qualifier la contestation de la « légitimité » d’un empereur régnant par un autre prétendant dans cette structure politique. Les historiens de l’Antiquité considéraient le concept de coup d’État trop contemporain et, par conséquent, anachronique. Toutefois, ces dernières années, on assiste à une importante évolution conceptuelle et sémantique sur ce sujet. Les spécialistes s’intéressant à l’histoire politique de l’Empire romain n’hésitant plus à parler de coup d’État pour décrire la réalité historique de la contestation de la légitimité d’un empereur régnant. L’objectif général de cet article est d’expliquer les avantages de cette transition.

The article deals with the symbolical meaning of the medieval romance and its genre nomination – «romanz». The word «romanz» and the genre itself refer to Rome and the prestigious, legitimating tradition concerned with Rome. Thus, romance may be considered as a specific secular and literary analogy of «translatio imperii» strategy.

Selon Suétone, Othon lors de son départ de Rome pour combattre Vitellius commet des impiétés à l’encontre du Tibre, du dieu Mars et de la déesse Cybèle . Le mépris par T empereur du signal religieux que constitue la crue du fleuve, le différencie totalement d’Auguste, qui, lui aussi, dut faire face à une crue tibérine au début de son règne ; qui plus est, sa négligence des cérémonies en l’honneur de Mars sera fatale à Othon aux yeux de ses adversaires.

L’auteur revient sur la question du transfert au patriarche de Constantinople de la juridiction sur l’Italie du sud et de la saisie des patrimoines pontificaux de Sicile et Calabre. Traditionnellement mises au compte de l’empereur Léon III et datées du début des années 730 sur la foi du témoignage de Théophane le Confesseur, ces réformes devraient être dissociées en plusieurs phases distinctes. La modification juridictionnelle aurait bien été le fait du premier empereur isaurien mais serait à dater des années 720. Au début des années 730, le gouvernement impérial n’orchestra qu’une simple réforme de l’administration fiscale. Enfin, en se basant sur l’étude du rythme de la dévaluation monétaire à Rome, sur la multiplication des pénuries, ainsi que sur les effets de la peste, on propose de ne placer la véritable saisie des biens de l’Église de Rome qu’au début des années 740, en relation avec le soutien apporté par le pape à l’usurpation d’Artavasde.

Dans la procédure médico-légale typique de la Rome du Principat et du droit romain dit classique, le recours à l’interrogatoire par la torture est intrinsèquement lié au monde servile, puisque ce n’est que par le tormentum que le témoignage de l’esclave était considéré comme valable. Cette affirmation trouve une réserve importante dans la quaestio servi contra dominos , c’est-à-dire l’utilisation du témoignage de l’esclave contre les intérêts de son propre maître. Cet article analyse la législation impériale de Trajan concernant le tormentum servi et la nuance sur la base du discours central du Panégyrique que Pline le Jeune consacre à cet empereur où il cherche à souligner les différences fondamentales entre l’empereur hispanique et son prédécesseur Domitien, ce qui n’est pas toujours étayé par des sources juridiques.

Abstract: The Alexander Romance takes Alexander to Italy and to Carthage, synchronizing him with the First Punic War. It represents the Alexandrian perspective, commenting on Ptolemaic interests through Alexander's character. This interpretation adds to the recognized Ptolemaic elements in the AR and sheds new light on an event of the First Punic War. Réesumé: Le Roman d'Alexandre emmène Alexandre en Italie et à Carthage, ce qui le place dans le cadre de la première guerre punique. Les événements sont présentés du point de vue alexandrinà travers le personnage d'Alexandre, qui représente les intérêts ptolémaïques. Cette interprétation ajoute un élément ptolémaïque de plus à ceux déjà identifiés dans le Roman et éclaire sous un nouveau jour l'un des épisodes de la première guerre punique.

Contrary to what we read in Hawthorne’s previous books, little is discussed about thedichotomy novel vs. romance in the preface to The Marble Faun. Art, a key subtext in thestory, is more powerfully introduced than the novel /romance issue. Nevertheless, theword romance appears directly in the title of the book, The Romance of Monte Beni, turningthe genre issue into one of the structuring principles of the text while diverting thereaders’ /critics’ attention to art itself. In general, Hawthorne’s texts present an artist asthe main character, an artist with whom the author himself empathizes. The Marble Faunnarrates the lives in Rome of three artists and of Donatello, who is said to strongly resemble Praxiteles’ Faun. This article will contend that Hawthorne uses art and his ownway of writing in The Marble Faun to show the need for progress in 19th-century NorthAmerica.

Le dernier livre de Gilbert Dagron, place sous le doublé vocable du Marc Bloch des Rois thaumaturges et d'Ernst Kantorowicz, met en ceuvre ensemble et l'un par l'autre deux thèmes qui ont déjà inspiré son travail: l'inépuisable figure de l'empereur romain christianisé depuis Constantin et l'empreinte de l'Ancien Testament dans la culture de Byzance, qui pousse évidemment à considérer la place des Juifs de chair et de sang dans 1'Empire. On rappellera son mémoire de 1967 qui dessinait face à face, dans l'Orient impérial du ive siècle, Constantin et la romanité, Mien et l'hellénisme ; puis le livre classique de 1974 sur la fondation de Constantinople et la christianisation de la Nouvelle Rome et de son empereur. Dix ans plus tard, G. Dagron revenait à la Ville par les chemins de l'imaginaire, en intérpretant un ensemble de récits anonymes des vme-xe siecles relatifs à ses monuments, que 1'érudition positiviste avait publiés mais tenus en suspicion.

The article analyzes the ethical and theological content of the apocryphal Syrian "autobiography" of St. Clement of Rome (Epytome), as well as its early Slavic translation (Life of St. Clement). The study uses historical-philosophical, patristic and philological methodology to outline the specific teachings, attributed to St. Clement by this Greek-speaking Syrian text from the pseudo-Clementine cycle. The methods of comparative textology and translation studies are used to analyze the features of the Slavic version of the work. The study revealed that, contrary to the ideas of the publisher of the Slavic version, P. Lavrov, the translation was undoubtedly made according to the archaic, pre-metaphrasic version of the work. Therefore, it can be dated to the ninth century and come from the school of Cyril and Methodius. The popularity of the monument among Slavic readers is partly explained by the archaic features of the original version of the work preserved in the translation, such as graphic imagery, expressive presentation, and numerous dialogues. Such a lively account facilitated the perception of the conceptually rich ethical content of the work. At the heart of both Greek and Slavic versions is the ethical category of philanthropy (φιλανθρωπία), which figures as a central Christian virtue. Much of the Epitome is devoted to a detailed explanation of this category and its distinction from other virtues. In the original, the ethics of philanthropy is opposed to the astrological ideology represented by Clement’s father Faust. Faust's views are based on the natural philosophical ideas of the early Greek Stoics. Apostle Peter, Clement's teacher, responds to his arguments from the standpoint of Judeo-Christian monotheism, referring to the biblical history of his people. Thus, Hellenism is confronted with biblical monotheism. So, Epitome appears a kind of argument in the controversy between Gentile Christians and Judeo-Christians (Ebionites), which has troubled the Syrian Church for centuries. However, in translation, this clash of worldviews remains obscured, as the translator does not seem to recognize either the terminology of Stoic natural philosophy, or astrological issues, or the debate between the traditions of Peter and Paul in Syria. Thus, all the Stoic terminology of Faust is reduced to a single concept of "being". Therefore, in the translated version, the controversy is not so much between Christianity and astrology, as between ethics and "ontology". Instead, the translator enriches the philosophical outline of the work with polysemic Slavic vocabulary, which sheds new light on the role of the bishop in Peter’s instructions to Clement. Comparison of the Greek and Slavic versions of the Epitome – an autobiography attributed to St. Clement – with his only authentic work, 1Corinthians, allowed to draw another unexpected conclusion. All these works are not only devoted to one main problem - the restoration of peace in the controversial Christian community, but also offer similar ways out of the crisis through brotherly love, solidarity and respect for the otherness of the fellow Christians. This may indicate either that the author of the Syrian apocrypha was inspired by the true Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians, or that the image of St. Clement, that developed in the early tradition, dictated the message of the pseudo-epigraph quite powerfully. Due to this consonance, the apocryphal work of the Syrian Ebionites did to some extent acquaint Slavic readers with the ideas of Clement of Rome, whose only authentic work was almost unknown in the Middle Ages.

Romance Proverbs with the Twelve Months: the Paremical and Monthly Characterization of the Year. There are various types of weather and calendar proverbs in the Romance languages. Not only concerning their motivation, but also concerning their length. Among the proverbs referring to the months, some are very short, just two or three words, the so-called “minimal proverbs”, while others are quite long, and curiously defy any kind of mnemonics. Our corpus will be made up of the latter type: thirteen proverbs mentioning all the twelve months of the year, which represent five different Romance varieties; from west to east: Portuguese (1 proverb), Spanish (2), Catalan (5), Italian (4) and the Laziale Italian variant (1). We classify these formulae, which lie on the thresholds of what strictly might be considered proverbs, in two groups: proverbs without meteorological implication and meteorological proverbs. On the other hand, we classify the examples of the second group in four sections according to the characteristics that are attributed to one or several months: proverbs with a characteristic for several months, proverbs with a characteristic for each pair of months, proverbs with a characteristic for some of the months, and sayings attributing a different feature for each month. This corpus offers a glimpse to the way Romance peoples view the months and it reveals affinities in the form of paremic types (or “paremiotypes”), which tell us about the popular culture shared by the peoples that are heirs of Rome.

The article focuses on the roles of Greek, Latin/Romance and Arabic in the onomastics of Northeastern Sicily between the 11th and 13th centuries. The first part deals with landless peasants from four villages at the turn of the 11th and 12th centuries. I argue that the role played by Arabic in the nomenclature of these communities was more important than has previously been suggested and the role of Romance speakers may have been minimal. The important role of Arabic is interpreted as a consequence of a situation of linguistic dominance and borrowing of word-forms. In the second part, I analyze the onomastics of the free population of northeastern Sicily attested in charters during the 12th and 13th centuries. I argue that the 13th century was the crucial period when Greek lost its initially high prestige. This is visible in both first names and second name elements. In first names, Greek speakers started to accommodate their nomenclature to their surroundings, dominated by Romance languages and the church of Rome, which meant that both language shift and religious conversion played a role. The second name elements in Greek were seldom transferred to the name stock of the Romance-speaking population. I argue that the role of the city of Messina, in which monolingual Romance communities were evidently formed, was important in this process. When such a community was formed in Messina, the Greek language was marginalized fairly rapidly even in northeastern Sicily, where it had had an important position. However, some surnames with a Greek or Arabic etymology survived in the local name stock until the present. I explain this by referring to the role of the de-semanticization of such name elements. This consists both of the semantic bleaching of the original significance of the names and of the neutralization of their linguistic connotations.

Goths. How did we get from warlike Germanic tribes sacking Rome, to an aesthetic or subculture imbued with “the dark and melancholy, a hint of horror tinged with romance.” This column will show you how widely this aesthetic is represented in art, architecture, film, literature and more, and along the way you will undoubtedly find some great resources to add to your collections, from music CD, to academic journals, reference works and the usual popular and academic books. Rachel Fischer has ably put together an excellent resource for anyone wanting to build a collection from the ground-up, or add some new and interesting resources.—Editor

Abstract Hawthorne’s Rome is the home of dark and evil catacombs. It is a city haunted by evil spirits from the past that actively shape the romance’s plot. Rome’s dark gardens, endless staircases, hidden corners and vast catacombs, as well as the malodorous Jewish ghetto, affect Donatello’s and Miriam’s judgment, almost forcing them to get rid of the Model, Miriam’s persecutor. Hawthorne’s narrator’s shockingly violent, harsh and seemingly anti-Semitic description of the ghetto in Rome is just one among many similarly ruthless, and at times offensive, accounts of the city wherein Hawthorne situates his last completed romance, The Marble Faun. Hawthorne’s two-year stay in Rome in 1858-59 sets the scene for his conception of The Marble Faun. In addition to providing Hawthorne with the extensive contact with art and artists that undoubtedly affected the choice of his protagonists (Kenyon, a sculptor; Hilda and Miriam, painters), Italy exposed Hawthorne to Jewish traditions and history, as well as to the life of Jews in the Roman ghetto. Most probably it also aroused his interest in some of the political affairs in which Italian Jews were involved in the 1840s and 50s. This historical background, especially the well-publicized abduction and conversion of a Jewish child, Edgardo Mortara, in 1858 provides important political and cultural background for Hawthorne’s portrayal of Miriam in The Marble Faun.

Discussions on the nature of leadership—and, specifically, the nature of kingship or sovereignty—are ubiquitous to most historical overviews of leadership studies. This paper suggests that leadership studies would benefit from the use of complex literary and historical analyses, which can then be applied to aid in the understanding of appropriate modern-day corollaries. In particular, the paper presents an interrogation of Shakespeare’s late romance Pericles to examine how early moderns saw the development of proto-democratic ideals. In addition, this paper suggests that Pericles was an open critique of the Union between England and Scotland proposed by King James I in the early seventeenth century. To the early modern English, Union represented the abuse of royal prerogative and the potential loss of English national identity. Finally, the paper concludes by using Pericles and Union to examine the traditions and concerns facing the present-day United Kingdom in the immediate aftermath of the referendum to withdraw from the European Union.

Shakespeare’s interest in ancient Rome spans the whole of his dramatic career, from Titus Andronicus to Cymbeline, while Roman history and Latin culture permeate the whole of his work, well beyond the explicitly ‘Roman’ plays and poems. Critical interest has to some extent shifted from the historicist Roman plays based on Plutarch, Julius Caesar and Antony and Cleopatra, and the pseudo-historical Coriolanus, to the outlying Roman plays that evidence greater generic diversity and stylistic innovation, the early Senecan tragedy Titus Andronicus and the late ‘British’ romance Cymbeline. In these latter plays, the complex interactions between past and present, that are the main subject of the formal histories, are presented with even more aesthetic flexibility and creative improvisation than the ‘Roman plays’ proper.

Adam Ochonicky, “‘A Better Civilization’ through Tourism: Cultural Appropriation in The Marble Faun” (pp. 221–237) This essay argues that Nathaniel Hawthorne’s The Marble Faun: Or, The Romance of Monte Beni (1860) is an attempt to situate the United States within a lineage of “great” nations via the depiction of tourism abroad in the nineteenth century. In The Marble Faun, Hawthorne suggests that the historical legacies of nations are dependent on the production of art objects, literature, and cultural sites that demonstrate the sophistication of a given national identity. As such, the novel’s narrative revolves around the experiences of a pair of American artists, Hilda and Kenyon, during their stay in Rome. Hawthorne continually emphasizes the duo’s remarkable skills as evaluators and copyists of Italian art in order to legitimize their—and, by proxy, the United States’—appropriation of Italy’s culture and historical stature. Throughout the novel, Hawthorne disparages the degraded state of then-contemporary Rome, while elevating the comparatively youthful United States as the rightful inheritor of Italy’s illustrious past. Essentially, by situating critical work on the nineteenth-century “realm of leisure” alongside twenty-first-century theories of tourism, this essay provides a framework for understanding the complex interconnections between transnational tourism and the development of American cultural identity in The Marble Faun.

Religious Terminology in Romanian and Confessional Divisions – the Orthodox and Greek Catholic Versions of the Divine Liturgy The articles presents some differences regarding the terminology used by the Romanian Orthodox Church, on the one hand, and the Romanian Church United with Rome, Greek-Catholic, on the other. The analysis is based on the text of the Divine Liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom. The differences concern not only strictly religious terms, but also neutral words. This seems to be the result of a deliberate linguistic policy of the Greek Catholic Church, which often uses different terms than the Romanian Orthodox Church. The Orthodox terms in question were borrowed from Slavonic or Greek, while the Greek Catholic terms are Romanian words inherited from Latin or recent loanwords from Latin and modern Romance languages.

Roman antiquity was a major reference for artists all along the 19th century. In this time of European crisis, critics as public did appreciate how striking pictures (battles and sacrifices) depicted heroism and bravery. Although Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema was the flagship of the British Classic Revival, he definitely chose to paint a different kind of serene Antiquity that was known to illustrate, at the very end, the current mood of English society. Hadrian in England Visiting a Romano-British Pottery, a 1884 painting, let us guess how Alma-Tadema used Antiquity that way, as Hadrian was the only emperor who came to England, not to mention that it was quite significant to figure the main actor of the pax Romana whereas European pacifist expectations were challenging British imperialism. Full of archeological details, this puzzling painting will help us to understand why ancient Rome became a prime model as well as an ideological authority for Victorian England in search of legitimacy.

The Marble Faun (MF), besides being a travelogue account of Rome, is a story about sin, guilt, suffering and abuse; it is also a tale about love and friendship. It is a story about the relationships between four different individuals united by their mutual love of art. The more interesting and convincing woman of the two female characters in the novel is unquestionably Miriam. Miriam is a rebel, an artist, and a compassionate and redemptive figure. Nevertheless, her art has been almost totally neglected, probably because most critics maintained that Miriam is an allegorical character lacking moral development or growth, whose function in the romance is limited to bringing about the Model’s murder and enacting the romance’s moral drama. The aim of this paper is to rectify a long and undeserved history of neglect and award Miriam her due status of Hawthorne's sole genuine artist. Keywords: art, Hawthorne’s female artists, The Marble Faun

Abstract This article argues that elements from the First Continuation of Chrétien de Troyes’s Perceval (or Le Conte du Graal) (c. 1190–1200) were remodelled in the anonymous late thirteenth-century text Le Roman de Laurin, which belongs to the cycle of the Seven Sages of Rome, to create the pseudo-Gawain episode (or episode of the White Knight). This is followed by a consideration of the reasons the author may have had for making use of these Arthurian elements. These include the idea that this section of the Laurin may have formed part of the apparent literary backlash against the denigration of Gawain found in the Prose Tristan (c. 1230), the probable desire of the author to enhance his hero’s status by making him Gawain’s equal, and perhaps the desire to create a text blending the matière de Rome with the matière de Bretagne. The article then looks briefly at how some of the same elements are also found in the Prose Tristan and presents a view on the possible relationship(s) between the various works in the context of these intertextual components. Finally, there is a consideration of what these intertexts may tell us about contemporary audiences and the reception of the Laurin, in the context of a widespread engagement with the Perceval-corpus. This leads to the suggestion that, in the way it interacts with other texts, this part of Laurin might be considered typical of thirteenth-century Arthurian romance. I am indebted to the two anonymous readers of the original draft of this article for various suggested improvements.

In 1998 at the age of 94, Giuliano Bonfante published a book that he had written in 1940. He was an Italian, educated in Italy, but he withdrew to Paris for his advanced studies and to Spain for his first academic posts where he founded Emerita. He went on to Geneva and in 1939 sailed to America and a chair at Princeton. This was where he wrote a book ultimately published in English concerning the origin of the romance languages. Fifteen years later he left Princeton where he had helped to found Word, the journal of the Linguistic Circle of New York, to take up appointments successively at Genoa, Turin and finally in 1970 Rome, where in 1994 he published La Lingua parlata in Orazio (Venosa), a revised edition of a book first published in Spanish in 1936 (Los elementos populares en la lengua de Oracio). He admitted to his daughter Larissa, by then a scholar in her own right, that he would love to see his 1940 book also published. She undertook the editing of it and published it with some changes.

In the introductory article to this special issue, the two editors first provide a brief insight into how it arose and then give an overview of the contents of the individual papers, all of which are dedicated to phraseography or metaphraseography. These two fields of linguistic research belong to both phraseology and (meta-)lexicography and deal with the inclusion of phrasemes in dictionaries and the corresponding practical and theoretical issues. The articles also have in common that they focus on various diatopic Romance varieties spoken in Italy (Genoese, Trentino, Piedmontese, Tuscan, regional Italian of Rome, Sardinian, Catalan of Alghero), Croatia (Istriot), Spain and Latin America (regional varieties of Spanish). Since the term phraseme is used in a broad sense in this publication, numerous different phraseological categories are discussed in the papers, including, for example, syntagmatic verbs and partially lexically filled constructions, in addition to more classical categories such as idioms, proverbs and collocations. Finally, it will be briefly argued why this special issue, which is inspired by the two research projects GEPHRAS and GEPHRAS2, can be regarded as particularly innovative.

The transformative processes within the Roman Empire during the late 3rd and early 4th centuries brought about significant changes across various aspects of societal life, including the educational sphere. The proliferation of Christianity played a pivotal role in reshaping existing pedagogical prac-tices, ideologies, and standards, particularly among the elite class. With the emergence of a new political landscape during the dominatum era, there arose a demand for revised didactic norms. These norms aimed to provide administrators and officials with comprehensive insights into the history of Rome, its allies, and adversaries. During the 360s, concise didactic guides or “Breviaries” were developed. Notable among them is Flavius Eutropius' “Breviarium ab Urbe condita” (“Breviary from the Founding of the City”), recognized as a prominent textbook on Late Antiquity history in contempo-rary scholarship. Another significant work is the “Breviarium rerum ges-tarum populi Romani” (“Breviary of the Deeds of the Roman People”), compiled by an individual known as Festus (? – ca. 380). However, this text remained on the fringes of scholarly discourse for some time due to its brev-ity and the author’s heavy reliance on predecessors. Most scholars agree that Festus' "Breviarium" serves as a didactic compendium intended for both the emperor, who may not have been highly educated, and the officials of his empire. While there is little doubt among researchers regarding the peda-gogical nature of this work, several other questions, such as those concern-ing Festus' sources and the degree of the author's independence, remain un-resolved in historiography. Currently, there exist two approaches to address-ing the issue of identifying and studying Festus' sources. The first, positivist approach (endorsed by R. Jacoby, E. Wölfflin, A. Bettendorff, D.V. Kareev), states that Festus' sources can be easily identified by comparing parallels between his texts and those of his predecessors. However, there are differing views within historiography regarding the number and composition of the sources used by Festus in creating the “Breviary.” The second, critical ap-proach (advocated by D. Büer), denies the possibility of compiling an ex-haustive list of the sources of the “Breviary” due to the limited tradition of creating texts of this genre that have reached us. This article examines the evolution of historians' judgments regarding the possibilities and methods of identifying and interpreting Festus' sources in the composition of the “Breviary,” as well as discussing methodological approaches to studying this work.

La chanson d’aventures Florence de Rome a connu en 1454 un remaniement en prose à la cour de Bourgogne sous le règne de Philippe le Bon. Réputée dès sa jeunesse pour sa beauté, sa sagesse et sa clergie, Florence représente une figure de souveraine exemplaire, héritière légitime du pouvoir, auquel elle accède pleinement à la mort de son père. Toutefois, sa beauté exceptionnelle la rend victime des attaques répétées d’hommes fous de désir pour elle et c’est en gagnant un pouvoir thaumaturgique qu’elle acquiert le statut de sainte dans le siècle. La comparaison entre la chanson source et la mise en prose permet d’examiner à nouveaux frais le motif de la femme chaste injustement persécutée qui fleurit alors dans le roman bourguignon. Elle met également en lumière des similitudes dans le remaniement des portraits féminins au sein du courant littéraire centré, vers le milieu du xve siècle, sur la production de mises en prose.

There are only a handful of scholars who have their primary appointments in Dalhousie departments and a primary interest in medieval fields. In French, we have Hans Runte, best known among medievalists for his work on the Seven Sages of Rome, but his more recent publications have been in the field of Acadian letters. In English, we have Hubert Morgan, who works in Middle English, Old Norse, and Old English (romance, saga, and epic are particular interests), and Melissa Furrow, who has finally completed a long labour on reception of romances in medieval England (Expectations of Romance: Drasty Rymyng or Noble Tales, currently under review) and is now returning to an earlier editorial project (Ten Fifteenth-Century Comic Poems) to revise for a new edition with TEAMS. In History, we have Cynthia Neville, well known personally to members of CSM for her extensive work 011 the national and international scene on prize, review, and adjudication committees, and more broadly known through her scholarship on late medieval English legal history and on Scottish social, political, and cultural history. She is the author of Violence, Custom, and Law: The Anglo-Scottish Border Lands in the Later Middle Ages (Edinburgh UP, 1998) and the forthcoming Native Lordship in Anglo-Norman Scotland: The Earldoms of Stratheam and Lennox, 1170-1350 (Four Courts Press). A recent and exciting addition is Jennifer Bain in Music, a music theorist who works on Hildegard of Bingen, and on fourteenth-century music. This tiny number and the clearcut disciplinary boundaries proclaimed by departmental organisation might suggest that medieval study at Dalhousie has fallen off steeply from the days when we had a formally recognised honours degree in Medieval Studies and a bigger pool of faculty. It is true, a bigger pool would be helpful, and the priority within English for the next appointment is for a medievalist. But in various ways medieval studies at Dalhousie does better than it looks as if it should.

The monograph by M. W. Kruse—professor of Classics at the University of Cincinnati—investigates the difficulties of building a new historical memory and identity in the late Roman Empire at the end of the 5th—first half of the 6th century. At that time, the emperors did not actually control Italy and Rome, a previous center and origin of imperial statehood. The study is based on an analysis of the texts of the most influential authors of this period, in particular historians of the era of the emperor Justinian, as well as the narrative of his own laws—Novellae of the Corpus Juris Civilis. The monograph represents Kruse’s substantially reworked PhD dissertation on classical philology. In his study, Kruse makes a successful attempt at a large-scale revision of the current concept of modern science about the indifference of contemporaries to the events of 476 in Italy and argues that the assessment of these events as the fall of the Western Roman Empire and a momentous event is only a construct of historical science of the 19th century, originating from the works of E. Gibbon.

L’existence de deux aurei au nom de Probus frappés en 280. dans les ateliers impériaux de Serdica (Thrace) et de Cyzique (Mysie) et porteurs d’une très grande ressemblance avec les médaillons d’or à l’effigie d’Alexandre du trésor d’Aboukir Dressel M et N permet de rouvrir le dossier de la datation de ces médaillons d’or et de leur rapport avec les bronzes du koinon macédonien «à la légende d’Alexandre » émis entre 218 et 246. L’étude fournit des éléments nouveaux pour leur rapprochement avec la production monétaire de l’atelier provincial de Beroia de Macédoine d’une part, d’autre part avec la production monétaire romaine, en particulier les grands médaillons de bronze de l’époque de Sévère Alexandre, Gordien III et leurs successeurs. Le dossier épigraphique permet de saisir ce qu’était la teneur des Jeux d’Alexandre organisés à Beroia sous ces règnes et de montrer que les médaillons d’or trouvés à Aboukir ou à Tarse dans des assemblages où figurent en masse des aurei impériaux frappés à Rome, sont sans doute moins des nikèteria reçus en prix par les compétiteurs à ces concours qu’un élément des donativa distribués à une élite civile ou militaire par des empereurs alexandrophiles sur leur route pour une expédition persique : le passage de Sévère Alexandre en Macédoine en 231 pour sa campagne orientale reste, plutôt que celui de Gordien III en 242, la date la plus probable pour la frappes des médaillons d’or trouvés à Aboukir. En 280, en route vers l’Asie avec son armée sur le même trajet que ses deux prédécesseurs pour sa campagne contre les Perses sassanides, cet autre admirateur d’Alexandre que fut Probus fit réutiliser à son profit les modèles vus à Beroia. L’examen du monnayage de Probus montre l’influence que les modèles monétaires thraco-macédoniens ont exercé sur les frappes monétaires dès ses campagnes de 277 sur le Danube inférieur.

Introduction. The attitude to Venice as one of the most poetic and picturesque cities in the world is firmly established in artistic practice. The city appears multifaceted and contradictory in numerous literary works. It appears as a space of eternal carnival and an education center (C. Gozzi, C. Goldoni), a place of secret conspiracies, gloomy massacres (“Angelo, Tyrant of Padua” by V. Hugo), a dream, an earthly paradise (I. Kozlov, “Eugene Onegin” by A. Pushkin). But always Venice is a special place where antiquity is closely intertwined with youth (G. Byron, J. W. von Goethe, A. Chénier, A. de Musset, A. Apukhtin, A. Maykov, F. Tyutchev, J. Brodsky, and others). Literary and poetic Venetian cultural stratum was supplemented by artistic journalism – essays, sketches, travel notes of prominent representatives of Romanticism. Such a variety of material contributed to the formation of the image, the topos of Venice, myth of the city in artistic and creative practice. Numerous interpretations of the chosen theme in works of art form the “Venetian text” of art. This topic has not been fully embodied in the form of independent musicological research, despite the large number of works in European music that glorify Venice and need to be included in scientific and performing practice. Theoretical and methodology background. The theme of the city, urban text, urbanism in general is a very developed concept in various fields of modern science. The concept of “St. Petersburg text” has been affirmed in literary studies since the 1980s (V. Toporov, 1995). Such an artistic text (Y. Lotman, 1998) is not just a mirror of a real city, but a device that realizes the transition from visible reality to the inner meaning of things. Real objects, such as squares, waters, islands, gardens, buildings, monuments, people, history, ideas, are the “language” of the city. They act in the form of toponymical, landscape, historical and cultural, personal and biographical elements of urban space. On the one hand, they create the text of the city, on the other hand, they become a well-known code of the city, and generate artistic images. By analogy with the “St. Petersburg text” on the basis of the proposed methodology, in literary studies there were a number of works on “local” texts, including Venetian (N. Mednis, 1999, O. Soboleva, 2010, K. Sivkov, 2015, N. Ilchenko & I. Marinina, 2015 and others). The concept of the image of the city (V. Li, 1914, N. Antsiferov, 1991) is inextricably linked with the text in its semiotic meaning as a structured sign system. Due to the universality and comprehensiveness, concept “topos” in music can be used instead of “image”, “sphere”, and other musicological concepts (L. Kirillina, 2007). In modern musicology, there are very few systematic studies in this area. Apart from research on the topic of musical urbanism (L. Serebryakov, 1994. I. Barsova, 2000, L. Gakkel, 2006, I. Yakovleva, 2014, T. Bilalova, 2005, G. Zharova, 2009), there are almost no works on the topic of Venetia in music. Therefore, this area of research is relevant. Objective of the researching is to determine the features of the “Venetian text” in the chamber-vocal music by Ch. Gounod on the example of his romance “Venice” (on the poem by A. de Musset). Research results and conclusions. Ch. F. Gounod (1818–1893) became one of the first French composers to draw attention to the theme of the city of Venice in his chamber and vocal music. The romance “Venice” (1842) was written by him at the age of 24. At that time, the young author had been in Italy for two years as a scholarship holder of the prestigious Prix de Rome. Ch. Gounod documented his impressions of the trip in an autobiographical book – “Mémoires d’un Artiste” (1896). The romance is based on the poem by A. de Musset “Dans Venise la Rouge…” (1828). The artistic space of Venice is constructed due to a number of constant images, such as sea lagoon, gondola, bronze lion, old doge, mask, carnival, ladies, mirror, night date. Clearly read signs of the city are metaphors for certain emotional states, often binary, which are strongly associated in most art sources with Venice: anxiety, loneliness, senility, death and sensuality, eroticism, youth, carnival of life. A. de Musset’s text is transferred to the conditions of the chamber-vocal genre and undergoes radical changes. When comparing the two options – the poetic original and the text of the romance, it becomes clear their inconsistency from about the middle of the poem. The composer’s simplification of the textual side of the romance was caused by the refusal to mention the sculptural and architectural dominants of the city, color and chronological contrasts that are inherent in the topos of Venice. This softened the overall emotional mood, virtually freeing the text from the dominance of loneliness, emptiness, anxiety. In the text of “Venice” by Ch. Gounod’s, the topos of the city is revealed as a space of mystery and dreams, a fusion of divine nature and man-made beauty, the triumph of earthly love. The representative of the contrast is the music side of this romance. It brings that note of excitement, anxiety, which seems to clear the musical image of Venice from the excessive gloss of the poetic text. It makes him alive, trembling, proving, on the one hand, the inseparable connection of words and music in chamber-vocal genres; on the other hand, characterizing Ch. Gounod as the greatest master who possessed not only an exceptional melodic gift, but also a rare sense of musical harmony. The composer seems to be going from the opposite: wrapping the text, “major” in mood, in the frame of the minor key; using capricious harmonic juxtapositions, he makes the intonation of the romance take on different colors, like the playing of moon reflections on the water. And in this balancing on the verge of “majorminor”, “enlightenment-sadness”, the precariousness, fragility and paradoxicality of the Venetia city image are revealed. Thus, the music of the Ch. Gounod’s romance that appeals to the barcarole genre attributes, in the same time, is lyrical and disturbing. It perfectly reproduces the melancholy state that was familiar to young authors, both, the poet and the composer.

Abstract This study presents and intellectual- and literary-historically contextualizes a remarkable but as yet unpublished treatise by Ibn Turka (d. 1432), foremost occult philosopher of Timurid Iran: the Munāẓara-yi bazm u razm. As its title indicates, this ornate Persian work, written in 1426 in Herat for the Timurid prince-calligrapher Bāysunghur (d. 1433), takes the form of a literary debate, a venerable Arabo-Persian genre that exploded in popularity in the post-Mongol period. Yet it triply transgresses the bounds of its genre, and doubly marries Arabic-Mamluk literary and imperial culture to Persian-Timurid. For here Ibn Turka recasts the munāẓara as philosophical romance and the philosophical romance as mirror for princes, imperializing the razm u bazm and sword vs. pen tropes within an expressly lettrist framework, making explicit the logic of the coincidentia oppositorum (majmaʿ al-aḍdād) long implicit in the genre in order to ideologically weaponize it. For the first time in the centuries-old Arabo-Persian munāẓara tradition, that is, wherein such debates were often rhetorically but never theoretically resolved, Ibn Turka marries multiple opposites in a manner clearly meant to be instructive to his Timurid royal patron: he is to perform the role of Emperor Love (sulṭān ʿishq), transcendent of all political-legal dualities, avatar of the divine names the Manifest (al-ẓāhir) and the Occult (al-bāṭin). This lettrist mirror for Timurid princes is thus not simply unprecedented in Persian or indeed Arabic literature, a typical expression of the ornate literary panache and genre-hybridizing proclivities of Mamluk-Timurid-Ottoman scientists of letters, and index of the burgeoning of Ibn ʿArabian-Būnian lettrism in late Mamluk Cairo; it also serves as key to Timurid universalist imperial ideology itself in its formative phase – and consciously epitomizes the principle of contradiction driving Islamicate civilization as a whole. To show the striking extent to which this munāẓara departs from precedent, I provide a brief overview of the sword vs. pen subset of that genre; I then examine our text’s specific political-philosophical and sociocultural contexts, with attention to Naṣīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī’s (d. 1274) Akhlāq-i Nāṣirī and Jalāl al-Dīn Davānī’s (d. 1502) Akhlāq-i Jalālī on the one hand – which seminal Persian mirrors for princes assert, crucially, the ontological-political primacy of love over justice – and the Ẓafarnāma of Sharaf al-Dīn Yazdī (d. 1454), Ibn Turka’s student and friend, on the other. In the latter, much-imitated history Amir Temür (r. 1370‒1405) was definitively transformed, on the basis of astrological and lettrist proofs, into the supreme Lord of Conjunction (ṣāḥib-qirān); most notably, there Yazdī theorizes the Muslim world conqueror as historical manifestation of the coincidentia oppositorum – precisely the project of Ibn Turka in his Debate of Feast and Fight. But these two ideologues of Timurid universal imperialism and leading members of the New Brethren of Purity network only became such in Mamluk Cairo, where lettrism (ʿilm al-ḥurūf) was first sanctified, de-esotericized and adabized; I accordingly invoke the overtly occultist-neopythagoreanizing ethos specific to the Mamluk capital by the late 14th century, especially that propagated at the court of Barqūq (r. 1382‒1399). For it is this Cairene ethos, I argue, that is epitomized by our persophone lettrist’s munāẓara, which it effectively timuridizes. To demonstrate the robustness of this Mamluk-Timurid ideological-literary continuity, I situate the Munāẓara-yi bazm u razm within Ibn Turka’s own oeuvre and imperial ideological program, successively developed for the Timurid rulers Iskandar Sulṭān (r. 1409‒1414), Shāhrukh (r. 1409‒1447) and Ulugh Beg (r. 1409‒1449); marshal three contemporary instances of the sword vs. pen munāẓara, one Timurid and two Mamluk, by the theologian Sayyid Sharīf Jurjānī (d. 1413), the secretary-encyclopedist Aḥmad al-Qalqashandī (d. 1418) and the historian Ibn Khaldūn (d. 1406), respectively; and provide an abridged translation of Ibn Turka’s offering as basis for comparative analysis.

Abstract:Considering the romance languages, especially spanish, it is of vital importance, to study the autonomous feedback of every single student, basing the analysis on the description of CLIL's independence and general characteristics. Furthermore, I will examine the didactic method as a result of the idea of "Bildung", discussed in Philosophy, Science Education and IT. in the third part, the paper will underline the philosophycal and practical foundation of education in both CLIL (Content and Language Integrated Learning) and the autonomy of the student. Moreover it will consider these determinants from a psycho-pedagogical point of view and from that of the digital learning created by the new technologies in communication. As a final remark, the paper illustrates the pilot experiment realized, thanks to the collaboration of Professor J. Sarabia Martinez (interpreter), at the High School of Rome "Lucrezio Caro", in the academic year 2014/15.Keywords: paideia/mimesis, philosophy, education, cooperative learning, comunication, L/2, metacognition, contrast in linguistics, digital. Abstract:In base alla descrizione di alcune caratteristiche generali dell’autonomia clil (content and language integrated learning) occorre studiare il feed-back autonomo del discente, nelle lingue romanze, in particolare la lingua spagnola. successivamente si analizza la metodologia didattica come una risultanza dell’idea di “bildung” discussa in filosofia, scienze dell’educazione e nuove tecnologie. Nella terza parte vengono sottolineati i nuclei fondativi della pratica filosofica come determinanti, sia nella prassi clil, che nell’autonomia del discente, anche dal punto di vista psico-pedagogico e delle tecniche e forme comunicative dell’apprendimento nel digitale. nelle mie osservazioni conclusive con una scheda della sperimentazione pilota, realizzata insieme al lettore, prof. j. sarabia martinez, presso il liceo lucrezio caro di roma, a.s. 2014/15, vengono riassunte le questioni principali di questo paper.Keywords: paideia/mimesis, filosofia, educazione, cooperative learning, comunicazione, LS/2, meta-cognitivo, linguistica contrastiva, digitale.

В статье рассматривается история раскопок крупнейшей римской гробницы, а именно мавзолея императора Цезаря Августа. Основное внимание уделяется результатам недавних археологических работ и тому, как они повлияли на представление о памятнике. Гробница первого римского императора в пост-античную эпоху претерпела различные трансформации и неоднократные грабежи, в результате которых сильно пострадала. Памятнику находили практическое применение вплоть до 1930-х гг. За многовековую историю мавзолей использовали как каменоломню, крепость, которую не раз разрушали, виноградник, сад, амфитеатр для корриды, театр и концертный зал. Первые археологические работы на территории памятника проводились уже в XVI в. Именно с них начинается история исследования монумента и результаты, полученные тогда, до сих пор имеют большое значение для науки. На протяжении длительного времени после эпохи Ренессанса объект изучался только периодически, в связи с какими-либо строительными работами, проводившимися на его территории. Работы на памятнике активизируются с начала XX в. Масштабные раскопки состоялись в 1920-30-е гг. Их проведение диктовалось не научными целями: Бенито Муссолини стремился использовать римское наследие в своей пропаганде. Тем не менее, в результате проведенных работ мавзолей был не только освобожден от пост-античных наслоений, но полученные тогда результаты заложили современное представление о памятнике. Интерес к мавзолею возобновляется только через семьдесят лет. Непосредственным толчком было решение реконструировать мавзолей и площадь вокруг него. В результате раскопок, проведенных департаментом культурного наследия столицы Рима, были получены археологические данные, изменяющие взгляд на внешний облик монумента и позволяющие поставить точку в дискуссии по данному вопросу. 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RESUMENEn este trabajo estudiamos la documentación epigráfica generada por los hispanos desplazados a Gallia. A partir de ella determinaremos sus orígenes, sus centros de destino, y analizaremos las causas que motivaron sus desplazamientos. De igual modo, prestaremos atención al estudio de otros aspectos como las ocupaciones profesionales, la onomástica o las actividades que estos personajes desarrollaron en sus nuevos lugares de residencia. Palabras clave: emigración, movilidad, integración, epigrafía.Topónimos: Hispania, GalliaPeriodo: Imperio romano (siglos i-v d. C.) ABSTRACTIn this paper we study the epigraphic documentation generated by the Hispanics who moved to Gaul. From it, we will determine their origins, their centres of destination and we will analyse the causes that motivated their movements. At the same, we will pay attention to the study of other aspects such as professional occupations, the onomastic or the activities that these people carried out in their new places of residence. Keywords: emigration, mobility, integration, epigraphy.Place names: Hispania, GalliaPeriod: Roman Empire (siglos i-v d. C.) REFERENCIASAbascal Palazón, J.M. (1994): Los nombres personales en las inscripciones latinas de Hispania, Murcia, Universidad de Murcia. Agusta-Boularot, S. (1994): “Les références épigraphiques aux Grammatici et γραµµατικοὶ de l’Empire romain (Ier s. av. J.-C., IVè s. ap. J.-C.)”, Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome - Antiquité, 106.2, pp. 653-746. Alföldy, G. (1987): Römisches Städtwesen auf der Neukastilische Hochebene: Ein Testfall für die Romanisierung, Heidelberg, Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.—(1999): “Aspectos de la vida urbana en las ciudades de la Meseta Sur”, en J. 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Étude d’inscriptions de la période romaine portant des ethniques, Bordeaux, Imprimerie Ve Cadoret.Roldán Hervás, J. M. (1974): Hispania y el ejército romano, Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca.Roxan, M. M. (1973): The auxilia of the roman army raised in the Iberian Peninsula. Tesis doctoral, London, University of London.Ruiz-Gutiérrez, A. (2019): “Ciudadanía y residencia en Hispania Citerior: una reflexión sobre la movilidad”, en E. Ortiz-de-Urbina (coord.), Ciudadanías, ciudades y comunidades cívicas en Hispania (de los Flavios a los Severos), Sevilla, Universidad de Sevilla, pp. 305-327.—(2019b): “Mortes in itinere: ejemplos epigráficos de la Hispania romana”, en J. I. San Vicente González de Aspuru, C. Cortés Bárcena y E. González González (eds.), Hispania et Roma. Estudios en homenaje al profesor Narciso Santos Yanguas, Oviedo, Universidad de Oviedo, pp. 131-141.—(2021): “Los límites de la movilidad femenina y su expresión epigráfica en el occidente romano”, en P. Pavón (ed.), Conditio feminae. Imágenes de la realidad femenina en el mundo romano, Roma, Edizioni Quasar, pp. 529-552.Sanchez, C. (2002): “Au carrefour des influences méditerranéennes et continentales. Le rôle de Narbonne dans le commerce Antique”, en Carte archéologique de la Gaule (CAG) 11/1. Paris, Paris, Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, pp. 117-123.Solin, H. (1982): Die griechische Personenamen in Rom. Ein Namenbuch, Berlin-New York, Walter de Gruyter Co.Tsentikopoulos, N. (2007): Δίγλωσσες (Ελληνικές‐Λατινικές) επιγραφές στη Ρώμη και τις δυτικές επαρχίες της Ρωμαϊκής Αυτοκρατορίας. Συμβολή στην πολιτιστική ιστορία των αυτοκρατορικών χρόνων (Bilingual (Greek-Latin) inscriptions in Rome and the western provinces of the Roman Empire: a contribution to the cultural history of the imperial period), Tesis doctoral, Tesalónica, Universidad Aristóteles de Tesalónica.Wierschowski, L. (2001): Fremde in Gallien – “Gallier” in der Fremde. 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Influenced by the ever growing idealisation of patronage during the time of emperor Augustus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus in his Antiquitates Romanae traces the historical roots of this system back to Romulus, the founder of Rome. However, his picture of ancient patronage, of the "good old days" when harmony existed between rich patrons and their clients and between Rome and its allies and conquered territories, is anachronistic. But in spite of the historical inaccuracy of Dionisius' picture of the origin of patronage, as well as of the functioning of this system during the first century Be, it presents us with valuable insights into the ideological manipulation of this institution by those close to the vestibules of power in the Roman world.

From elephants to ABBA fans, silicon to hormone, the following discussion uses a new research method to look at printed text, motion pictures and a teenage rebel icon. If by ‘print’ we mean a mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium, then printing has been with us since before microdot security prints were painted onto cars, before voice prints, laser prints, network servers, record pressings, motion picture prints, photo prints, colour woodblock prints, before books, textile prints, and footprints. If we accept that higher mammals such as elephants have a learnt culture, then it is possible to extend a definition of printing beyond Homo sapiens. Poole reports that elephants mechanically trumpet reproductions of human car horns into the air surrounding their society. If nothing else, this cross-species, cross-cultural reproduction, this ‘ability to mimic’ is ‘another sign of their intelligence’. Observation of child development suggests that the first significant meaningful ‘impression’ made on the human mind is that of the face of the child’s nurturer – usually its mother. The baby’s mind forms an ‘impression’, a mental print, a reproducible memory data set, of the nurturer’s face, voice, smell, touch, etc. That face is itself a cultural construct: hair style, makeup, piercings, tattoos, ornaments, nutrition-influenced skin and smell, perfume, temperature and voice. A mentally reproducible pattern of a unique face is formed in the mind, and we use that pattern to distinguish ‘familiar and strange’ in our expanding social orbit. The social relations of patterned memory – of imprinting – determine the extent to which we explore our world (armed with research aids such as text print) or whether we turn to violence or self-harm (Bretherton). While our cultural artifacts (such as vellum maps or networked voice message servers) bravely extend our significant patterns into the social world and the traversed environment, it is useful to remember that such artifacts, including print, are themselves understood by our original pattern-reproduction and impression system – the human mind, developed in childhood. The ‘print’ is brought to mind differently in different discourses. For a reader, a ‘print’ is a book, a memo or a broadsheet, whether it is the Indian Buddhist Sanskrit texts ordered to be printed in 593 AD by the Chinese emperor Sui Wen-ti (Silk Road) or the US Defense Department memo authorizing lower ranks to torture the prisoners taken by the Bush administration (Sanchez, cited in ABC). Other fields see prints differently. For a musician, a ‘print’ may be the sheet music which spread classical and popular music around the world; it may be a ‘record’ (as in a ‘recording’ session), where sound is impressed to wax, vinyl, charged silicon particles, or the alloys (Smith, “Elpida”) of an mp3 file. For the fine artist, a ‘print’ may be any mechanically reproduced two-dimensional (or embossed) impression of a significant image in media from paper to metal, textile to ceramics. ‘Print’ embraces the Japanese Ukiyo-e colour prints of Utamaro, the company logos that wink from credit card holographs, the early photographs of Talbot, and the textured patterns printed into neolithic ceramics. Computer hardware engineers print computational circuits. Homicide detectives investigate both sweaty finger prints and the repeated, mechanical gaits of suspects, which are imprinted into the earthy medium of a crime scene. For film makers, the ‘print’ may refer to a photochemical polyester reproduction of a motion picture artifact (the reel of ‘celluloid’), or a DVD laser disc impression of the same film. Textualist discourse has borrowed the word ‘print’ to mean ‘text’, so ‘print’ may also refer to the text elements within the vision track of a motion picture: the film’s opening titles, or texts photographed inside the motion picture story such as the sword-cut ‘Z’ in Zorro (Niblo). Before the invention of writing, the main mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium was the humble footprint in the sand. The footprints of tribes – and neighbouring animals – cut tracks in the vegetation and the soil. Printed tracks led towards food, water, shelter, enemies and friends. Having learnt to pattern certain faces into their mental world, children grew older and were educated in the footprints of family and clan, enemies and food. The continuous impression of significant foot traffic in the medium of the earth produced the lines between significant nodes of prewriting and pre-wheeled cultures. These tracks were married to audio tracks, such as the song lines of the Australian Aborigines, or the ballads of tramping culture everywhere. A typical tramping song has the line, ‘There’s a track winding back to an old-fashion shack along the road to Gundagai,’ (O’Hagan), although this colonial-style song was actually written for radio and became an international hit on the airwaves, rather than the tramping trails. The printed tracks impressed by these cultural flows are highly contested and diverse, and their foot prints are woven into our very language. The names for printed tracks have entered our shared memory from the intersection of many cultures: ‘Track’ is a Germanic word entering English usage comparatively late (1470) and now used mainly in audio visual cultural reproduction, as in ‘soundtrack’. ‘Trek’ is a Dutch word for ‘track’ now used mainly by ecotourists and science fiction fans. ‘Learn’ is a Proto-Indo-European word: the verb ‘learn’ originally meant ‘to find a track’ back in the days when ‘learn’ had a noun form which meant ‘the sole of the foot’. ‘Tract’ and ‘trace’ are Latin words entering English print usage before 1374 and now used mainly in religious, and electronic surveillance, cultural reproduction. ‘Trench’ in 1386 was a French path cut through a forest. ‘Sagacity’ in English print in 1548 was originally the ability to track or hunt, in Proto-Indo-European cultures. ‘Career’ (in English before 1534) was the print made by chariots in ancient Rome. ‘Sleuth’ (1200) was a Norse noun for a track. ‘Investigation’ (1436) was Latin for studying a footprint (Harper). The arrival of symbolic writing scratched on caves, hearth stones, and trees (the original meaning of ‘book’ is tree), brought extremely limited text education close to home. Then, with baked clay tablets, incised boards, slate, bamboo, tortoise shell, cast metal, bark cloth, textiles, vellum, and – later – paper, a portability came to text that allowed any culture to venture away from known ‘foot’ paths with a reduction in the risk of becoming lost and perishing. So began the world of maps, memos, bills of sale, philosophic treatises and epic mythologies. Some of this was printed, such as the mechanical reproduction of coins, but the fine handwriting required of long, extended, portable texts could not be printed until the invention of paper in China about 2000 years ago. Compared to lithic architecture and genes, portable text is a fragile medium, and little survives from the millennia of its innovators. The printing of large non-text designs onto bark-paper and textiles began in neolithic times, but Sui Wen-ti’s imperial memo of 593 AD gives us the earliest written date for printed books, although we can assume they had been published for many years previously. The printed book was a combination of Indian philosophic thought, wood carving, ink chemistry and Chinese paper. The earliest surviving fragment of paper-print technology is ‘Mantras of the Dharani Sutra’, a Buddhist scripture written in the Sanskrit language of the Indian subcontinent, unearthed at an early Tang Dynasty site in Xian, China – making the fragment a veteran piece of printing, in the sense that Sanskrit books had been in print for at least a century by the early Tang Dynasty (Chinese Graphic Arts Net). At first, paper books were printed with page-size carved wooden boards. Five hundred years later, Pi Sheng (c.1041) baked individual reusable ceramic characters in a fire and invented the durable moveable type of modern printing (Silk Road 2000). Abandoning carved wooden tablets, the ‘digitizing’ of Chinese moveable type sped up the production of printed texts. In turn, Pi Sheng’s flexible, rapid, sustainable printing process expanded the political-cultural impact of the literati in Asian society. Digitized block text on paper produced a bureaucratic, literate elite so powerful in Asia that Louis XVI of France copied China’s print-based Confucian system of political authority for his own empire, and so began the rise of the examined public university systems, and the civil service systems, of most European states (Watson, Visions). By reason of its durability, its rapid mechanical reproduction, its culturally agreed signs, literate readership, revered authorship, shared ideology, and distributed portability, a ‘print’ can be a powerful cultural network which builds and expands empires. But print also attacks and destroys empires. A case in point is the Spanish conquest of Aztec America: The Aztecs had immense libraries of American literature on bark-cloth scrolls, a technology which predated paper. These libraries were wiped out by the invading Spanish, who carried a different book before them (Ewins). In the industrial age, the printing press and the gun were seen as the weapons of rebellions everywhere. In 1776, American rebels staffed their ‘Homeland Security’ units with paper makers, knowing that defeating the English would be based on printed and written documents (Hahn). Mao Zedong was a book librarian; Mao said political power came out of the barrel of a gun, but Mao himself came out of a library. With the spread of wireless networked servers, political ferment comes out of the barrel of the cell phone and the internet chat room these days. Witness the cell phone displays of a plane hitting a tower that appear immediately after 9/11 in the Middle East, or witness the show trials of a few US and UK lower ranks who published prints of their torturing activities onto the internet: only lower ranks who published prints were arrested or tried. The control of secure servers and satellites is the new press. These days, we live in a global library of burning books – ‘burning’ in the sense that ‘print’ is now a charged silicon medium (Smith, “Intel”) which is usually made readable by connecting the chip to nuclear reactors and petrochemically-fired power stations. World resources burn as we read our screens. Men, women, children burn too, as we watch our infotainment news in comfort while ‘their’ flickering dead faces are printed in our broadcast hearths. The print we watch is not the living; it is the voodoo of the living in the blackout behind the camera, engaging the blood sacrifice of the tormented and the unfortunate. Internet texts are also ‘on fire’ in the third sense of their fragility and instability as a medium: data bases regularly ‘print’ fail-safe copies in an attempt to postpone the inevitable mechanical, chemical and electrical failure that awaits all electronic media in time. Print defines a moral position for everyone. In reporting conflict, in deciding to go to press or censor, any ‘print’ cannot avoid an ethical context, starting with the fact that there is a difference in power between print maker, armed perpetrators, the weak, the peaceful, the publisher, and the viewer. So many human factors attend a text, video or voice ‘print’: its very existence as an aesthetic object, even before publication and reception, speaks of unbalanced, and therefore dynamic, power relationships. For example, Graham Greene departed unscathed from all the highly dangerous battlefields he entered as a novelist: Riot-torn Germany, London Blitz, Belgian Congo, Voodoo Haiti, Vietnam, Panama, Reagan’s Washington, and mafia Europe. His texts are peopled with the injustices of the less fortunate of the twentieth century, while he himself was a member of the fortunate (if not happy) elite, as is anyone today who has the luxury of time to read Greene’s works for pleasure. Ethically a member of London and Paris’ colonizers, Greene’s best writing still electrifies, perhaps partly because he was in the same line of fire as the victims he shared bread with. In fact, Greene hoped daily that he would escape from the dreadful conflicts he fictionalized via a body bag or an urn of ashes (see Sherry). In reading an author’s biography we have one window on the ethical dimensions of authority and print. If a print’s aesthetics are sometimes enduring, its ethical relationships are always mutable. Take the stylized logo of a running athlete: four limbs bent in a rotation of action. This dynamic icon has symbolized ‘good health’ in Hindu and Buddhist culture, from Madras to Tokyo, for thousands of years. The cross of bent limbs was borrowed for the militarized health programs of 1930s Germany, and, because of what was only a brief, recent, isolated yet monstrously horrific segment of its history in print, the bent-limbed swastika is now a vilified symbol in the West. The sign remains ‘impressed’ differently on traditional Eastern culture, and without the taint of Nazism. Dramatic prints are emotionally charged because, in depicting Homo sapiens in danger, or passionately in love, they elicit a hormonal reaction from the reader, the viewer, or the audience. The type of emotions triggered by a print vary across the whole gamut of human chemistry. A recent study of three genres of motion picture prints shows a marked differences in the hormonal responses of men compared to women when viewing a romance, an actioner, and a documentary (see Schultheiss, Wirth, and Stanton). Society is biochemically diverse in its engagement with printed culture, which raises questions about equality in the arts. Motion picture prints probably comprise around one third of internet traffic, in the form of stolen digitized movie files pirated across the globe via peer-to-peer file transfer networks (p2p), and burnt as DVD laser prints (BBC). There is also a US 40 billion dollar per annum legitimate commerce in DVD laser pressings (Grassl), which would suggest an US 80 billion per annum world total in legitimate laser disc print culture. The actively screen literate, or the ‘sliterati’ as I prefer to call them, research this world of motion picture prints via their peers, their internet information channels, their television programming, and their web forums. Most of this activity occurs outside the ambit of universities and schools. One large site of sliterate (screen literate) practice outside most schooling and official research is the net of online forums at imdb.com (International Movie Data Base). Imdb.com ‘prints’ about 25,000,000 top pages per month to client browsers. Hundreds of sliterati forums are located at imdb, including a forum for the Australian movie, Muriel’s Wedding (Hogan). Ten years after the release of Muriel’s Wedding, young people who are concerned with victimization and bullying still log on to http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/> and put their thoughts into print: I still feel so bad for Muriel in the beginning of the movie, when the girls ‘dump’ her, and how much the poor girl cried and cried! Those girls were such biartches…I love how they got their comeuppance! bunniesormaybemidgets’s comment is typical of the current discussion. Muriel’s Wedding was a very popular film in its first cinema edition in Australia and elsewhere. About 30% of the entire over-14 Australian population went to see this photochemical polyester print in the cinemas on its first release. A decade on, the distributors printed a DVD laser disc edition. The story concerns Muriel (played by Toni Collette), the unemployed daughter of a corrupt, ‘police state’ politician. Muriel is bullied by her peers and she withdraws into a fantasy world, deluding herself that a white wedding will rescue her from the torments of her blighted life. Through theft and deceit (the modus operandi of her father) Muriel escapes to the entertainment industry and finds a ‘wicked’ girlfriend mentor. From a rebellious position of stubborn independence, Muriel plays out her fantasy. She gets her white wedding, before seeing both her father and her new married life as hollow shams which have goaded her abandoned mother to suicide. Redefining her life as a ‘game’ and assuming responsibility for her independence, Muriel turns her back on the mainstream, image-conscious, female gang of her oppressed youth. Muriel leaves the story, having rekindled her friendship with her rebel mentor. My methodological approach to viewing the laser disc print was to first make a more accessible, coded record of the entire movie. I was able to code and record the print in real time, using a new metalanguage (Watson, “Eyes”). The advantage of Coding is that ‘thinks’ the same way as film making, it does not sidetrack the analyst into prose. The Code splits the movie print into Vision Action [vision graphic elements, including text] (sound) The Coding splits the vision track into normal action and graphic elements, such as text, so this Coding is an ideal method for extracting all the text elements of a film in real time. After playing the film once, I had four and a half tightly packed pages of the coded story, including all its text elements in square brackets. Being a unique, indexed hard copy, the Coded copy allowed me immediate access to any point of the Muriel’s Wedding saga without having to search the DVD laser print. How are ‘print’ elements used in Muriel’s Wedding? Firstly, a rose-coloured monoprint of Muriel Heslop’s smiling face stares enigmatically from the plastic surface of the DVD picture disc. The print is a still photo captured from her smile as she walked down the aisle of her white wedding. In this print, Toni Collette is the Mona Lisa of Australian culture, except that fans of Muriel’s Wedding know the meaning of that smile is a magical combination of the actor’s art: the smile is both the flush of dreams come true and the frightening self deception that will kill her mother. Inserting and playing the disc, the text-dominant menu appears, and the film commences with the text-dominant opening titles. Text and titles confer a legitimacy on a work, whether it is a trade mark of the laser print owners, or the household names of stars. Text titles confer status relationships on both the presenters of the cultural artifact and the viewer who has entered into a legal license agreement with the owners of the movie. A title makes us comfortable, because the mind always seeks to name the unfamiliar, and a set of text titles does that job for us so that we can navigate the ‘tracks’ and settle into our engagement with the unfamiliar. The apparent ‘truth’ and ‘stability’ of printed text calms our fears and beguiles our uncertainties. Muriel attends the white wedding of a school bully bride, wearing a leopard print dress she has stolen. Muriel’s spotted wild animal print contrasts with the pure white handmade dress of the bride. In Muriel’s leopard textile print, we have the wild, rebellious, impoverished, inappropriate intrusion into the social ritual and fantasy of her high-status tormentor. An off-duty store detective recognizes the printed dress and calls the police. The police are themselves distinguished by their blue-and-white checked prints and other mechanically reproduced impressions of cultural symbols: in steel, brass, embroidery, leather and plastics. Muriel is driven in the police car past the stenciled town sign (‘Welcome To Porpoise Spit’ heads a paragraph of small print). She is delivered to her father, a politician who presides over the policing of his town. In a state where the judiciary, police and executive are hijacked by the same tyrant, Muriel’s father, Bill, pays off the police constables with a carton of legal drugs (beer) and Muriel must face her father’s wrath, which he proceeds to transfer to his detested wife. Like his daughter, the father also wears a spotted brown print costume, but his is a batik print from neighbouring Indonesia (incidentally, in a nation that takes the political status of its batik prints very seriously). Bill demands that Muriel find the receipt for the leopard print dress she claims she has purchased. The legitimate ownership of the object is enmeshed with a printed receipt, the printed evidence of trade. The law (and the paramilitary power behind the law) are legitimized, or contested, by the presence or absence of printed text. Muriel hides in her bedroom, surround by poster prints of the pop group ABBA. Torn-out prints of other people’s weddings adorn her mirror. Her face is embossed with the clown-like primary colours of the marionette as she lifts a bouquet to her chin and stares into the real time ‘print’ of her mirror image. Bill takes the opportunity of a business meeting with Japanese investors to feed his entire family at ‘Charlie Chan’’s restaurant. Muriel’s middle sister sloppily wears her father’s state election tee shirt, printed with the text: ‘Vote 1, Bill Heslop. You can’t stop progress.’ The text sets up two ironic gags that are paid off on the dialogue track: “He lost,’ we are told. ‘Progress’ turns out to be funding the concreting of a beach. Bill berates his daughter Muriel: she has no chance of becoming a printer’s apprentice and she has failed a typing course. Her dysfunction in printed text has been covered up by Bill: he has bribed the typing teacher to issue a printed diploma to his daughter. In the gambling saloon of the club, under the arrays of mechanically repeated cultural symbols lit above the poker machines (‘A’ for ace, ‘Q’ for queen, etc.), Bill’s secret girlfriend Diedre risks giving Muriel a cosmetics job. Another text icon in lights announces the surf nightclub ‘Breakers’. Tania, the newly married queen bitch who has made Muriel’s teenage years a living hell, breaks up with her husband, deciding to cash in his negotiable text documents – his Bali honeymoon tickets – and go on an island holiday with her girlfriends instead. Text documents are the enduring site of agreements between people and also the site of mutations to those agreements. Tania dumps Muriel, who sobs and sobs. Sobs are a mechanical, percussive reproduction impressed on the sound track. Returning home, we discover that Muriel’s older brother has failed a printed test and been rejected for police recruitment. There is a high incidence of print illiteracy in the Heslop family. Mrs Heslop (Jeannie Drynan), for instance, regularly has trouble at the post office. Muriel sees a chance to escape the oppression of her family by tricking her mother into giving her a blank cheque. Here is the confluence of the legitimacy of a bank’s printed negotiable document with the risk and freedom of a blank space for rebel Muriel’s handwriting. Unable to type, her handwriting has the power to steal every cent of her father’s savings. She leaves home and spends the family’s savings at an island resort. On the island, the text print-challenged Muriel dances to a recording (sound print) of ABBA, her hand gestures emphasizing her bewigged face, which is made up in an impression of her pop idol. Her imitation of her goddesses – the ABBA women, her only hope in a real world of people who hate or avoid her – is accompanied by her goddesses’ voices singing: ‘the mystery book on the shelf is always repeating itself.’ Before jpeg and gif image downloads, we had postcard prints and snail mail. Muriel sends a postcard to her family, lying about her ‘success’ in the cosmetics business. The printed missal is clutched by her father Bill (Bill Hunter), who proclaims about his daughter, ‘you can’t type but you really impress me’. Meanwhile, on Hibiscus Island, Muriel lies under a moonlit palm tree with her newly found mentor, ‘bad girl’ Ronda (Rachel Griffiths). In this critical scene, where foolish Muriel opens her heart’s yearnings to a confidante she can finally trust, the director and DP have chosen to shoot a flat, high contrast blue filtered image. The visual result is very much like the semiabstract Japanese Ukiyo-e woodblock prints by Utamaro. This Japanese printing style informed the rise of European modern painting (Monet, Van Gogh, Picasso, etc., were all important collectors and students of Ukiyo-e prints). The above print and text elements in Muriel’s Wedding take us 27 minutes into her story, as recorded on a single page of real-time handwritten Coding. Although not discussed here, the Coding recorded the complete film – a total of 106 minutes of text elements and main graphic elements – as four pages of Code. Referring to this Coding some weeks after it was made, I looked up the final code on page four: taxi [food of the sea] bq. Translation: a shop sign whizzes past in the film’s background, as Muriel and Ronda leave Porpoise Spit in a taxi. Over their heads the text ‘Food Of The Sea’ flashes. We are reminded that Muriel and Ronda are mermaids, fantastic creatures sprung from the brow of author PJ Hogan, and illuminated even today in the pantheon of women’s coming-of-age art works. That the movie is relevant ten years on is evidenced by the current usage of the Muriel’s Wedding online forum, an intersection of wider discussions by sliterate women on imdb.com who, like Muriel, are observers (and in some cases victims) of horrific pressure from ambitious female gangs and bullies. Text is always a minor element in a motion picture (unless it is a subtitled foreign film) and text usually whizzes by subliminally while viewing a film. By Coding the work for [text], all the text nuances made by the film makers come to light. While I have viewed Muriel’s Wedding on many occasions, it has only been in Coding it specifically for text that I have noticed that Muriel is a representative of that vast class of talented youth who are discriminated against by print (as in text) educators who cannot offer her a life-affirming identity in the English classroom. Severely depressed at school, and failing to type or get a printer’s apprenticeship, Muriel finds paid work (and hence, freedom, life, identity, independence) working in her audio visual printed medium of choice: a video store in a new city. Muriel found a sliterate admirer at the video store but she later dumped him for her fantasy man, before leaving him too. One of the points of conjecture on the imdb Muriel’s Wedding site is, did Muriel (in the unwritten future) get back together with admirer Brice Nobes? That we will never know. While a print forms a track that tells us where culture has been, a print cannot be the future, a print is never animate reality. At the end of any trail of prints, one must lift one’s head from the last impression, and negotiate satisfaction in the happening world. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation. “Memo Shows US General Approved Interrogations.” 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. British Broadcasting Commission. “Films ‘Fuel Online File-Sharing’.’’ 22 Feb. 2005 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/3890527.stm>. Bretherton, I. “The Origins of Attachment Theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth.” 1994. 23 Jan. 2005 http://www.psy.med.br/livros/autores/bowlby/bowlby.pdf>. Bunniesormaybemidgets. Chat Room Comment. “What Did Those Girls Do to Rhonda?” 28 Mar. 2005 http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/>. Chinese Graphic Arts Net. Mantras of the Dharani Sutra. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.cgan.com/english/english/cpg/engcp10.htm>. Ewins, R. Barkcloth and the Origins of Paper. 1991. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.justpacific.com/pacific/papers/barkcloth~paper.html>. Grassl K.R. The DVD Statistical Report. 14 Mar. 2005 http://www.corbell.com>. Hahn, C. M. The Topic Is Paper. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.nystamp.org/Topic_is_paper.html>. Harper, D. Online Etymology Dictionary. 14 Mar. 2005 http://www.etymonline.com/>. Mask of Zorro, The. Screenplay by J McCulley. UA, 1920. Muriel’s Wedding. Dir. PJ Hogan. Perf. Toni Collette, Rachel Griffiths, Bill Hunter, and Jeannie Drynan. Village Roadshow, 1994. O’Hagan, Jack. On The Road to Gundagai. 1922. 2 Apr. 2005 http://ingeb.org/songs/roadtogu.html>. Poole, J.H., P.L. Tyack, A.S. Stoeger-Horwath, and S. Watwood. “Animal Behaviour: Elephants Are Capable of Vocal Learning.” Nature 24 Mar. 2005. Sanchez, R. “Interrogation and Counter-Resistance Policy.” 14 Sept. 2003. 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. Schultheiss, O.C., M.M. Wirth, and S.J. Stanton. “Effects of Affiliation and Power Motivation Arousal on Salivary Progesterone and Testosterone.” Hormones and Behavior 46 (2005). Sherry, N. The Life of Graham Greene. 3 vols. London: Jonathan Cape 2004, 1994, 1989. Silk Road. Printing. 2000. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.silk-road.com/artl/printing.shtml>. Smith, T. “Elpida Licenses ‘DVD on a Chip’ Memory Tech.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. —. “Intel Boffins Build First Continuous Beam Silicon Laser.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. Watson, R. S. “Eyes And Ears: Dramatic Memory Slicing and Salable Media Content.” Innovation and Speculation, ed. Brad Haseman. Brisbane: QUT. [in press] Watson, R. S. Visions. Melbourne: Curriculum Corporation, 1994. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Watson, Robert. "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion." M/C Journal 8.2 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>. APA Style Watson, R. (Jun. 2005) "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion," M/C Journal, 8(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>.

Introduction The decline of marriage in the West has been extensively researched over the last three decades (Carmichael and Whittaker; de Vaus; Coontz; Beck-Gernshein). Indeed, it was fears that the institution would be further eroded by the legalisation of same sex unions internationally that provided the impetus for the Australian government to amend the Marriage Act (1961). These amendments in 2004 sought to strengthen marriage by explicitly defining, for the first time, marriage as a legal partnership between one man and one woman. The subsequent heated debates over the discriminatory nature of this definition have been illuminating, particularly in the way they have highlighted the ongoing social significance of marriage, even at a time it is seen to be in decline. Demographic research about partnering practices (Carmichael and Whittaker; Simons; Parker; Penman) indicates that contemporary marriages are more temporary, fragile and uncertain than in previous generations. Modern marriages are now less about a permanent and “inescapable” union between a dominant man and a submissive female for the purposes of authorised sex, legal progeny and financial security, and more about a commitment between two social equals for the mutual exchange of affection and companionship (Croome). Less research is available, however, about how couples themselves reconcile the inherited constructions of romantic love as selfless and unending, with trends that clearly indicate that romantic love is not forever, ideal or exclusive. Civil marriage ceremonies provide one source of data about representations of love. Civil unions constituted almost 70 per cent of all marriages in Australia in 2010, according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics. The civil marriage ceremony has both a legal and symbolic role. It is a legal contract insofar as it prescribes a legal arrangement with certain rights and responsibilities between two consenting adults and outlines an expectation that marriage is voluntarily entered into for life. The ceremony is also a public ritual that requires couples to take what are usually private feelings for each other and turn them into a public performance as a way of legitimating their relationship. Consistent with the conventions of performance, couples generally customise the rest of the ceremony by telling the story of their courtship, and in so doing they often draw upon the language and imagery of the Western Romantic tradition to convey the personal meaning and social significance of their decision. This paper explores how couples construct the idea of love in their relationship, first by examining the western history of romantic love and then by looking at how this discourse is invoked by Australians in the course of developing civil marriage ceremonies in collaboration with the author. A History of Romantic Love There are many definitions of romantic love, but all share similar elements including an intense emotional and physical attraction, an idealisation of each other, and a desire for an enduring and unending commitment that can overcome all obstacles (Gottschall and Nordlund; Janowiak and Fischer). Romantic love has historically been associated with heightened passions and intense almost irrational or adolescent feelings. Charles Lindholm’s list of clichés that accompany the idea of romantic love include: “love is blind, love overwhelms, a life without love is not worth living, marriage should be for love alone and anything less is worthless and a sham” (5). These elements, which invoke love as sacred, unending and unique, perpetuate past cultural associations of the term. Romantic love was first documented in Ancient Rome where intense feelings were seen as highly suspect and a threat to the stability of the family, which was the primary economic, social and political unit. Roman historian Plutarch viewed romantic love based upon strong personal attraction as disruptive to the family, and he expressed a fear that romantic love would become the norm for Romans (Lantz 352). During the Middle Ages romantic love emerged as courtly love and, once again, the conventions that shaped its expression grew out of an effort to control excessive emotions and sublimate sexual desire, which were seen as threats to social stability. Courtly love, according to Marilyn Yalom, was seen as an “irresistible and inexhaustible passion; a fatal love that overcomes suffering and even death” (66). Feudal social structures had grounded marriage in property, while the Catholic Church had declared marriage a sacrament and a ceremony through which God’s grace could be obtained. In this context courtly love emerged as a way of dealing with the conflict between the individual and family choices over the martial partner. Courtly love is about a pure ideal of love in which the knight serves his unattainable lady, and, by carrying out feats in her honour, reaches spiritual perfection. The focus on the aesthetic ideal was a way to fulfil male and female emotional needs outside of marriage, while avoiding adultery. Romantic love re-appeared again in the mid-eighteenth century, but this time it was associated with marriage. Intellectuals and writers led the trend normalising romantic love in marriage as a reaction to the Enlightenment’s valorisation of reason, science and materialism over emotion. Romantics objected to the pragmatism and functionality induced by industrialisation, which they felt destroyed the idea of the mysterious and transcendental nature of love, which could operate as a form of secular salvation. Love could not be bought or sold, argued the Romantics, “it is mysterious, true and deep, spontaneous and compelling” (Lindholm 5). Romantic love also emerged as an expression of the personal autonomy and individualisation that accompanied the rise of industrial society. As Lanz suggests, romantic love was part of the critical reflexivity of the Enlightenment and a growing belief that individuals could find self actualisation through the expression and expansion of their “emotional and intellectual capacities in union with another” (354). Thus it was romantic love, which privileges the feelings and wishes of an individual in mate selection, that came to be seen as a bid for freedom by the offspring of the growing middle classes coerced into marriage for financial or property reasons. Throughout the 19th century romantic love was seen as a solution to the dehumanising forces of industrialisation and urbanisation. The growth of the competitive workplace—which required men to operate in a restrained and rational manner—saw an increase in the search for emotional support and intimacy within the domestic domain. It has been argued that “love was the central preoccupation of middle class men from the 1830s until the end of the 19th century” (Stearns and Knapp 771). However, the idealisation of the aesthetic and purity of love impacted marriage relations by casting the wife as pure and marital sex as a duty. As a result, husbands pursued sexual and romantic relationships outside marriage. It should be noted that even though love became cemented as the basis for marriage in the 19th century, romantic love was still viewed suspiciously by religious groups who saw strong affection between couples as an erosion of the fundamental role of the husband in disciplining his wife. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries romantic love was further impacted by urbanisation and migration, which undermined the emotional support provided by extended families. According to Stephanie Coontz, it was the growing independence and mobility of couples that saw romantic love in marriage consolidated as the place in which an individual’s emotional and social needs could be fully satisfied. Coontz says that the idea that women could only be fulfilled through marriage, and that men needed women to organise their social life, reached its heights in the 1950s (25-30). Changes occurred to the structure of marriage in the 1960s when control over fertility meant that sex was available outside of marriage. Education, equality and feminism also saw women reject marriage as their only option for fulfilment. Changes to Family Law Acts in western jurisdictions in the 1970s provided for no-fault divorce, and as divorce lost its stigma it became acceptable for women to leave failing marriages. These social shifts removed institutional controls on marriage and uncoupled the original sexual, emotional and financial benefits packaged into marriage. The resulting individualisation of personal lifestyle choices for men and women disrupted romantic conventions, and according to James Dowd romantic love came to be seen as an “investment” in the “future” that must be “approached carefully and rationally” (552). It therefore became increasingly difficult to sustain the idea of love as a powerful, mysterious and divine force beyond reason. Methodology In seeking to understand how contemporary partnering practices are reconstituting romantic love, I draw upon anecdotal data gathered over a nine-year period from my experiences as a marriage celebrant. In the course of personalising marriage ceremonies, I pose a series of questions designed to assist couples to explain the significance of their relationship. I generally ask brides and grooms why they love their fiancé, why they want to legalise their relationship, what they most treasure about their partner, and how their lives have been changed by their relationship. These questions help couples to reflexively interrogate their own relationship, and by talking about their commitment in concrete terms, they produce the images and descriptions that can be used to describe for guests the internal motivations and sentiments that have led to their decision to marry. I have had couples, when prompted to explain how they know the other person loves them say, in effect: “I know that he loves me because he brings me a cup of coffee every morning” or “I know that she loves me because she takes care of me so well.” These responses are grounded in a realism that helps to convey a sense of sincerity and authenticity about the relationship to the couple’s guests. This realism also helps to address the cynicism about the plausibility of enduring love. The brides and grooms in this sample of 300 couples were a socially, culturally and economically diverse group, and they provided a wide variety of responses ranging from deeply nuanced insights into the nature of their relationship, to admissions that their feelings were so private and deeply felt that words were insufficient to convey their significance. Reoccurring themes, however, emerged across the cases, and it is evident that even as marriage partnerships may be entered into for a variety of reasons, romantic love remains the mechanism by which couples talk of their feelings for each other. Australian Love and Marriage Australians' attitudes to romantic love and marriage have, understandably, been shaped by western understandings of romantic love. It is evident, however, that the demands of late modern capitalist society, with its increased literacy, economic independence and sexual equality between men and women, have produced marriage as a negotiable contract between social equals. For some, like Carol Pateman, this sense of equality within marriage may be illusory. Nonetheless, the drive for individual self-fulfilment by both the bride and groom produces a raft of challenges to traditional ideas of marriage as couples struggle to find a balance between independence and intimacy; between family and career; and between pursuing personal goals and the goals of their partners. This shift in the nature of marriage has implications for the “quest for undying romantic love,” which according to Anthony Giddens has been replaced by other forms of relationship, "each entered into for its own sake, for what can be derived by each person from a sustained association with another; and which is continued only in so far as it is thought by both parties to deliver enough satisfactions for each individual to stay within it” (qtd. in Lindholm 6). The impact of these social changes on the nature of romantic love in marriage is evident in how couples talk about their relationship in the course of preparing a ceremony. Many couples describe the person they are marrying as their best friend, and friendship is central to their commitment. This description supports research by V.K. Oppenheimer which indicates that many contemporary couples have a more “egalitarian collaborative approach to marriage” (qtd. in Carmichael and Whittaker 25). It is also standard for couples to note in ceremonies that they make each other happy and contented, with many commenting upon how their partners have helped to bring focus and perspective to their work-oriented lives. These comments tend to invoke marriage as a refuge from the isolation, competition, and dehumanising elements of workplaces. Since emotional support is central to the marriage contract, it is not surprising that care for each other is another reoccurring theme in ceremonies. Many brides and grooms not only explicitly say they are well taken care of by their partner, but also express admiration for their partner’s treatment of their families and friends. This behaviour appears to be seen as an indicator of the individual’s capacity for support and commitment to family values. Many couples admire partner’s kindness, generosity and level of personal self-sacrifice in maintaining the relationship. It is also not uncommon for brides and grooms to say they have been changed by their love: become kinder, more considerate and more tolerant. Honesty, communication skills and persistence are also attributes that are valued. Brides and grooms who have strong communication skills are also praised. This may refer to interpersonal competency and the willingness to acquire the skills necessary to negotiate the endless compromises in contemporary marriage now that individualisation has undermined established rules, rituals and roles. Persistence and the ability not to be discouraged by setbacks is also a reoccurring theme, and this connects with the idea that marriage is work. Many couples promise to grow together in their marriage and to both take responsibility for the health of their relationship. This promise implies awareness that marriage is not the fantasy of happily ever after produced in romantic popular culture, but rather an arrangement that requires hard work and conscious commitment, particularly in building a union amidst many competing options and distractions. Many couples talk about their relationship in terms of companionship and shared interests, values and goals. It is also not uncommon for couples to say that they admire their partner for supporting them to achieve their life goals or for exposing them to a wider array of lifestyle choices and options like travel or study. These examples of interdependence appear to make explicit that couples still see marriage as a vehicle for personal freedom and self-realisation. The death of love is also alluded to in marriage ceremonies. Couples talk of failed past relationships, but these are produced positively as a mechanism that enables the couple to know that they have now found an enduring relationship. It is also evident that for many couples the decision to marry is seen as the formalisation of a preexisting commitment rather than the gateway to a new life. This is consistent with figures that show that 72 per cent of Australian couples chose to cohabit before marriage (Simons 48), and that cohabitation has become the “normative pathway to marriage” (Penman 26). References to children also feature in marriage ceremonies, and for the couples I have worked with marriage is generally seen as the pre-requisite for children. Couples also often talk about “being ready” for marriage. This seems to refer to being financially prepared. Robyn Parker citing the research of K. Edin concludes that for many modern couples “rushing into marriage before being ‘set’ is irresponsible—marrying well (in the sense of being well prepared) is the way to avoid divorce” (qtd. in Parker 81). From this overview of reoccurring themes in the production of Australian ceremonies it is clear that romantic love continues to be associated with marriage. However, couples describe a more grounded and companionable attachment. These more practical and personalised sentiments serve to meet both the public expectation that romantic love is a precondition for marriage, while also avoiding the production of romantic love in the ceremony as an empty cliché. Grounded descriptions of love reveal that attraction does not have to be overwhelming and unconquerable. Indeed, couples who have lived together and are intimately acquainted with each other’s habits and disposition, appear to be most comfortable expressing their commitment to each other in more temperate, but no less deeply felt, terms. Conclusion This paper has considered how brides and grooms constitute romantic love within the shifting partnering practices of contemporary Australia. It is evident “in the midst of significant social and economic change and at a time when individual rights and freedom of choice are important cultural values” marriage remains socially significant (Simons 50). This significance is partially conveyed through the language of romantic love, which, while freighted with an array of cultural and historical associations, remains the lingua franca of marriage, perhaps because as Roberto Unger observes, romantic love is “the most influential mode of moral vision in our culture” (qtd. in Lindholm 5). It is thus possible to conclude, that while marriage may be declining and becoming more fragile and impermanent, the institution remains important to couples in contemporary Australia. Moreover, the language and imagery of romantic love, which publicly conveys this importance, remains the primary mode of expressing care, affection and hope for a partnership, even though the changed partnering practices of late modern capitalist society have exposed the utopian quality of romantic love and produced a cynicism about the viability of its longevity. It is evident in the marriage ceremonies prepared by the author that while the language of romantic love has come to signify a broader range of more practical associations consistent with the individualised nature of modern marriage and demystification of romantic love, it also remains the best way to express what Dowd and Pallotta describe as a fundamental human “yearning for communion with and acceptance by another human being” (571). 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