Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Elite (Social sciences)

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Elite (Social sciences)”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021
Data aktualizacji: 29 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Elite (Social sciences)"

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Cao, Cong. "Social Origins of the Chinese Scientific Elite". China Quarterly 160 (grudzień 1999): 992–1018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000001417.

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The literature on China's social stratification and mobility has discussed the roles of family background and an individual's education attainment. This article aims to extend the existing literature by examining the interplay of these two aspects in fostering a homogeneous group of scientists, the members (yuanshi) of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS, Zhongguo kexueyuan). Since its establishment in 1955, honorific CAS membership has been awarded to outstanding Chinese scientists in their respective fields. As of the end of 1997, a total of 859 Chinese natural scientists, including 40 women, had been elected to the five Academic Divisions of the CAS – Mathematics and Physics, Chemistry, Biological Sciences, Earth Sciences, and Technological Sciences (Table 1) – of whom 610 were alive. They have been renowned, nationally if not internationally, for their academic achievements and contributions, and they have a reputation and prestige similar to those enjoyed by their counterparts in other countries, such as members of the National Academy of Sciences in the United States and fellows of the Royal Society in Britain. Because the occupational prestige of scientists is very high in China, as it is in other countries, and following similar research on the scientific elite, it is reasonable to define CAS members as the Chinese scientific elite.
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Bozóki, András. "Theoretical Interpretations of Elite Change in East Central Europe". Comparative Sociology 2, nr 1 (2003): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418762.

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AbstractElite theory enjoyed a remarkable revival in Central and Eastern Europe, and also in international social science research, during the 1990s. Many researchers coming from different schools of thought turned to the analysis of rapid political and social changes and ended up doing centered research. Since democratic transition and elite transformation seemed to be parallel processes, it was understandable that sociologists and political scientists of the region started to use elite theory. The idea of "third wave" of democratization advanced a reduced, more synthetic, "exportable" understanding of democracy in the political science literature. The main focus of social sciences shifted from structures to actors, from path dependency to institutional choices. Transitions, roundtable negotiations, institution-building, constitution-making, compromise-seeking, pactmaking, pact-breaking, strategic choices — all of these underlined the importance of elites and research on them. Elite settlements were seen as alternatives of social revolution. According to a widely shared view democratic institutions came into existence through negotiations and compromises among political elites calculating their own interests and desires. The elite settlement approach was then followed by some important contributions in transitology which described the process of regime change largely as "elite games." By offering a systematic overview of the theoretical interpretations of elite change from New Class theory to recent theorizing of elite change (conversion of capital, reproduction, circulation, political capitalism, technocratic continuity, three elites and the like), the paper also gives an account of the state of the arts in elite studies in different new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe.
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Flere, Sergej, i Tibor Rutar. "Break-up of the Yugoslav political elite, 1962-1972". Sociologija 63, nr 3 (2021): 500–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2103500f.

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The break-up of the Yugoslav communist elite, which came about in the period 1962-1972, is considered. The break-up came about under the elite?s disappointment due to the failure to achieve economic objectives it set for itself, bringing about internal dubiety and mutual suspicion, the political system moving towards consociation also contributed to fracturing. However, this is not sufficient as explanation. Cultural elites also contributed in the same direction. Economic growth was significant, considering the entire period 1945-1991, but it was always clouded by imbalances. Certain issues and discussions were indicative of the break-up. Political unity and communism was gradually replaced as objective by ?resolving the national question?, also a legitimate Marxist concern. It can be considered that by the break-up, a normalization of elite pattern came about, comparable to elites in the greatest number of European states, although the elites kept on being ?ideocratic?. Whereas elites may have become ?normal?, the functioning of the political system became ever more difficult. The ascending national communist elites never undertook steps at the direct dissolution of the Yugoslav state, although they entered into ceaseless disputes and finally paved the way to ethnic entrepreneurs and counter-elites to implement the dissolution. By the elite break-up a relation between elite and nation similar to the one existing in the great majority of European countries was achieved.
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Flere, Sergej, i Tibor Rutar. "Break-up of the Yugoslav political elite, 1962-1972". Sociologija 63, nr 3 (2021): 500–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2103500f.

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The break-up of the Yugoslav communist elite, which came about in the period 1962-1972, is considered. The break-up came about under the elite?s disappointment due to the failure to achieve economic objectives it set for itself, bringing about internal dubiety and mutual suspicion, the political system moving towards consociation also contributed to fracturing. However, this is not sufficient as explanation. Cultural elites also contributed in the same direction. Economic growth was significant, considering the entire period 1945-1991, but it was always clouded by imbalances. Certain issues and discussions were indicative of the break-up. Political unity and communism was gradually replaced as objective by ?resolving the national question?, also a legitimate Marxist concern. It can be considered that by the break-up, a normalization of elite pattern came about, comparable to elites in the greatest number of European states, although the elites kept on being ?ideocratic?. Whereas elites may have become ?normal?, the functioning of the political system became ever more difficult. The ascending national communist elites never undertook steps at the direct dissolution of the Yugoslav state, although they entered into ceaseless disputes and finally paved the way to ethnic entrepreneurs and counter-elites to implement the dissolution. By the elite break-up a relation between elite and nation similar to the one existing in the great majority of European countries was achieved.
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Amaliyah, Efa Ida, i Agus Nurhadi. "The Concept of Elite (Thoughts of Antonio Gramsci and the Study in Islamic Studies)". FIKRAH 10, nr 2 (24.12.2022): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/fikrah.v10i2.16962.

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<p><span lang="EN-US">This study attempts to reveal the elite concept from Antonio Gramsci's thought which supports elite studies in an Islamic perspective, by using library research methods. The elite according to Gramsci is a social category that is not related to class but related to hegemony. Hegemony is a winning power that is obtained through a consensus mechanism rather than through violence or oppression of other social classes. The regime spreads hegemonic power of influence because it is supported by related infrastructure organizations, namely in which intellectual obedience is supposed to occur due to cultural and political factors. This is where elites emerge which are categorized into two according to Gramsci, namely organic elites (politicians, bureaucrats, academics) and traditional elites (subject to authorities). Elites in Islam bring consequences or impacts by showing the importance of elite positions in the orderliness of civilization, the urgency of elite cadre formation in order to strengthen faith and belief as well as faith. This is important to do because of the vital role played by the elite for the advancement of society around them. Therefore, the religious elite, the religious elite, now have an obligation to participate in realizing national unity and are responsible for maintaining national resilience in its various aspects (ideological, political, economic, and socio-cultural)</span></p>
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Nieva, Ricardo. "Heterogeneous coalitions and social revolutions". Rationality and Society 33, nr 2 (24.03.2021): 229–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10434631211001576.

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We have explained the presence of heterogeneous winning coalitions in social revolutions. In an overcrowded agrarian society, two almost identical non-productive enforcers, the landed political elite, collude and bargain over transfers with one of the two peasants to contest over a piece of land, as property rights for land are not well defined. In any other scenario, neither the grand coalition nor the coalition of two peasants and one enforcer forms, thereby deposing the other enforcer with positive probability. So, social revolutions never occur. If foreign wars weaken an enforcer, such as in China (1911), France, and Russia, adding one unit of capital makes the coalition of the peasant, the now worker, and one of the enforcers (now an industrial political elite) attractive: The excess labor can work with it; the weaker enforcer retaliates less and the stronger one more, if excluded. However, if the weaker one (the still-landed political elite) proposes first, a grand coalition forms in which he or she gets less than the other members do (desertion). There is conflict among peasants and among landed elites; thus, the concept of a coalition is more appropriate than that of a class.
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Lazic, Mladen, i Slobodan Cvejic. "Changes in the recruitment patterns of the economic and political elites in Serbia". Sociologija 48, nr 2 (2006): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0602097l.

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In this paper the changing patterns of economic and political elite recruitment in Serbia are studied on the basis of three sets of data, collected in our surveys done in 1989, 1993 and 2004. Our hypothesis was that elite recruitment patterns changed after the political regime change in 2000, but in a different direction compared to the period of the 1990s. From a long-term perspective, we expect continuing increases in the relevance of higher education for elite recruitment, and equalization of the relevance of higher education for both the political and economic elites. On the other hand, we expect decreasing relevance for political affiliation among the economic elite, accompanied by an increasing importance of social networking during the period of a prolonged weak institutional environment. In order to test our general hypothesis we describe inter- and intra-generational patterns of recruitment. The relevance of education, party membership and networking as mobility channels is analyzed by model of logistic regression. We also compare changes in patterns of elites? recruitment with changing mobility patterns of social classes in Serbia, 1989-2004.
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Kongkirati, Prajak. "From Illiberal Democracy to Military Authoritarianism: Intra-Elite Struggle and Mass-Based Conflict in Deeply Polarized Thailand". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, nr 1 (20.12.2018): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218806912.

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Thailand fits the pattern of pernicious polarized politics identified in this volume, where a previously excluded group successfully gains political power through the ballot box, governs unilaterally to pursue radical reforms, and produces a backlash from the traditional power elites. In Thailand, elite conflict has been a major part of the story, but this article argues that political polarization there cannot be merely understood as “elite-driven”: conflict among the elites and the masses, and the interaction between them, produced polarized and unstable politics. Violent struggle is caused by class structure and regional, urban-rural disparities; elite struggle activates the existing social cleavages; and ideological framing deepens the polarization. While the Yellow Shirts and traditional elites want to restore and uphold the “Thai-style democracy” with royal nationalism, the Red Shirts espouse the “populist democracy” of strong elected government with popular nationalism and egalitarian social order.
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Bibó, István. "The Elite and Social Sensitivity". Review of Sociology 10, nr 2 (1.11.2004): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/revsoc.10.2004.2.8.

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Wedel, Janine R. "From Power Elites to Influence Elites: Resetting Elite Studies for the 21st Century". Theory, Culture & Society 34, nr 5-6 (10.07.2017): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276417715311.

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The dominant theory of elite power, grounded in Weberian bureaucracy, has analyzed elites in terms of stable positions at the top of enduring institutions. Today, many conditions that spawned these stable ‘command posts’ no longer prevail, and elite power thus warrants rethinking. This article advances an argument about contemporary ‘influence elites’. The way they are organized and the modus operandi they employ to wield influence enable them to evade public accountability, a hallmark of a democratic society. Three cases are presented, first to investigate changes in how elites operate and, second, to examine varying configurations in which the new elites are organized. The cases demonstrate that influence elites intermesh hierarchies and networks, serve as connectors, and coordinate influence from multiple, moving perches, inside and outside official structures. Their flexible and multi-positioned organizing modes call for reconsidering elite theory and grappling with the implications of these elites for democratic society.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Elite (Social sciences)"

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Mols, Manfred. "Die internationale Qualifikation der außenpolitischen Elite Deutschlands". Universität Potsdam, 2000. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1160/.

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Confronted with new dimensions of international problems, Germany needs a new foreign policy elite that is able to deal with the pending challenges in world politics. Therefore, the author points out, it is necessary to reorganize the German way to recruit personal for international tasks and the manner of its education at German universities. Furthermore, the German society should revise its general hostile attitude towards the elite and recognize it as an important driving force in politics.
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Gilles, Roger Wayne. "Social-elite constructionism: The rhetoric of commercial news". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185811.

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I argue that contemporary journalists paradoxically require a subjectivist epistemology to comply with the standards of what is known as "the ideal of objectivity." Because of this, these writers have lost much of the fact-claiming and meaning-making ability that makes their work so important. In order to understand how knowledge and meaning are constructed in journalism, we need to look past the surface rhetoric of the reporter and uncover the institutional rhetoric that has developed during the course of the 20th century. In this dissertation, I apply the classical rhetorical terms kairos and nomos to the political economy of the news industry and the professional conventions produced by that industry.
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Frantz, Erica Emily. "Tying the dictator's hands elite coalitions in authoritarian regimes /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1579964161&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Huang, Tong-yi. "Elite transformation and democratization in Taiwan /". Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Unterweger-Treven, Silke. "Die Idee der Elite und deren Realisierung durch die Institution Hochschule : ein internationaler Vergleich /". Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2007416143.html.

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Kuzu, Ayse Mine. "Elite Led Democratization In Georgia". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609170/index.pdf.

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The process of democratization in the successor states of the former Soviet Union has been widely studied by political scientists, sociologist and experts in area studies. Academic literature mainly focuses on the factors which would facilitate and/or hinder the process of democratization in the post-Soviet era. These include economic development, political culture, the nature of previous regime type, structural factors and the role of elite. This thesis analyzes the process of democratization in Georgia while focusing on the elite choices and initiatives. It mainly focuses on democratic achievements as well as the failures in democratization under the rule of three post-Soviet presidents of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Eduard Shevardnadze and Mikheil Saakashvili. While doing so, it compares and contrasts the practices, priorities and policies of three leaders and evaluates on the impact of different leadership patterns on the process of democratization. This thesis argues that democratization in post-Soviet countries in general and in Georgia in particular is mainly an elite-led process. The success and failure of this process depends on the elite choices and initiatives and the power relations between and within the elite groups.
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Erdogan, Idil Ekim. "Sex differences and multiplexity in Swedish local elite networks". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-89696.

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This study discovers sex differences in multiplex links on formal and informal networks of Swedish local elite. Elites are widely known to have an immense influence on a country’s politics and governance, and proportional representation of women in elite positions is an indicator of democratization and gender equality. Sweden has long been known for democratic and gender equal regulations, and women occupy more elite positions relative to other countries, yet they are still heavily underrepresented in the elite. Previous research on Swedish local elite revealed that women in the elite do not differ from their male peers in terms of local network properties on formal and informal networks; however, the circumstances on the multiplex links are unknown. In this study, multiplexity approach is adopted as it is known for allowing to capture social processes in social network analysis, which could otherwise be overlooked. The formal and informal networks of the community elite from four mid-sized municipalities in Västra Götaland region in Sweden are transformed into multiplex networks, and they were analyzed for local network configurations by using exponential random graph model (ERGM) estimation method. The findings showed that women in the community elite tend to have more multiplex relationships than men; however, they significantly lack valuable brokerage positions on the multiplex level compared to men. Male closure on the multiplex level was found to be higher than females at a partially significant rate, and gender-based homophily on multiplex networks was not found to be statistically significant. One implication of the study is women’s position and integration in the community elite do not appear identical to men’s, and women’s access to social capital in the elite networks is more constrained than it was presumed previously. Another implication is that special attention should be paid to multiplexity in social network analysis research, as it is a valuable tool for improving the apprehension of social mechanisms.
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Chow, Lo-sai Pauline, i 周蘿茜. "Ho Kai and Lim Boon Keng: a comparative studyof tripartite loyalty of colonial Chinese elite, 1895-1912". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1987. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31949265.

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Tamot, Raju. "Marginal, professional, predatory Nepalese elites, and emigration to the "Dreamland"". Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2008.

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Balogh, Andrea. "Inside the pyramid of power: the evolution of strategic elites in post-communist Romania /". Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2712.

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Książki na temat "Elite (Social sciences)"

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Katalin, Gál. Elit-bibliográfia =: Elite bibliography. [Budapest]: ELTE Szociológiai és Szociálpolitikai Intézet, 1990.

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1959-, Shore Cris, i Nugent Stephen, red. Elite cultures: Anthropological perspectives. London: Routledge, 2002.

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Ambedkar, S. N. Political elite. Jaipur, India: Printwell, with special arrangement from Rupa Books, 1992.

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Best, Heinrich, i Ulrike Becker. Elites in transition: Elite research in Central and Eastern Europe. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1997.

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Dekker, Wilco. De elite. Amsterdam: Meulenhoff, 2006.

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Christiansen, Peter Munk. Den danske elite. København: Hans Reitzels forlag, 2001.

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Rothacher, Albrecht. The Japanese power elite. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993.

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Miladinović, Slobodan. Elite raspada. Beograd: Službeni glasnik, 2009.

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Farooqui, Jamil. Academic elite and social structure. New Delhi: Adam Publishers & Distributors, 1986.

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George, Moyser, i Wagstaffe Margaret, red. Research methods for elite studies. London: Allen & Unwin, 1987.

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Części książek na temat "Elite (Social sciences)"

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Chappell, Louise. "Doing Elite Interviews in Feminist Research: Confessions of a Born-Again Observationist". W Navigating Fieldwork in the Social Sciences, 129–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46855-2_7.

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Gabbay, Michael. "Modeling Decision-Making Outcomes in Political Elite Networks". W Lecture Notes of the Institute for Computer Sciences, Social Informatics and Telecommunications Engineering, 95–110. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-03473-7_9.

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Tucker, William H. "Politics and Intelligence: Running Against the Cognitive Elite". W Palgrave Studies in the Theory and History of Psychology, 81–99. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41614-9_3.

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AbstractWhile Herrnsteinand Murray believed firmly in genetic inequality, which, they argued, both explained and justified social and economic inequality, they also vigorously supported political equality; indeed, they suggested that humans could not be equal “in any other sense.” Citing the beliefs of the founding fathers as support, they asserted that “the best government was one that most efficiently brought the natural aristocracy to high positions.” And they expressed confidence that the “common people” had the good sense to choose what Madison called “men of virtue and wisdom” to govern—that is, those members of the cognitive elite prepared for such a role by their natural ability and their broad education in “history, literature, arts, ethics, and the sciences.” The great majority of citizens—that 95 percent not as intelligent as the cognitive elite—might not possess the right characteristics for the governing class, but, according to The Bell Curve, they could be counted on to recognize those who did.
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Stephens, Neil, i Rebecca Dimond. "Researching Among Elites". W Handbook of Research Methods in Health Social Sciences, 2197–212. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5251-4_135.

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Stephens, Neil, i Rebecca Dimond. "Researching Among Elites". W Handbook of Research Methods in Health Social Sciences, 1–16. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-2779-6_135-1.

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Miller-Friedmann, Jaimie. "Elite British Female Physicists: Social Mobility and Identity Negotiations". W Cultural Studies of Science Education, 153–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41933-2_9.

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Gulyás, Attila, Martina Katalin Szabó, Orsolya Ring, László Kiss i István Boros. "Networks of the Political Elite and Political Agenda Topics: Creation and Analysis of Historical Corpora Using NLP and SNA Methods". W Pathways Between Social Science and Computational Social Science, 197–214. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54936-7_9.

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Avin, Chen, Zvi Lotker, David Peleg, Yvonne-Anne Pignolet i Itzik Turkel. "Elites in Social Networks: An Axiomatic Approach". W 3rd International Winter School and Conference on Network Science, 75–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-55471-6_7.

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Olyanitch, Andrew, Zaineta Khachmafova, Tatiana Ostrovskaya i Susanna Makerova. "Engineering an Elite in Social Networks Through Semiolinguistics’ Data Mapping: A Fantasy or Reality?" W Communications in Computer and Information Science, 671–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65551-2_48.

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Mieg, Harald A. "Science as a Profession: And Its Responsibility". W Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 67–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91597-1_4.

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AbstractScientific responsibility has changed with the successful professionalization of science. Today, science is a privileged profession, one with a (tacit) management mandate for systematic knowledge acquisition. Within this framework, science acts with responsibility. This chapter reflects the responsibility of science in the German context. After Wold War 2, the extraordinary responsibility of scientists, which C.F. von Weizsäcker emphasized, referred to a specific phase in the institutional development of science, termed scientism (“science justifies society,” science as religion), and corresponded to an elite responsibility. Today, one responsibility of science as a profession is to safeguard and develop scientific standards. This also concerns, on the one hand, the self-organization and control of science as a profession and, on the other hand, the communication of science to society. As a professional scientist, one has two responsibilities, the commitments to good science (professional ethics plus co-responsibility for the development of science as a profession) and civic responsibility. Due to their special knowledge, the civic responsibility of the scientist differs from that of other professionals. This chapter introduces science as a profession and presents an integrative notion of responsibility, also shedding light on the social responsibility of science.
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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Elite (Social sciences)"

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Karabushchenko, Pavel. "AXIOLOGY OF MODERN POLITICAL ELITE: EXPERT EVALUATION OF ELITE QUALITY OF POWER". W 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s01.003.

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Alekseev-Apraksin, Anatoliy. "MULTI-ELITE CLUSTER CULTURE". W 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018h/61/s07.011.

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"A Study of The Reaction and Performance of Elite Athletes". W 2020 International Conference on Social and Human Sciences. Scholar Publishing Group, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0000190.

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Putra, Andri Fatihatal, Lalu Muhaimi i Sudirman Willian. "Code Switching and Representation of Elite Character in Social Media". W 1st Annual Conference on Education and Social Sciences (ACCESS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200827.049.

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Dasheva, Daniela, Hristo Andonov i Mihail Konchev. "FINANCING OF ELITE BULGARIAN SPORT". W INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS “APPLIED SPORTS SCIENCES”. Scientific Publishing House NSA Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37393/icass2022/127.

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ABSTRACT The achievement of international and mainly Olympic sporting success is increasingly vital to a country with a well-developed sport system. The number of medals won in Olympics Games and, other international sports competitions offer the most self-evident and transparent measure of success in high-performance sport. Increasing competition between nations to succeed in international sporting events also leads to increased financial investments in elite sports from state sources. Many countries invest in sports in which they have built traditions of success or are their social capital. In this article, the theoretical framework assumes that nations that give priority to the financing of certain sports improve the efficiency of the allocation of funds. The purpose of this study is to identify the indicators (criteria) for financial support of elite Bulgarian sports and answer the following questions: (1) whether and to what extent it is necessary to prioritize the financing of sports in Bulgaria; (2) if it is a guarantee of success; (3) and which are the sports that are given the highest priority. The technique of the coefficient of concentration or the share of funding allocated to the four most funded sports within this Olympic cycle was used. In 2021, 46 sports were funded, of which 33 were Olympic and 13 non-Olympic, with a budget of 27.459 million. The data collected show that the first four federations receive about 33.3% of the total budget share for the year — the next four -24.125%. So, the first eight funding proposals receive about 60% (59.175%) of the MMC’s total budget, the remaining -40%. Establishing the link between performance (sports performance) and the country’s policy on sports funding is a rather ambitious task. International sporting success in both summer and winter Olympic sports is primarily determined by factors that cannot be controlled solely by a country’s sporting policy, which makes success relatively relative.
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Karabushenko, Pavel. "ELITE EDUCATION AS A MERITOCRATIC VALUE OF THE POST-INDUSTRIALISM". W 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.049.

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Shi, Lu, Feng Liu i Chunyin Ma. "Hammer Throwing Technique of the Chinese Elite Female Athlete". W 2018 International Conference on Advances in Social Sciences and Sustainable Development (ASSSD 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/asssd-18.2018.44.

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Wenxin, Zhang. "Social Interaction Research on Mobile Games: A Case Study of Peace Elite". W 5th International Conference on Social Sciences and Economic Development (ICSSED 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200331.036.

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Karabushchenko, Pavel. "EFFICIENCY OF MODERN POLITICAL ELITE: ACMEOLOGICAL DIMENSION OF QUALITY PROFESSIONALISM". W 4th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS Proceedings. STEF92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/32/s11.015.

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Kuznetsov, Igor. "INFORMAL COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICES OF SOVIET REGIONAL ELITE IN THE 1920-ES". W 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b31/s10.041.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Elite (Social sciences)"

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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, luty 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.

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The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.
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Pritchett, Lant, i Martina Viarengo. Learning Outcomes in Developing Countries: Four Hard Lessons from PISA-D. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), kwiecień 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/069.

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The learning crisis in developing countries is increasingly acknowledged (World Bank, 2018). The UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) include goals and targets for universal learning and the World Bank has adopted a goal of eliminating learning poverty. We use student level PISA-D results for seven countries (Cambodia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Paraguay, Senegal, and Zambia) to examine inequality in learning outcomes at the global, country, and student level for public school students. We examine learning inequality using five dimensions of potential social disadvantage measured in PISA: sex, rurality, home language, immigrant status, and socio-economic status (SES)—using the PISA measure of ESCS (Economic, Social, and Cultural Status) to measure SES. We document four important facts. First, with the exception of Ecuador, less than a third of the advantaged (male, urban, native, home speakers of the language of instruction) and ESCS elite (plus 2 standard deviations above the mean) children enrolled in public schools in PISA-D countries reach the SDG minimal target of PISA level 2 or higher in mathematics (with similarly low levels for reading and science). Even if learning differentials of enrolled students along all five dimensions of disadvantage were eliminated, the vast majority of children in these countries would not reach the SDG minimum targets. Second, the inequality in learning outcomes of the in-school children who were assessed by the PISA by household ESCS is mostly smaller in these less developed countries than in OECD or high-performing non-OECD countries. If the PISA-D countries had the same relationship of learning to ESCS as Denmark (as an example of a typical OECD country) or Vietnam (a high-performing developing country) their enrolled ESCS disadvantaged children would do worse, not better, than they actually do. Third, the disadvantages in learning outcomes along four characteristics: sex, rurality, home language, and being an immigrant country are absolutely large, but still small compared to the enormous gap between the advantaged, ESCS average students, and the SDG minimums. Given the massive global inequalities, remediating within-country inequalities in learning, while undoubtedly important for equity and justice, leads to only modest gains towards the SDG targets. Fourth, even including both public and private school students, there are strikingly few children in PISA-D countries at high levels of performance. The absolute number of children at PISA level 4 or above (reached by roughly 30 percent of OECD children) in the low performing PISA-D countries is less than a few thousand individuals, sometimes only a few hundred—in some subjects and countries just double or single digits. These four hard lessons from PISA-D reinforce the need to address global equity by “raising the floor” and targeting low learning levels (Crouch and Rolleston, 2017; Crouch, Rolleston, and Gustafsson, 2020). As Vietnam and other recent successes show, this can be done in developing country settings if education systems align around learning to improve the effectiveness of the teaching and learning processes to improve early learning of foundational skills.
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