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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Empereur de Rome (Romance)"
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Budner, Keith. "How Does a Moorish Prince Become a Roman Caesar? Fictions and Forgeries, Emperors and Others from the Spanish "Flores" Romances to the Lead Books of Granada". Medieval Globe 5, nr 2 (2019): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.5-2.8.
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This article reads the two Spanish versions of the Flores romance as ideologically embedded in the conflict and contact between Christians and Muslims in medieval Iberia, as well as after the "Reconquista" of 1492 and the subsequent renegotiation of Spanish-Morisco relations. It argues that the printed version of the romance, published in 1512 and frequently reprinted, imagines a fictional resolution to the problem of the Moriscos' socio-political status by making its Morisco protagonist an emperor of Rome. It contrasts this successful fiction with a failed contemporary forgery that had a similar goal: the Lead Books of Granada.
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Reichert, Stephie. "Vivre selon son ethos : Le cas du prince en tant que magister legum , de César à Néron". Revue historique 709, nr 1 (28.03.2024): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhis.241.0095.
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L’article analyse le rapport étroit entre la loi et le pouvoir des princes en tant que magister legum , de César à Néron. L’analyse porte sur la dualité entre le bon prince, démontrant ses vertus grâce à des décisions sages, et le mauvais prince, terrorisant son peuple. César est l’exemple type du bonus princeps , il se laisse guider par sa bienveillance et son indulgence et est considéré par les sources littéraires comme iustus , même s’il agit à l’encontre de la loi. Il est clair qu’Auguste doit suivre le modèle du bon prince qui accomplit les vertus prédéterminées par son père adoptif. L’article s’intéresse surtout au cas d’Auguste qui, par son comportement, influence le verdict d’un procès. Face à l’ auctoritas du prince, beaucoup d’accusés abandonnent et nombre d’entre eux commettent le suicide, car tomber en disgrâce, vivre une renuntiatio amicitiae de la part du prince, a des conséquences considérables dans la société romaine. L’ auctoritas du prince juste n’a pas de limites. Tibère et Caligula sont des exemples de mali principes. Claude est condamné dans la lecture satirique de Sénèque parce qu’il n’a aucune considération ni pour la justice, ni pour l’équité, ni pour tout procès de droit commun. Néron, le dernier empereur julio-claudien, constitue le premier exemple attesté largement de l’effacement de la mémoire d’un prince-tyran tandis que Rome sombre dans une période de bouleversements d’une durée d’un an et demi (68-69), pendant laquelle quatre empereurs ont régné sur l’Empire romain.
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Lovenjak, Milan. "Roman Tribune Cola di Rienzo (1347), Res Gestae Divi Augusti and Lex de Imperio Vespasiani". Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 20, nr 1 (30.10.2018): 47–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.20.1.47-104.
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The anonymous and fragmentarily preserved Romance-dialect Chronicle describing the history of Rome in 1325–1360, the extensive correspondence between Cola di Rienzo (1313–1354) and rulers, nobles, Church dignitaries, and intellectuals (especially Petrarch) in Italy and abroad, as well as various documentary sources allow us to trace Rienzo’s career in considerable detail. A papal notary, a scholar in Classical literature, an exceptional orator and a copyist and translator of Ancient Roman inscriptions, Rienzo, aided by a group of followers, overthrew the baron rule in Rome in May 1347, assumed the title of ‘Roman Tribune’ and seized power with the aim of reuniting Italy under a common emperor, a concept modelled on the first Roman emperor, Augustus. After undertaking a number of more or less successful measures, public manifestations and diplomatic activities, he was forced to retreat by a clash with the barons’ army even before the end of the year. After years of exile, he returned triumphant in the middle of 1354 to seize power, but the first few weeks of tyranny and arbitrary measures led to his tragic demise at the hands of an infuriated mob. Later he grew into the subject of myth, portrayed in numerous literary, musical, and dramatic adaptations. The present paper examines two ancient documents crucial to the formation of the principate (the renewal of which was Cola’s objective), i.e. Augustus’ account of his own deeds (Res gestae divi Augusti), which is mentioned by Suetonius and known from three epigraphically attested copies from Asia Minor, and a bronze plaque bearing a law on the conferment of powers on Emperor Vespasian, the so-called Lex de imperio Vespasiani. The plaque was used as propaganda by Cola during his preparations for the coup. The inconsistencies between the parts of the law preserved on the plaque (it must have been preceded by at least one other plaque) and the account of Cola’s interpretation as given in the anonymous Chronicle raise a number of questions, which resist definitive answers.
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Amon, Hermann. "Usurpation et coup d’État dans l’empire romain : nouvelles approches". Cahiers d'histoire 31, nr 2 (6.11.2013): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019283ar.
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Après sa victoire à Actium, Octave devint le seul maître de Rome. Il lui incombait donc de réaliser les réformes nécessaires pour mettre fin au long cycle de guerres civiles qui avaient agité la République. La réorganisation de l’État romain par Octave conduit à la naissance d’une nouvelle structure politique : le Principat. Pendant de nombreuses décennies, le concept d’usurpation fut préféré à celui de coup d’État pour qualifier la contestation de la « légitimité » d’un empereur régnant par un autre prétendant dans cette structure politique. Les historiens de l’Antiquité considéraient le concept de coup d’État trop contemporain et, par conséquent, anachronique. Toutefois, ces dernières années, on assiste à une importante évolution conceptuelle et sémantique sur ce sujet. Les spécialistes s’intéressant à l’histoire politique de l’Empire romain n’hésitant plus à parler de coup d’État pour décrire la réalité historique de la contestation de la légitimité d’un empereur régnant. L’objectif général de cet article est d’expliquer les avantages de cette transition.
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Reshetnikova, E. S. "On one of the symbolical Aspects of the Medieval Romance". Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philology. Journalism 10, nr 3 (2010): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1817-7115-2010-10-3-51-57.
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The article deals with the symbolical meaning of the medieval romance and its genre nomination – «romanz». The word «romanz» and the genre itself refer to Rome and the prestigious, legitimating tradition concerned with Rome. Thus, romance may be considered as a specific secular and literary analogy of «translatio imperii» strategy.
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Meulder, Marcel. "Auguste et Othon face au présage du Tibre". Revue des Études Anciennes 111, nr 2 (2009): 493–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rea.2009.6640.
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Selon Suétone, Othon lors de son départ de Rome pour combattre Vitellius commet des impiétés à l’encontre du Tibre, du dieu Mars et de la déesse Cybèle . Le mépris par T empereur du signal religieux que constitue la crue du fleuve, le différencie totalement d’Auguste, qui, lui aussi, dut faire face à une crue tibérine au début de son règne ; qui plus est, sa négligence des cérémonies en l’honneur de Mars sera fatale à Othon aux yeux de ses adversaires.
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Prigent, Vivien. "Les empereurs isauriens et la confiscation des patrimoines pontificaux d’Italie du Sud". Mélanges de l École française de Rome Moyen Âge 116, nr 2 (2004): 557–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.2004.9334.
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L’auteur revient sur la question du transfert au patriarche de Constantinople de la juridiction sur l’Italie du sud et de la saisie des patrimoines pontificaux de Sicile et Calabre. Traditionnellement mises au compte de l’empereur Léon III et datées du début des années 730 sur la foi du témoignage de Théophane le Confesseur, ces réformes devraient être dissociées en plusieurs phases distinctes. La modification juridictionnelle aurait bien été le fait du premier empereur isaurien mais serait à dater des années 720. Au début des années 730, le gouvernement impérial n’orchestra qu’une simple réforme de l’administration fiscale. Enfin, en se basant sur l’étude du rythme de la dévaluation monétaire à Rome, sur la multiplication des pénuries, ainsi que sur les effets de la peste, on propose de ne placer la véritable saisie des biens de l’Église de Rome qu’au début des années 740, en relation avec le soutien apporté par le pape à l’usurpation d’Artavasde.
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Rodríguez Garrido, Jacobo. "Non enim iam servi nostri principis amici . Trajano y las reglas de la quaestio servi". Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 49/2, nr 2 (12.12.2023): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dha.492.0167.
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Dans la procédure médico-légale typique de la Rome du Principat et du droit romain dit classique, le recours à l’interrogatoire par la torture est intrinsèquement lié au monde servile, puisque ce n’est que par le tormentum que le témoignage de l’esclave était considéré comme valable. Cette affirmation trouve une réserve importante dans la quaestio servi contra dominos , c’est-à-dire l’utilisation du témoignage de l’esclave contre les intérêts de son propre maître. Cet article analyse la législation impériale de Trajan concernant le tormentum servi et la nuance sur la base du discours central du Panégyrique que Pline le Jeune consacre à cet empereur où il cherche à souligner les différences fondamentales entre l’empereur hispanique et son prédécesseur Domitien, ce qui n’est pas toujours étayé par des sources juridiques.
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Amitay, Ory. "Alexander between Rome and Carthage in the Alexander Romance (A)". Phoenix 77, nr 1-2 (marzec 2023): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2023.a926362.
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Abstract: The Alexander Romance takes Alexander to Italy and to Carthage, synchronizing him with the First Punic War. It represents the Alexandrian perspective, commenting on Ptolemaic interests through Alexander's character. This interpretation adds to the recognized Ptolemaic elements in the AR and sheds new light on an event of the First Punic War. Réesumé: Le Roman d'Alexandre emmène Alexandre en Italie et à Carthage, ce qui le place dans le cadre de la première guerre punique. Les événements sont présentés du point de vue alexandrinà travers le personnage d'Alexandre, qui représente les intérêts ptolémaïques. Cette interprétation ajoute un élément ptolémaïque de plus à ceux déjà identifiés dans le Roman et éclaire sous un nouveau jour l'un des épisodes de la première guerre punique.
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Blave Gómez, Raquel. "Art at the Service of Progress in The Marble Faun". VERBEIA. Revista de Estudios Filológicos. Journal of English and Spanish Studies 5, nr 4 (29.04.2019): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.57087/verbeia.2019.4062.
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Contrary to what we read in Hawthorne’s previous books, little is discussed about thedichotomy novel vs. romance in the preface to The Marble Faun. Art, a key subtext in thestory, is more powerfully introduced than the novel /romance issue. Nevertheless, theword romance appears directly in the title of the book, The Romance of Monte Beni, turningthe genre issue into one of the structuring principles of the text while diverting thereaders’ /critics’ attention to art itself. In general, Hawthorne’s texts present an artist asthe main character, an artist with whom the author himself empathizes. The Marble Faunnarrates the lives in Rome of three artists and of Donatello, who is said to strongly
resemble Praxiteles’ Faun. This article will contend that Hawthorne uses art and his ownway of writing in The Marble Faun to show the need for progress in 19th-century NorthAmerica.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Empereur de Rome (Romance)"
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Combe, Ségolène. "Néron est-il un prince ? : étude de politique romaine". Corte, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009CORT0008.
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Mon investigation scientifique et philologique est en quelque sorte une catharsis au niveau du sens politique de Nero princeps. Le coeur de la thèse consiste en un corpus réunissant 41 auteurs de langues, de cultures, d'origines et de bords différents que 12 siècles séparent. Pour faciliter sa lecture, son commentaire, et suivre l'évolution du vocabulaire au fil des siècles, les auteurs sont classés chronologiquement. La question sous-jacente à l'étude linguistique et conceptuelle de ces discours consiste à savoir si on est en face de 4 interprétations -latine, grecque, religieuse et byzantine- de ce qu'est politiquement Nero. Sénèque est l'auteur décisif en matière de désignation politique de Néron. Sa création majeure réside dans la notion Nero Caesar qui fait passer ces 2 nomina au rang de concept politique. Cette invention est en corrélation avec la remise au goût du jour plus ou moins officielle de "l'idée de royauté" attachée au princeps. Chez les religieux Néron privatus et Néron princeps tendent à se confondre. Il devient la Bête, le représentant terrestre de Satan. A ce titre il est nécessairement un personnage puissant qui peut rivaliser dans son humaine mesure, avec le divin. Cette confusion trouve sa résolution finale avec les Byzantins qui, en procédant à une graduation sémantique de l'évolution princière vers la toute-puissance, mettent en relief l'étroitesse des parois censées compartimenter le prince, être quasi surhumain, de 1 'homme en proie à ses pulsions et ses faiblesses. Zosime puis Zonaras créent un concept -monarchia-' résumant 10 siècles de débats philosophico-politiques. Ce mot institue Néron fondateur de régime politique. Ces 4 groupes, malgré des différences d'approches, des divergences d'opinion et une non uniformité lexicale totale, ont compris le message de Sénèque qu'ils corroborent puisque jusqu'au Xnème siècle, derrière le nom, Nero, devenu concept, existe un véritable programme politiqueMy scientific and philological investigation is like a catharsis on a level with the political sense of Nero princeps. The thesis's hearth is a corpus about 41 authors of languages, cultures, origins and differents opinions that 12 centuries separate. Ln order to facilitate his reading, his commentary and to follow the vocabulary evolution, the authors are presented in a chronological order. We want to know if there are 4 interpretations -latin, greek, religious and byzantine¬about who is politically Nero. Seneca is the decisive thinker in matters of Nero's political designation. His major creation lies in the Nero aesar's concept whose puts this 2 nomina at the level of political idea. This invention operate with the rebirth of « ['idée de royauté» linked to the princeps. With the religious, Nero privatus and Nero princeps confound themselves. Nero becomes the Beast, the terrestrial delegate of Satan. Ln virtue of this, he is necessary a powerful personage who can compete in his human proportion with the divine. This confusion finds a final resolution with the byzantines who, by proceeding to the semantic's graduation of the princely evolution towards the omnipotence, put in relief the partition's straitness whose compart the prince, being almost superhuman, than the man' victim of one's pulses and weaknesses. Zosime then Zonaras create a concept -monarchia- recapitulating 10 centuries of discussion and instituting Nero founder of political form of govemment. This 4 groups, in spite of different approaches and opinions, have understood the Seneca's message that corroborate since to the 12 century behind the name Nero became concept, exists a real political programme
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Maget, Jean-Pierre. "Autour de trois nymphées de la Domus Aurea de Néron". Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004STR20037.
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Á la suite de l'incendie de Rome en 64, Néron édifia la Domus Aurea que l'on confond, aujourd'hui, avec le palais sur l'Oppius construit strictement selon les points cardinaux. Il n'a été fouillé que sur environ 3/5èmes de sa superficie mais les sondages ont montré qu'il était parfaitement symétrique, de sorte qu'au péristyle Ouest correspond un péristyle Est. Deux nymphées ont été retrouvés : dans l'aile Ouest celui d'Ulysse et Polyphème qui s'ouvre sur le vaste péristyle intérieur et, au centre, un escalier d'eau jaillissant au Nord de l'octogone central. La domus étant symétrique, il faut admettre que dans l'aile Est un nymphée s'ouvrait en face du péristyle Est non encore dégagé. Un plan récent montre qu'au Nord-Est du nymphée d'Ulysse, un ancien mur d'horrea se dirige, en oblique, vers le haut de l'Oppius. Si ce mur n'a pas été démoli, c'est sans doute parce qu'il couvrait une canalisation alimentant le nymphée en eau. Or la même verrue formée par l'amorce d'un mur oblique apparaît en face du péristyle Est, sans qu'il s'agisse, dans ce cas, d'un ancien mur d'horrea. Ce mur a donc été construit en oblique, à dessein, pour alimenter en eau un nymphée : il s'interrompt au centre de la pièce ouvrant sur le péristyle et prouve ainsi qu'un nymphée s'ouvrait à cet endroit. Quant à l'identification de ce troisième nymphée, elle peut se déterminer par complémentarité de celui au Polyphème [la crainte qu'Ulysse, rusé comme Néron, ne puisse s'échapper] et de celui de l'octogone [symbole de puissance, celle de l'eau et celle de Néron]. Le troisième nymphée devait avoir aussi un rapport avec Néron qui se considérait comme un artiste complet. Le héros de référence est Orphée qui, grâce à son art, est descendu aux Enfers et a obtenu d'en ramener Eurydice. Son échec inspire la pitié puisqu'en se retournant, il renvoie Eurydice à la mort. Or selon Aristote la puissance est faite de crainte et de pitié. La crainte et la pitié sont le ressort de la tragédie : ils créent la puissance. Á l'actuel emplacement du Colisée, existait un lac alimenté par le Temple du Divin Claude transformé en nymphée. Ce lac représentait la mare nostrum sur laquelle régnait Néron et, en reflétant le ciel, il prouvait que les dieux cautionnaient l'empereurFollowing the fire of Rome 64 AD, Nero built the Domus Aurea which is still confused with the Palace on the Oppius, built exactly in alignment with the points of the compass. Only approximately 3/5 of the area has been excavated, but the initial findings show a perfect symmetry, in that the western peristyle corresponds exactly with the eastern peristyle. Two nymphea have been found - one in the west wing, that of Ulysses and Polyphemus (which opens onto the vast interior peristyle) and one in the centre where water forming a cascade gusches forth to the North of the central octagon. As the Domus is symmetrical, one must assume that there will be a nympheum in the Eastern wing, opposite the (yet to be excavated) eastern peristyle. A recent plan shows that, in the north east of the nympheum of Ulysses, an old wall of Horrea is angled towards the top of the Oppius. If this wall wasn't demolished it is without a doubt because it covered a channel supplying the nympheum with water. The same eyesore formed by the initial section of a slanting wall appeare opposite the eastern peristyle, but, in this case, it was not an old wall of horrea. Hense it was built at a slant, to supply a nympheum with water : it is interrupted in the centre of the room opening onto the peristyle and thus shows that a nympheum is present in this place. The identity of this third nympheum can be ascertained by complementary to the nympheum of Polyphemus [the fear that Ulysses, cunning like Nero, could manage to escape] and that of the octogon [symbol of power, of water and of Nero]. The third nympheum must also have a link with Nero, who considered himself to be a true artist. The hero of reference is Orpheus who, thanks to his cunning, went down into the Underworld to try to bring back Eurydice. His failure inspires pity as by returning he condemned Eurydice to death. According to Aristotle power is made from fear and pity, the spirit of tragedy : they create power. As the current site of the Coliseum, there is a lake fed by the Temple of the Divine Claudius transformed into a nympheum. This lake represented the mare nostrum on which Nero reigned and, in reflecting heaven from its surface, showed that the gods gave their support to the Emperor
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Sanchez, Lionel. "Varius, multiplex, multiformis : monumentalité et politique pendant le règne d'Hadrien (117-138)". Perpignan, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PERP0759.
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Tout au long de son règne, Hadrien a montré un intérêt certain pour la construction, comme s’il avait trouvé dans l’architecture le moyen de marquer de son empreinte la visage de cette grande cité. Les exemple de ses réalisations les plus accomplies se trouvent à Rome et à Tibur. Le Panthéon, le temple de Vénus et Rome, le mausolée et la Villa Hadriana en sont quelques-unes des meilleures illustrations. Les historiens semblent pourtant moins s’intéresser à la portée politique et idéologique des monuments qu’à leur architecture et leur décor. L’un des objectifs de cette étude est de mettre en relation chacune des constructions phares du principat d’Hadrien en essayant de comprendre comment ils sont liés à la politique et à l’idéologie de l’empereur. Cela passe par une étude de l’architecture et du décor, mais ce travail implique également la connaissance des textes biographiques relatifs au règne de l’empereur et l’étude de la numismatique, abondante et diversifiée, entre les années 117 et 138. Hadrien fut aussi un voyageur infatigable : pendant plus de douze ans, il n’a cessé de parcourir l’orbis romanus pour visiter les provinces de l’Empire. Loin de la motivation touristique, les déplacements d’Hadrien s’accompagnent d’une politique édilitaire originale, visant à embellir et relever les cités visitées par le Prince. La présente étude entend mettre en avant l’implication politique, religieuse et idéologique de ces constructions et, dans une perspective plus large, la vision du principat tel qu’il était conçu par HadrienThroughout his reign, Hadrian showed an unquestionable interest for construction, as if it had found in architecture the means of marking of his print the face of this large city. The example of its most accomplished achievements are in Rome and Tibur, and the Pantheon, the temple of Venus and Rome, the mausoleum and the Villa Hadriana are ended of it. The historians however seem less to be interested in the political and ideological range monuments that in their architecture and their decoration. One of the objectives of this study is to connect each construction headlights of the principat of Hadrian while trying to understand how they are related on the policy and the ideology of the emperor. That passes by a study of architecture and decoration, but this work also implies the knowledge of the biographical texts relating to the reign of the emperor and the study of the numismatics, abundant and diversified, between years 117 and 138. Hadrian was also an untiring traveller: during more than twelve years, it did not cease traversing the orbis romanus to visit the provinces of the Empire. Far from the tourist motivation, displacements of Hadrian are accompanied by an original municipal policy, aiming to embellish and raise the cities visited by the Prince. The present study intends to propose the implication political, religious and ideological of these constructions and, from the broader point of view, the vision of the principat such as it was conceived by Hadrian
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Lempereur, Olivier. "L'empereur Publius Helvius Pertinax : recherches historiques et numismatiques". Grenoble, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010GRENH023.
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Publius Helvius Pertinax, qui n'a régné que quatre-vingt-sept jours en 193 après J. -C. , est un personnage mal connu de l'Histoire romaine. L'objectif de cette recherche est de répertorier toutes les sources disponibles, afin d'établir une synthèse sur la vie et le gouvernement de l'éphémère empereur. Textes littéraires, inscriptions, codes juridiques, bustes, bijoux ont été recensés, ainsi qu’un peu plus de deux mille cents monnaies. Cette documentation permet de dresser un tableau de l’Empire romain durant la deuxième moitié du IIè siècle après J. -C. , et d'analyser la carrière de Pertinax, fils d'affranchi qui parvint à devenir empereur après l’assassinat de Commode. Riches d'informations, ces sources sont en revanche plus délicates à interpréter pour connaître la personnalité de Pertinax : cynique et aimant l'argent selon les unes, grand humaniste lâchement trahi selon les autres, nous n'avons en définitive que peu de certitudes sur « l'homme » Pertinax et sur sa famille. La numismatique a été particulièrement traitée dans notre recherche ; l'étude des légendes et des différents types monétaires révèle en effet une partie de la pensée politique du Prince. De plus, des catalogues des monnaies et des classements par liaisons de coins ont été établis pour les quatre ateliers -Rome, Alexandrie, Tomis et Prusa ad Olympum- ayant fonctionné au début de 193. Ces données nouvellement exploitées permettent d'approfondir la politique monétaire de Pertinax, et également de mieux connaître l'organisation des ateliers monétaires, notamment celui de Rome. Le recoupement de ces sources variées nous permet ainsi de compléter le portrait général de cet empereur et de son règne éphémèrePublius Helvius Pertinax, who only reigned for eighty-seven days in 193 AD, is not a well-known figure in the Roman History. This research aims at listing all the available sources, in order to draw up a synthesis of this short-lived emperor’s life and short-lived government. Literary texts, inscriptions, legal codes, busts, jewels have been listed, as well as a little more than two thousand one hundred coins. These documents enable us to draw a picture of the Roman Empire during the second half of the second Century A. D. And to analyse the carrier of Pertinax, son of a freedman who became an emperor after Commodus’ murder. Although full of information, these sources are more difficult to interpret as regards as Pertinax’s personality : cynical and loving money for some of them, a great humanist cowardly betrayed for others, we have in fact few certainties on the man Pertinax and on his family. In our research, we have mainly dealt with numismatics. The study of the legends and of the different types actually reveals some of the Prince’s political thinking. Moreover, catalogues of money and die links classification have been established for the four mints (Roma, Alexandria, Tomis and Prusa Ad Olympum) operating in the early 193. These recently exploited facts enabled us to go deeper into Pertinax’s monetary policy, as well as to know more about the organization of the mints, especially the one of Roma. The cross-checking of these various sources enables us to complete the general picture of this emperor and of this short reign
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Platon, Marie. "Édition des livres 57 et 58 de l'"Histoire romaine" de Dion Cassius : établissement du texte, traduction et commentaire". Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOU20124/document.
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Cette thèse, une édition traduite et commentée de deux livres de l'Histoire romaine (livres 57 et 58), s'inscrit dans un programme d'édition critique complète et moderne de cette œuvre. Dans ce diptyque faisant suite au cycle augustéen des livres 51 à 56, Dion Cassius retrace, avec le recul d'un sénateur romain de l'époque sévérienne, le principat de Tibère et ses soubresauts, des mutineries des légions en Pannonie et en Germanie à la disparition subreptice de l'empereur, en passant par les morts tragiques des héritiers présomptifs Germanicus et Drusus et la trahison de Séjan. Particulièrement attentif aux questions institutionnelles, l'historien grec s'attache à montrer comment le successeur d'Auguste poursuit l'œuvre de fondation du Principat entreprise par ce dernier en même temps qu'il la pervertit et s'éloigne progressivement de l'idéal politique défini par Mécène au livre 52, en particulier dans les relations qu'il instaure avec les sénateurs. Combinant structure biographique et trame annalistique, approche chronologique et distorsions temporelles, le récit de Dion vient tantôt corroborer tantôt nuancer les témoignages antérieurs des écrivains latins Suétone et Tacite sur la personnalité de Tibère et les événements marquants de son principat. Bien que longtemps considérés par les historiens modernes comme une source d'appoint pour la connaissance de cette période, les livres 57 et 58 de l'Histoire romaine, malgré leur état partiellement lacunaire, apportent de surcroît un éclairage essentiel sur les circonstances entourant la chute de Séjan, pour lesquelles nous ne disposons pas du témoignage des Annales de Tacite. À côté de notre travail d'établissement du texte et de traduction, nous proposons donc un commentaire qui s'efforce de dégager, en trois temps consacrés successivement à la structure narrative des deux livres, à la construction d'une figure d'empereur à la fois singulière et archétypale, et, enfin, à la tonalité distanciée du récit, l'originalité stylistique et l'intérêt historique du point de vue développé par Dion Cassius sur la vie politique et les institutions romaines du Haut-EmpireThis thesis is a translated edition of Books 57 & 58 of Cassius Dio's Roman History, with a philological and historical commentary. The latter edition of Cassius Dio's work is now outdated, and so are the French translations based upon it. Our work constitutes a part of a larger programme that aims to provide an up-to-date edition with a translation of the complete works of Cassius Dio. In books 57 & 58, the Greek historian, living under the Severans, follows thoroughly the evolution of the Tiberian Principate, with a particular focus on the political crisis from military rebellions in Pannonia and Germania to Sejanus' conspiracy. His analyses are founded both on his literature searches and on his own political experience as a Roman senator, and reveal an accurate knowledge of the institutional realities of the Early Principate. The main goal of the two books is to show how Tiberius, as the successor of Augustus, completes the founding work of his great predecessor while debasing the political ideals defined by Maecenas in book 52. In this train of thought, Dio pays special attention to the relationships between the Emperor and the Senators and how they evolve. Combining biographical patterns with an annalistic framework, the narration provides an original point of view on the figure of Tiberius, beside the earlier testimonies of Suetonius and Tacitus which remain incomplete with regard to the fall of Sejanus. Accordingly, the present work focusses on three main areas, including first the narrative structure, then the profiling of Tiberius as a political leader in relation to other rulers, and finally the distanced and ironic view on the political and human comedy
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Schilling, Maryse. "Rome et le prince dans les "Odes" d'Horace : construction d'une mythologie impériale romaine". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAC028/document.
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Avec l'avènement du prince en 27 av. J.-C. s'ouvre à Rome ce qu'on appelle le siècle d'Auguste et qui correspond à une période de révolution à la fois politique, mais aussi culturelle. Auteurs et poètes étaient engagés dans cette réflexion collective sur les fondements de la Ville, son identité, ses rapports avec son prince et ses dieux, I'imperium d'Auguste et les modèles à offrir à la nouvelle génération. La thèse entend étudier la manière dont le poète latin Horace participa non seulement au renouvellement des formes poétiques à Rome, mais aussi à ces réflexions sur le nouus status. Comment la lyrique archaïque grecque qu'il tente d'acclimater à Rome dans ses Odes, mais aussi les mythes grecs qu'il réélabore et fait entrer en résonance avec les enjeux du principat, lui permettent d'évoquer les relations privilégiées de Rome et de son prince ?With the accession of the princeps in 27 BC, begins in Rome the "Age of Augustus" - a period of political, but also cultural revolution. Authors and poets joined this collective thinking about the foundations of the City, its identity, its relationship with its princeps and its gods, the imperium of Augustus, and the ideals to offer to the new generation... This dissertation aims to analyse how the Latin poet Horace took part not only to the renewal of the poetic forms in Rome, but also to these reflections around the novus status. ln which way the archaic Greek lyric, that he tries to adapt to Rome in his Odes, as well as the Greek mythology, that he recreates to make them echo the challenges of the Principate, make it possible for Horace to conjure the privileged relation ship between Rome and its princeps?
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Dubosc, Ginette. "Recherches sur les empereurs romains et la déesse Minerve : de Tibère à Antonin Le Pieux". Toulouse 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001TOU20057.
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Les recherches comprennent cinq parties : 1) Image de Minerve, définie d'après des textes. Un processus de latinisation des mythes se produit au début de l'Empire. L'anthropomorphisme de la divinité est accentué vers la fin du Ier siècle ; les écrivains sont plus sensibles à son culte. La religion s'héllénise. Des sculptures montrent une Minerve punissant Arachné, sous Domitien, et Minerve "maternelle", dans la naissance d'Erichtonios, mythe d'autochtonie sous Hadrien. 2) Investigation sur les monnaies : l'image du palladium s'est perpétuée de Galba à Antonin. Claude fut le premier prince à faire paraître la Promachos. Néron s'attacha au symbole de la chouette. Avec Vespasien émerge une Minerve victorieuse. Titus aurait introduit le modèle de Minerve tenant le foudre. Une iconographie nouvelle caractérise le règne de Domitien : Minerve assise, ou ailée, ou encore en buste. . . Puis abandon par Nerva à Rome de thèmes liés à la divinité, pour cause de condamnation de la mémoire du Flavien. Trajan produit modérément des pièces sur Minerve ; il s'intéresse à la triade capitoline. Hadrien et Antonin favorisent le développement du culte de la déesse. 3) Pratique religieuse : temple de Jupiter capitolin, capitoles provinciaux, frères arvales et triade capitoline sont considérés. Les documents littéraires attestent que les fidèles offraient à Minerve de l'argent. Est aussi abordée la question des quinquatries. 4) Alliance entre Domitien et Pallas : fêtes de Minerve, monnaies, textes de Stace, forum de Domitien, reliefs du Colonacce, temples de Minerve et reliefs de la Chancellerie en constituent le témoignage. Est ensuite exposé le cas de "Domitien et Toulouse la Palladienne". Les causes de l'inclination du prince pour Pallas demeurent inconnues et le rêve de Domitien (Suétone, Dion Cassius) serait une invention d'intellectuels favorables à Trajan. 5) Enfin, "évolution" de la figure de Minerve, aboutissant à mettre en valeur l'importance politico-religieuse de la déesse aux yeux de certains empereursThe researchs include five parts : 1) figure of Minerva, definite by means of texts. A process of latin forms of myths occur at the beginning empire. Divinity's anthropomorphism is emphasized in the end of the first century ; writers are more sensitive to his worship. The religion become more hellenistic. Sculptures show a Minerva punishing Arachne, under Domitian, and "motherly" Minerva, in the birth of Erichtonios, myth of autochtony under Hadrian. 2) Investigation about currency : palladium's image is pursued from Galba to Antoninus. Claudius was the first prince to produce Promachos. Neron shows his attachment to the owl's symbol. With Vespasian emerge a victorious Minerva. Titus would have introduced the model of Minerva holding thunderbolt. A new iconography characterize Domitian's reign : sitting Minerva, or winged, or still in bust. . . Then, renunciation of Nerva in Roma about thems bound to the divinity, for cause of condemnation of the Flavian's remembrance. Traianus moderately produce coins on Minerva ; he support capitolin triad. Hadrian and Antoninus further the development of divinity's worship. 3) Religious practise : capitolin Iovi's temple, provincial capitoles, fratres arvales and capitolin triad are considered. The literary documents testify devotees offered to Minerva money. Too is take up the question of the quinquatrus. 4) Alliance between Domitian and Pallas : festivity of Minerva, coins, texts of Satius, Domitian's forum, sculptures of Colonacce, Minerva's temples and Cancelleria's relieves constitute testimony of that. Afterwards is set the case of "Domitian and Palladia Tolosa". The reasons of inclination of the prince for Pallas remain unknown and the dream of Domitian (Suetone, Dion Cassius) would be a fabrication of intellectuals favourable to Traianus. 5) At last, "evolution" of Minerva's image, ending to set off political and religious importance of the divinity for some emperors
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Vigourt, Annie. "Les présages impériaux d'Auguste à Domitien /". Paris : De Boccard, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38867761x.
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Renoux, Guillaume. "Les Archers de César. Recherches historiques, archéologiques et paléométallurgiques sur les archers dans l'armée romaine et leur armement de César à Trajan". Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00545245.
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Nous étudions dans cet ouvrage les archers dans l'armée romaine. Nous établissons leur visage de la fin de la République romaine jusqu'à Trajan à travers les sources littéraires, épigraphiques et archéologiques. Nous examinons par la suite l'efficacité de leurs armes et tentons de montrer qu'elles peuvent refléter un véritable travail technique grâce à une étude métallographique, complétée par des analyses physico-chimiques, du mobilier de pointes de flèche découvert au Puy d'Issolud (Lot), l'antique Uxellodunum: l'objectif principal étant la caractérisation, pour ces armes, des structures métallurgiques, des distributions, des morphologies et compositions des phases et des constituants présents. Il est dès lors possible d'imaginer les différents protocoles d'élaboration et les traitements thermo-mécaniques développés par les forgerons pour leur mise en forme et d'apporter de nouveaux éléments à l'histoire des techniques de la forge en relation avec l'armée romaine et plus particulièrement avec les corps et l'armement des archers.
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Torrisi, Valentina. "La Casa di Livia al Palatino. Un nuovo studio topografico". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL122.
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Cette thèse montre qu’il y a lieu de s’interroger sur l’extension et les différentes phases de construction de la première résidence augustéenne du Palatin et en particulier sur une partie de celle-ci: la maison de Livie. Actuellement, j'ai établi quatre phases de construction pour la Maison de Livie, la première peut être datée aux alentours de 70 av. J.-C. en raison des similitudes entre le type de ses murs et ceux des substructions du théâtre de Pompée, construit entre 61 et 55 av. J.-C. et aussi à cause d’une estampille de tuile trouvée dans la substruction du complexe sud-est, datée par Margareta Steinby autour de 79 av. J.-C en raison des vestiges souterrains, je suppose l'existence au premier étage, aujourd’hui disparu, d'un oecus corinthius du côté sud-est et d'une basilique du côté nord-ouest du bâtiment. Les trois autres phases relèvent de l’initiative d’Auguste, qui a acheté plusieurs maisons sur la colline de Palatin afin de construire un complexe résidentiel sur le modèle des palais hellénistiques. Les peintures de la Maison de Livie datées auparavant d'environ 30 av. J.-C. sont datées actuellement au tour de 40 avant J.-C. par Eugenio La Rocca qui a démontré que la maison avait été construite et décorée beaucoup plus tôt. Selon son hypothèse, la « rupture » stylistique entre la première phase et la deuxième phase du second style peut être attribuée à la présence de Cléopâtre à Rome entre 46 et 44 av. J.-C. La reine était très probablement accompagnée d'artistes travaillant pour elle dans les ateliers royaux d'Alexandrie. Il est donc probable que l'élite romaine aurait reproduit les styles et les goûts de César et de CléopâtreThis thesis show that there is cause to question the extension and the different construction phases of the House of Augustus and in particular, of a part of it, the House of Livia as recently Irene Iacopi and Giovanna Tedone published an important paper about the accuracy of dating of the construction phases in the Augustan palace. Currently I established four construction phases for the House of Livia, the first one can be dated around 70 B.C. because of the similarities between the type of its walls and the ones of Pompey’s theatre, built between 61 and 55 B.C. and also because of a tile’s stamp found in the substructure of the south-east complex, dated by Margareta Steinby around 79 B.C. Because of the underground remains I suppose the existence at the first floor, actually destroyed, of an oecus corinthius in the south-east side and a basilica in the north-west side of the building. The three more phases should have been linked to Augustus, who bought several houses on the Palatin hill in order to build a Hellenistic palace styled complex. La Rocca demonstrated that the decoration of the House of Livia started from 40 BC due to the presence of Cleopatra near Rome between 46 and 44 BC. The queen very probably was accompanied by artists working for her in the royal Alexandrian workshops. It is likely, therefore, that the Roman elite would have replicated the styles and tastes of Caesar and Cleopatra
Książki na temat "Empereur de Rome (Romance)"
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Heerink, Mark, i Esther Meijer. Flavian Responses to Nero’s Rome. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723756.
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In this interdisciplinary volume, a team of classicists, historians, and archaeologists examines how the memory of the infamous emperor Nero was negotiated in different contexts and by different people during the ensuing Flavian age of imperial Rome. The contributions show different Flavian responses to Nero’s complicated legacy: while some aspects of his memory were reinforced, others were erased. Emphasizing the constant and diverse nature of this negotiation, this book proposes a nuanced interpretation of both the Flavian age itself and its relation to Nero’s Rome. By combining the study of these strategies with architectural approaches, archaeology, and memory studies, this volume offers a multifaceted picture of Roman civilization at a crucial turning point, and as such will have something to offer anyone interested in classics, (ancient) history, and archaeology.
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Fox, Addison. The Rome affair. Don Mills, Ont: Harlequin Romantic Suspense, 2014.
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Faye, Jennifer. The playboy of Rome. Richmond, Surrey: Mills & Boon, an imprint of Harlequin (UK) Limited, 2015.
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Quick, Amanda. A kiss in Rome. Thorndike, Me: G.K. Hall, 2001.
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Lee, Alexander. Italy, Rome, and Empire. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199675159.003.0004.
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The middle decades of the fourteenth century saw a change in the nature of the humanists’ enthusiasm for Empire. Often closely associated with the papal court, either as civic administrators in Rome, or as benefice holders or rhetoricians in Provence, they appealed to imperial authority out of a concern for the ‘Italic world’. This depended above all on the restoration of Rome. Only when the Eternal City had been returned to its ancient glory would Italy know peace and liberty; and it was hence upon the emergence of a truly ‘Roman’ emperor that the humanists now pinned their hopes. At times, this could be one who had already been elected king of the Romans, or even crowned emperor; but, as this chapter demonstrates, the imperial mantle could also be draped about the shoulders of entirely different political actors, or even placed in the hands of the Romans themselves.
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Drake, H. A. Christianity and Rome. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190278359.003.0003.
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While Constantine’s conversion to Christianity changed the deity, it did not change the ideology of the Roman empire. Before Constantine’s relationship with Christianity, there was no religious body in the empire capable of providing a sanction for imperial rule similar to what a vote in the Roman Senate had been able to do. Roman religion was conducted by the same civic authorities who performed “secular duties”; the emperor as pontifex maximus could not credibly ratify himself. But over the centuries, Christians had developed an empire-wide organization completely independent of government control. As the new legitimators of imperial power, bishops demanded and got the right to pass judgment on emperors. The division was neatly framed with give and take on both sides; but from this perspective, the Christian turn to coercion is better analyzed as an outgrowth of power relationships than as the product of an inherent intolerance.
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Tétricus, empereur gaulois: De l'Aquitaine à Rome et à la Lucanie. Wimereux: Sagittaire, 2012.
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Williamson, Callie. Crimes against the State. Redaktorzy Paul J. du Plessis, Clifford Ando i Kaius Tuori. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198728689.013.26.
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During most of the Republic, the Romans viewed only perduellio as a threat to state security. Other threats were dealt with through institutionalised mechanisms of stability in Rome’s political structure, above all through the public lawmaking assemblies. Only when the political system wavered in the late Republic did the Romans criminalise “diminishing the superiority of the Roman people” maiestas populi Romani minuta (maiestas) as a crime against the state. Inherent in maiestas is the authority of the Roman people to negotiate consensus through the public lawmaking process in which the people voiced their commands. During the Empire, the emperor embodied the superiority of the Roman people and through him, as the chief lawmaker of Rome, were channelled the commands of the people. The scope of maiestas was altered to adapt to changing ideas of the state, but the idea that maiestas constituted the chief crime against the state persisted.
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Moi, Caligula: Empereur, prince de Rome, grand pontife et père de la patrie. [Paris]: Casterman, 1988.
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Crownover, Jay. Rome. Aspendos Yayincilik, 2016.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Empereur de Rome (Romance)"
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Smith, Maya Angela. "The Senegalese Diaspora in Rome: Romanesco and Other Nonstandard Varieties in the Face of Standard Language Ideologies". W Italo-Romance Dialects in the Linguistic Repertoires of Immigrants in Italy, 169–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99368-9_8.
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Drijvers, Jan Willem. "The Julian Romance". W The Forgotten Reign of the Emperor Jovian (363-364), 115–29. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197600702.003.0007.
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The Julian Romance is a work of historical fiction in Syriac. It offers a Christian perspective on the reigns of both Julian and Jovian, who in the text are presented as opposites. As regards Julian, the Romance is essentially a hatchet job, while conversely it glorifies Jovian. The Romance divides into three distinct narratives. The first narrative is short in its surviving form, but must originally have been longer because it concludes with the following words: “The celebration of the faith of Constantine and of his three sons who reigned after him is completed.” The second one I have called the Eusebius Narrative and describes at great length the many unsuccessful attempts of Julian to have Rome’s bishop Eusebius renounce his Christian conviction and become a venerator of the old gods. To that end, but also to be acknowledged as ruler of the entire empire by the city of Rome, Julian visits Rome. The third account, which I have entitled the Jovian Narrative, can be characterized as a narrative of war: war between Julian and the Christians, war between Rome and Persia, and in a sense Jovian’s war against Julian in order to protect Christianity and the Church. It is by far the longest of the three parts of the Romance and celebrates Jovian as the ideal Christian emperor. In this chapter the various narratives are introduced and a comprehensive summary is given of the Jovian Narrative.
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Miola, Robert S. "Robert Chambers". W Early Modern Catholicism, 461–64. Oxford University PressOxford, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199259854.003.0075.
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Abstract Originally from Yorkshire, Robert Chambers (1571–1628) studied at the English colleges at Rheims and Rome and received ordination as a Catholic priest in 1593. From 1599 to 1623 he served as confessor to the English Benedictine nuns in Brussels. Chambers wrote an account of the miracles performed by the Virgin Mary at Montaigu (1606) and a biblical romance, Palestina (1600), excerpted below. There the Emperor of the heavenly 48. embased debased. 52. extenuate lesser. 54. deWnite limited. martyrize wound. 60. paschal lamb the lamb sacriWced at the Jewish feast of Passover, whose blood sprinkled on the doorposts originally protected the families within. 61. thraldom captivity.
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di Carpegna Falconieri, Tommaso. "Rome sans le pape (1305-1377)". W Il se voyait déjà Empereur, 11–42. UGA Éditions, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.ugaeditions.14402.
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"Emperor Charles comes to Rome." W The Chronicle of an Anonymous Roman, 300. Italica Press, Inc., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1t8q8mk.34.
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Drijvers, Jan Willem. "History of Scholarship". W The Forgotten Reign of the Emperor Jovian (363-364), 130–41. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197600702.003.0008.
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The manuscript of the Syriac Julian Romance was part of the Nitrian manuscripts which came into the possession of the British Museum in the 1830s. The Julian Romance received broader attention in 1874 in an important publication by the German orientalist Theodor Nöldeke. Six years later, J. G. E. Hoffmann published the complete Syriac work under the title Syrische Erzählungen; it is the only (non-critical) edition available of the Romance. In 1928 Hermann Gollancz published an English rendering. In 2016 a much better and reliable English translation of the Romance was published by Michael Sokoloff; besides a translation, it also includes the Syriac text of Hoffmann’s edition from 1880. This chapter offers a discussion of the scholarship of the Romance and deals with issues such as the place and date of origin of the text, the original language, the possible authorship, function, and genre of the text, as well as its place within Syriac literature. The Romance as we have it is generally accepted as having been composed in Edessa. The northern Mesopotamian city has a special place and a prominent role in the Julian Romance, in particular in the Jovian Narrative. One of the purposes of the text seems to have been to emphasize Edessa as the city of Christ par excellence, for which reason it deserves a special place in the world of Christendom, as well as to present Edessa as the model of Christian government for the whole empire.
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Harrisson, Juliette. "12 Antony and Atia: Tragic Romance in Rome". W Rome Season Two, 155–68. Edinburgh University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781474400282-019.
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Ng, Su Fang. "Reading Ancient Fables from the East". W Beyond Greece and Rome, 93–112. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198767114.003.0005.
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In his treatise on romance, Traitté de l’origine des romans (1670), Pierre-Daniel Huet’s argument that the genre originated in the ancient Near East seems to reconfirm the idea of a western translatio studii. However, Huet also argues for a second origin of romance in the West. Examining Huet in conjunction with two of his representative romances—Heliodorus’ Aethiopika, and the fables of Bidpai, or Indian Panchatantra—this chapter considers how early modern translatio offers a choice of two paths to western relations to the East: the first imagined as the ancient ideal of a cosmopolis of universal brotherhood while the other led to modern Orientalism. Straddling the historical boundary between antique romance and modern novel, Huet occupies a critical transitional position. Despite his apparent cosmopolitanism, in the end, Huet’s polygenetic theory of romance suggests the beginnings of the divergence of classicism from Orientalism with a nascent imperial mentality.
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"Loyalty: the Role of the Emperor". W The Government of the Roman Empire, 153–74. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203134320-16.
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Thomas, Edmund. "The Cities and the Emperor". W Monumentality and the Roman Empire. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199288632.003.0017.
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Monumental architecture, then, strengthened a sense of public or civic identity in Antonine cities. But, because a public building could assert the political power of a city and, in so doing, challenge the aspirations of a rival city, it was potentially destabilizing in the context of the Empire as a whole. A balance had to be struck between the development of urban forms that reinvigorated a city’s urban identity and promoted the power of local elites loyal to Rome, and the consolidation of the unity of the Empire. Public buildings were the symbols of their city’s separate identity, but they could also represent the power of Rome and its ruling dynasty. Although provincial public buildings were mainly funded by the largesse of local elites, they could also be the result of imperial initiatives or a combination of local funding and imperial support. How far was this involvement of the emperor and his staff motivated by the attempt to control or ‘harmonize’ the architectural appearance of provincial cities? The following two chapters address the question of how, under the Antonines, supposedly civic buildings became, in effect, ‘imperial architecture’. This chapter examines the role of Antoninus Pius and his successors in two instances, the cities of Ionia in the East and the reconstruction of Carthage in the West; and considers the extent to which new buildings there promoted an imperial, rather than a local, ideology. Chapter 8 explores the characteristics of such ‘imperial architecture’ more generally. Local civic pride was a strong factor in the architecture of cities in the Roman East. Public buildings were a marriage of civic loyalty and personal desire for fame. Benefactors competed to advance their own architectural projects as of particular importance to a city in her rivalry with her neighbours. When Dio ‘Chrysostom’ Cocceianus paid for the construction of a stoa in Prusa at the beginning of the second century, he was attacked by others for ‘digging up the city’ and creating a desert. Later, when he planned to erect another public building for the city, opponents urged that he had brought down ‘monuments and sacred buildings’.
Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Empereur de Rome (Romance)"
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Stanković, Emilija. "ULOGA TRANSPORTA U SNABDEVANjU RIMA". W XV Majsko savetovanje: Sloboda pružanja usluga i pravna sigurnost. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xvmajsko.103s.
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At the time of its establishing, Rome was a city – state with not such a large number of citizens and of restricted territory. Thanks to historical circumstances, as well as to skills and pragmatism of the ancient Romans, the city was soon turned into a powerful empire. During the reign of the Emperor Augustos, Rome became a city with over one million inhabitants and with around hundred public baths and other numerous public buildings and parks, while the Coloseum itself could accommodate 55 000 spectators. All of this attracted people from other places to come to Rome, just for a visit, or to seek jobs and remain there. Whatever was the purpose of their comings and goings, this required organized transportation via well built roads or established sea routes. Also, it was necessary to organize the provision of food and other basic supplies. Certain Roman provinces specialized in the production of certain crops and goods they mutually exchanged – which, again, required an organized road and sea transportation. In one word, vivacious trading and exchanging of goods resulted in developed transportation system without which Rome could never have reached such an extent of expansion.
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Tiurin, Sergei Sergeevich. "Antique Series of Coinds Dedicated to Labours of Hercules (II-III A.D.)". W All-Russian Scientific Conference with International Participation. Publishing house Sreda, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98862.
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The article examines the practice of issuing "serial" coins at various mints during the Roman Empire on the example of the twelve labors of Heracles (in the Roman interpretation - Hercules). In this article, a "series" means a complex of coins, regardless of metal and denomination, issued within the reign of one Roman emperor, one mint and / or one geographical place, united by one hero or a single storyline. It was established that the series with the exploits of Heracles in the II-III centuries. AD were minted in all parts of the vast Roman state and beyond its borders: from the southernmost (Alexandria, Egypt) to the north (Panticapaeum, Bosporan kingdom), from the west (Tarsus, Cilicia) to the east (Colonia Agrippina, "Gallic Empire" by Mark Postumus). The serial issue of coins with Heracles was also recorded at the mint of the center of the state in Rome.
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Ozola, Silvija. "SPATIAL AND ARTISTIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE HANSEATIC CITIES ON THE BALTIC SEACOAST IN THE 13TH AND 14TH CENTURIES". W 10th SWS International Scientific Conferences on ART and HUMANITIES - ISCAH 2023. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscah.2023/fs09.14.
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The Roman Catholic Church had a special influence. During the economic and cultural upswing, an abbey built in Cluny became a sample in the church building during the 9th�11th century. Various trends in the cathedral building existed in different regions of Western Europe. On the Baltic Sea coast, the Pope of Rome and the Holy Roman Emperor started to spread the Catholic faith by the mid-12th century. In cities, cathedrals took the leading position and replaced monastery churches in the 13th century. The commercial importance of the trading centre of Lubeck increased when it joined with Hamburg in 1241 to form the nucleus of the Hanseatic League. Churches for citizenship Catholic parishes became architectural dominates in Hanseatic cities. An important trade city of Riga became the main economic base of the Teutonic Order and the Riga Archbishopric Centre, where urban space developed. Research object: urban space of the 13th and 14th centuries in Hanseatic cities. Research problem: sacral buildings changed urban aesthetics and the development of cities� planning; the spatial and artistic quality of Hanseatic cities had been sufficiently studied to preserve their identity during the development of the contemporary urban environment. Novelty: analysis of common and distinctive artistic features in European and Latvian Hanseatic cities in the 13th and 14th centuries. Research goal: analyse the impact of churches on the development of cities in the 13th and 14th centuries. Methods: analysis of archive documents, cartographic materials, studies of published literature, an inspection of churches in nature, photo fixation.
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Ferraro, Fabrizio, Enrico Sciubba i Claudia Toro. "Integrated Study of a Minimum Exergy Destruction Building Conditioning System". W ASME 2013 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2013-62672.
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The relatively low average conversion efficiency of air-conditioning systems and the recently imposed upper bounds to the final energy use in the heating and cooling of residential buildings suggest to consider new approaches to design less energy intensive systems. An integrated, exergy-based approach for the optimal matching of internal and external heating plants in building conditioning systems has been proposed — and its theoretical basis discussed — in a previous paper. The procedure allows the designer to obtain a pseudo-optimal integration of the building and its heating plant (heating element + primary energy supply system) and to identify, among a set of alternative solutions for the building under examination, the thermodynamically most efficient plant. The objective of this paper is to validate the method on a real building in order to demonstrate its practical applicability. The large “Chiostro Hall” (220 square meters, 1245 cubic meters) of the Engineering School of the University “Sapienza” of Roma has been employed as the benchmark. This is the main hall of the building, reconverted from a previously existing Renaissance structure, the old convent of San Lorenzo in Panisperna, which was in turn built on the ruins of a pre-christian roman basilica and of a portion of emperor Nero’s Domus Aurea. The hall consists of two semi-connected rooms, originally the Refectory of the old Convent, that are now used for public events, conferences and graduation ceremonies. This structure can be considered as a model case for similar halls in historical buildings, so that the guidelines deriving from the present study can be extended to other similar environments. The current heating elements are traditional radiators: in our simulations, they have been successively replaced by other elements such as floor and ceiling heating panels and fan coils. Each one of these configurations (the hall and its heating elements) has been modeled and simulated via a commercial CFD code to generate detailed thermal maps and to compute the actual thermal load. Different global “heating chains” were then modeled by coupling solar and hybrid photovoltaic-thermal (PV/T) panels with radiant panels and ground-source heat pumps with fan coils and radiant heating panels. Finally by means of a process simulator software each one of these configurations was analyzed to identify the one that provides the same comfort level with the least exergy use. The procedure also allows to calculate the savings obtained in terms of primary resources.
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Андросова, Т. В. "Finland as a Part of the Russian Empire 1809–1917: A State within a State". W Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.018.
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Географический фактор играет двоякую роль в истории Финляндии и ее взаимоотношений с внешним миром. С одной стороны, территориальное положение на окраине Европы обусловило то, что финны сравнительно поздно включились в цивилизационный процесс. С другой стороны, земли, омываемые водами дальних заливов Балтийского моря, находятся в одном из наиболее важных со стратегической точки зрения европейских регионов. Хотя к «финским территориям» издавна проявляли интерес также Англия, Германия и Франция, влияние извне связано для финнов прежде всего с соперничеством ближайших соседей. Политический вакуум, в котором финны пребывали вплоть до начала XI в., пытались заполнить с запада – Швеция и римскокатолическая церковь, с востока – Россия (Великий Новгород) и православная церковь. Первая граница между Швецией и Россией была установлена в 1323 г. Согласно Ореховскому мирному договору Швеция получила юго-западные и западные финляндские территории, Россия – Восточную Карелию. В XVIII в. Россия приступила к поэтапному возвращению финляндских земель, присоединив Финляндию по итогам войны 1808–1809 гг. В границах архиконсервативной Российской империи родилось и постепенно оформилось финляндское государство западного типа. Финляндия получила широкую политическую и экономическую автономию – правительство, четырехсословный орган народного представительства (сейм), налоговую и финансовую систему, свое гражданство, валюту и пр. Финляндию от новой метрополии изначально отделяла таможенная граница. Главой законодательной власти являлся император, управлявший Финляндией на основе коренных законов (конституции) шведского времени. Будучи частью Российского государства, Финляндия постепенно стала политической общностью, а также одним из наиболее экономически развитых регионов империи. Уступки со стороны России были связаны с необходимостью обеспечить безопасность западной границы. The geographical factor plays a twofold role in the history of Finland and its relations with the outside world. On the one hand, the territorial situation on the edge of Europe caused the Finns to join the civilizational process relatively late. On the other hand, the lands washed by the waters of the far reaches of the Baltic Sea are located in one of the most strategically important European regions. Although England, Germany and France have long been interested in the "Finnish territories", external influence for Finns is primarily connected with the hostility of their closest neighbors. It was the political vacuum in which the Finns remained until the beginning of the XI century, that Sweden and the Roman Catholic Church tried to fill from the west, Russia (Veliky Novgorod) and the Orthodox Church – from the east. The first border between Sweden and Russia was established in 1323. According to the Orekhov Peace Treaty, Sweden received the southwestern and western Finnish territories, Russia – East Karelia. In the XYIII century Russia began the gradual return of the Finnish lands, annexing Finland after the results of the war of 1808–1809. Within the borders of the arch-conservative Russian Empire, a Western-type Finnish state was born and gradually took shape. Finland received a wide political and economic autonomy – the government, the four–member body of the People's representation (Seim), the tax and financial system, its citizenship, currency, etc. Finland and the new metropolis were initially separated by the customs border. The head of the legislative power was the emperor, who ruled Finland on the basis of the fundamental laws (constitution) of the Swedish period. Being a part of the Russian state, Finland gradually became a political community, as well as one of the most economically developed regions of the empire. Russia's concessions were determined by the need to ensure the security of the western border.