Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Electronic surveillance – social aspects – united states”

Nearly 2.5 million Americans currently reside in nursing homes and assisted living facilities in the United States, accounting for approximately five percent of persons sixty-five and older. The aging of the “Baby Boomer” generation is expected to lead to an exponential growth in the need for some form of long-term care (LTC) for this segment of the population within the next twenty-five years. In light of these sobering demographic shifts, there is an urgency to address the profound concerns that exist about the quality-of-care (QoC) and quality-of-life (QoL) of this frailest segment of our population.

Background COVID-19 is an international health crisis of particular concern in the United States, which saw surges of infections with the lifting of lockdowns and relaxed social distancing. Young adults have proven to be a critical factor for COVID-19 transmission and are an important target of the efforts to contain the pandemic. Scalable digital public health technologies could be deployed to reduce COVID-19 transmission, but their use depends on the willingness of young adults to participate in surveillance. Objective The aim of this study is to determine the attitudes of young adults regarding COVID-19 digital surveillance, including which aspects they would accept and which they would not, as well as to determine factors that may be associated with their willingness to participate in digital surveillance. Methods We conducted an anonymous online survey of young adults aged 18-24 years throughout the United States in June 2020. The questionnaire contained predominantly closed-ended response options with one open-ended question. Descriptive statistics were applied to the data. Results Of 513 young adult respondents, 383 (74.7%) agreed that COVID-19 represents a public health crisis. However, only 231 (45.1%) agreed to actively share their COVID-19 status or symptoms for monitoring and only 171 (33.4%) reported a willingness to allow access to their cell phone for passive location tracking or contact tracing. Conclusions Despite largely agreeing that COVID-19 represents a serious public health risk, the majority of young adults sampled were reluctant to participate in digital monitoring to manage the pandemic. This was true for both commonly used methods of public health surveillance (such as contact tracing) and novel methods designed to facilitate a return to normal (such as frequent symptom checking through digital apps). This is a potential obstacle to ongoing containment measures (many of which rely on widespread surveillance) and may reflect a need for greater education on the benefits of public health digital surveillance for young adults.

ImportancePrior investigations in social determinants of health (SDoH) in pediatric head and neck cancer (HNC) have only considered a narrow scope of HNCs, SDoH, and geography while lacking inquiry into the interrelational association of SDoH with disparities in clinical pediatric HNC.ObjectivesTo evaluate the association of SDoH with disparities in HNC among children and adolescents and to assess which specific aspects of SDoH are most associated with disparities in dynamic and regional sociodemographic contexts.Design, Setting, and ParticipantsThis retrospective cohort study included data about patients (aged ≤19 years) with pediatric HNC who were diagnosed from 1975 to 2017 from the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results Program (SEER) database. Data were analyzed from October 2021 to October 2022.ExposuresOverall social vulnerability and its subcomponent contributions from 15 SDoH variables, grouped into socioeconomic status (SES; poverty, unemployment, income level, and high school diploma status), minority and language status (ML; minoritized racial and ethnic group and proficiency with English), household composition (HH; household members aged ≥65 and ≤17 years, disability status, single-parent status), and housing and transportation (HT; multiunit structure, mobile homes, crowding, no vehicle, group quarters). These were ranked and scored across all US counties.Main Outcomes and MeasuresRegression trends were performed in continuous measures of surveillance and survival period and in discrete measures of advanced staging and surgery receipt.ResultsA total of 37 043 patients (20 729 [55.9%] aged 10-19 years; 18 603 [50.2%] male patients; 22 430 [60.6%] White patients) with 30 different HNCs in SEER had significant relative decreases in the surveillance period, ranging from 23.9% for malignant melanomas (mean [SD] duration, lowest vs highest vulnerability: 170 [128] months to 129 [88] months) to 41.9% for non-Hodgkin lymphomas (mean [SD] duration, lowest vs highest vulnerability: 216 [142] months vs 127 [94] months). SES followed by ML and HT vulnerabilities were associated with these overall trends per relative-difference magnitudes (eg, SES for ependymomas and choroid plexus tumors: mean [SD] duration, lowest vs highest vulnerability: 114 [113] months vs 86 [84] months; P < .001). Differences in mean survival time were observed with increasing social vulnerability, ranging from 11.3% for ependymomas and choroid plexus tumors (mean [SD] survival, lowest vs highest vulnerability: 46 [46] months to 41 [48] months; P = .43) to 61.4% for gliomas not otherwise specified (NOS) (mean [SD] survival, lowest vs highest vulnerability: 44 [84] months to 17 [28] months; P < .001), with ML vulnerability followed by SES, HH, and HT being significantly associated with decreased survival (eg, ML for gliomas NOS: mean [SD] survival, lowest vs highest vulnerability: 42 [84] months vs 19 [35] months; P < .001). Increased odds of advanced staging with non-Hodgkin lymphoma (OR, 1.21; 95% CI, 1.02-1.45) and retinoblastomas (OR, 1.31; 95% CI, 1.14-1.50) and decreased odds of surgery receipt for melanomas (OR, 0.79; 95% CI, 0.69-0.91) and rhabdomyosarcomas (OR, 0.90; 95% CI, 0.83-0.98) were associated with increasing overall social vulnerability.Conclusions and RelevanceIn this cohort study of patients with pediatric HNC, significant decreases in receipt of care and survival time were observed with increasing SDoH vulnerability.

Edward Snowden was castigated by government officials and mainstream mass media as a traitor, spy, and international criminal when he released information about the National Security Agency (NSA) secret and massive surveillance of virtually all U.S. electronic communication. More than “wiretapping” is involved in the spin being put on Snowden's revelations. A lot of institutional duplicity has been revealed. The reaction of United States officials can be seen as a dramatic performance to demonstrate their moral resolve and complete power (even as Snowden challenged it) in order to dissuade other whistleblowers from following suite, as well as maintain authority and a discourse of fear about terrorism that justifies surveillance and other forms of social control.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks of 2001, a patriotic narrative permeated all aspects of US society. Planned and executed by the George W. Bush administration and reproduced by the media and by other social institutions, the narrative of the War on Terror permeated all aspects of society with little opposition. A few weeks after the attacks, Congress passed the Patriot Act, a bill that redefined security and surveillance in the United States. The new act contributed to the erosion of civil rights. This article analyzes how Spike Lee’s Inside Man (2006), a film that critics interpreted as a commercial thriller when it was launched, employs resources from film noir and neo-noir to construct a counter-narrative on security and surveillance. Through a plot that causes confusion, a distinct visual style, a typically noir role of the hero, and hidden references to a 9/11 theme, the film borrows elements from classical film noir and from eighties neo-noir to take a firm stand against the US response to the terrorist attacks. The movie removes the mask of the dominant narrative by showing a structurally corrupt system.

The United States, like other countries facing rising health care costs, is pursuing a commitment to interoperable electronic health records. Electronic records, it is thought, have the potential to reduce the risks of error, improve care coordination, monitor care quality, enable patients to participate more fully in care management, and provide the data needed for research and surveillance. Interoperable electronic health records on a national scale — the ideal of a national health information network (or NHIN) — seem likely to magnify these advantages. Thus, the recent economic stimulus package contains considerable funding for the development of “health information technology architecture that will support the nationwide electronic exchange and use of health information in a secure, private, and accurate manner.”

AbstractCyberbullying at school has emerged as a new, electronic form of bullying and harassment and is recognised as a growing problem all over the world. The ability to use cyberspace to bully others means that harassment, rumours and intimidation can reach a much wider audience. Although research has not as yet explored fully the consequences of either cyber-victimisation or cyberbullying, it would appear that they may be detrimental to the health of young people, suggesting the need for policies and interventions, which some European countries (e.g., Germany, Luxemburg, Belgium and the United Kingdom) have attempted to undertake. Currently, however, only the United States has implemented specific laws that treat cyberbullying as a criminal offence per se. After briefly considering the literature on cyberbullying this article will focus on the legal, regulatory and good practice frameworks for controlling cyberbullying in UK educational contexts.

The increasingly psychological terrain of crime and disorder management has had a transformative impact upon the use of electronic monitoring technologies. Surveillance technologies such as electronic monitoring - EM, biometrics, and video surveillance have flourished in commercial environments that market the benefits of asocial technologies in managing disorderly behavior and which, despite often chimerical crime prevention promises, appeal to the ontologically insecure social imagination. The growth of EM in criminal justice has subsequently taken place despite, at best, equivocal evidence that it protects the public and reduces recidivism. Innovative developments in Portugal, Argentina and the United States have re-imagined EM technologies as more personalized devices that can support victims rather than control offenders. These developments represent a re-conceptualization of the use of the technology beyond the neoliberal prism of rational choice theories and offender-oriented thinking that influenced first generation thinking about EM. This paper identifies the socio-political influences that helped conceptualize first generation thinking about EM as, firstly, a community sentence and latterly, as a technique of urban security. The paper reviews attempts to theorize the role and function of EM surveillance technologies within and beyond criminal justice and explores the contribution of victimological perspectives to the use of EM 2.0.

The defeat of the U.S. client regime in Afghanistan and the seizure of power by the Taliban in August 2021 marked a real turning point. These events represented another major setback for the United States in the wake of a failed war in Iraq. Journalists rushed to compare the debacle in Kabul in 2021 to Saigon in 1975, as Afghans fearful of Taliban rule scrambled to get onto US planes. Many were left behind as the United States rushed to get its own forces and those of its allies out. The August 2021 regime collapse in Afghanistan, although sudden in its final manifestation, was a long time coming. The United States realized it had been defeated at least by 2020, as the Trump administration agreed to a total US withdrawal in direct negotiations with the Taliban. The Biden administration continued this policy, which had two basic aspects: the United States would withdraw by the end of August 2021, and the Taliban would not attack US forces during the period of withdrawal. Both sides kept to the bargain; the Afghan people were not consulted at all, nor was the US-backed government of Ashraf Ghani, who was not even included in the negotiations. There was an important difference from the situation in Saigon in 1975, however. The forces that defeated the United States in Vietnam included female combatants and officers. Moreover, the regime they installed to replace the US client state espoused a modernist, if authoritarian, ideology that extolled gender equality, land reform, and other forms of social and economic transformation. In contrast, the return to power of the Taliban was instead a setback for women’s rights of epochal proportions, and for other social and political rights as well. They set about establishing an ultra-conservative fundamentalist regime of a type not seen since the Islamic State was driven out of Raqqa, Syria, in 2017. The Taliban have again established a theocracy, which openly supports long-standing hierarchies of gender, ethnicity, religion, and class, albeit with a somewhat modern form of organization, including a surveillance apparatus and modern weapons. With its denial of secondary education to girls, the new Taliban regime’s level of gender apartheid far exceeds those of Saudi Arabia and Iran. At this writing, not a single country, not even Saudi Arabia, has formally recognized the Taliban government.

Concerns about the feasibility of the Internet as an appropriate venue for deliberation have emerged based on the adverse effects of depersonalization, anonymity, and lack of accountability on the part of online discussants. As in face-to-face communication, participants in online conversations are best situated to determine for themselves what type of communication is appropriate. Earlier research on Usenet groups was not optimistic, but community-administered moderation may provide a valuable tool for online political discussion groups who wish to support and enforce deliberative communication among a diverse or disagreeing membership. This research examines individual comments and their rating and moderation within a week-long "Pie Fight" discussion about community ownership and values in the Daily Kos political blog. Specific components of deliberation were identified and a content analysis was conducted for each. Salient issues included community reputation, agreement and disagreement, meta-communication, and appropriate expression of emotion, humor, and profanity. Data subsets were analyzed in conjunction with the comment ratings given by community members to determine what types of interaction received the most attention, and how the community used the comment ratings system to promote or demote specific comment types. The use of middle versus high or low ratings, the value of varied ratings format, and the use of moderation as a low-impact means of expressing dissent were also explored. The Daily Kos community members effectively used both comments and ratings to mediate conflict, assert their desired kind of community, demonstrate a deliberative self-concept, and support specific conditions of deliberation. The moderation system was used to sanction uncivil or unproductive communication, as intended, and was also shown to facilitate deliberation of disagreement rather than creating an echo chamber of opinion.

The author examines how a North American commercial Web site developed by Environmental Systems Research Institute serves as a vehicle through which American hegemony and cultural imperialism are propagated to Latin America. The author argues that the content of the web site pages, which contain American cultural symbols and values, may serve to influence or change the values of its Latin American visitors.

Thesis by publication.
Thesis (PhD) -- Macquarie University, Macquarie Graduate School of Management, 2008.
Bibliography: leaves 124-133.
Introduction - Literature review -- Online word-of-mouth: a comparison of American and Chinese discussion boards -- Electronic word-of-mouth: a comparison of stated and revealed behaviour on electronic discussion boards -- A cross-cultural comparison of electronic word-of-mouth and country-of-origin effects -- Conclusion.
The growth of electronic discussion boards has enabled consumers from different cultures to communicate with people of similar interests. Through this online channel, marketing concepts such as word-of-mouth (WOM) and country-of-origin (CoO) effects have the potential to become more important because of the potentially large number of participants involved. The US and China, being the largest and second-largest online population in the world respectively, are ideal countries to investigate the frequency and extent of these marketing concepts. --The thesis consists of three separate but inter-related papers which have been published in journals or have been accepted for publication. Each paper builds on the one before and analyses different aspects of online consumer behaviour such as information-giving, information-seeking and the CoO statements made by participants of discussion boards. By examining and comparing the frequency and content of discussion postings on discussion boards within US and China based websites, the thesis makes a comparison of the information-giving and information-seeking behaviour of the discussants and also looks at the extent and the content of CoO statements made. Online observation of discussion postings from six different discussion boards (three each from the US and China) was conducted over two 90-day period in 2004 and 2005 and a total of 5,993 discussion postings were downloaded for analysis. In addition, an online survey of 214 participants was conducted to compare the stated and actual (or "revealed") behaviour of discussants on the US and China based discussion boards. -- Overall, the findings indicate consistent differences over a 12-month period in the bahaviour of the US and Chinese discussants. The US discussants were found to provide more information than their Chinese counterparts while the Chinese discussants exhibited more information-seeking bahaviour on the discussion boards. The findings also indicate that the Chinese discussants demonstrated more negative CoO statements and these statements were observed to be related to Japan and/or brands that originated from Japan. The findings suggest that such negative CoO statements can increase rapidly online and it appears that the negative sentiments by the Chinese were apparently unrelated to product quality; instead they appear to have been predominantly associated with war related animosity. -- These findings have important implications for marketers selling to the Chinese as discussion boards appear to be more important as a source of information for the Chinese than the Americans. Also, given that the Chinese discussants demonstrated a high level of negative CoO statements relating to products from Japan, marketers selling Japanese products to the Chinese must understand the underlying issues related to these negativeCoO statements and take steps to prevent non-purchase of Japanese products.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
vii, 133 leaves ill

Defence date: 19 September 2016
Examining Board: Professor Sven Steinmo, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Alexander Trechsel, European University Institute; Professor Henry Farrell, George Washington University; Professor Bastiaan Van Apeldoorn, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
This dissertation is a collection of three stand-alone papers each making distinct contributions and addressing different, but closely related, empirical puzzles that contribute to the literature on Internet privacy. The first article starts by exploring some of the tangible consequences of the Snowden revelations and challenges the common-wisdom culturalist theories of Europe’s privacy regime. Then, the second article offers a new explanation of the origins of America’s privacy framework that also defies conventional culturalist explanations. Finally, the third article closes by offering a novel implementation and policy design analysis of the American and European privacy regimes. Each article employs slightly different research methods and uses different yet compatible and complementary theoretical frameworks. In general, this dissertation adopts an institutionalist perspective studying how and why certain institutions change, and “why some flourish in some context and/or why some die out in others” (Steinmo, 2003a). The first article focuses on institutional reform, and resistance to institutional reform by corporate actors, following Culpepper’s quiet politics framework (2011). The second article, borrowing from Steinmo (2003b) and Blyth (2002, 2011), discusses the interaction between ideas and institutions, following perhaps the clearest institutionalist narrative of all the pieces of this dissertation. The third article, building on Rothstein’s general theory on implementation (Rothstein, 1998) discusses the implementation and policy design of the European and American institutions for the protection of privacy.

Friendster.com was launched in California in 2002 with 20 users. Today, it has more than 27 million members and it is especially popular among Southeast Asian women. It differs from other online dating sites in that users must be approved before they can become part of a user’s personal network. This study explores what may have made the site so attractive, as well as how its users represent themselves in their personal profiles. Drawing on social constructionist and feminist theories, this thesis employed qualitative content analysis and survey methodologies to address the following questions: (1) How does Friendster.com portray its role in terms of getting people together? As a dating site or otherwise? (2) How do Southeast Asian women in these two age groups (18-21 and 27- 30) construct themselves on Friendster.com? (3) Do Southeast Asian women join Friendster.com to connect with the one? If not, what are their reasons for joining the site? (4) What are Southeast Asian women’s on- and off-line blind-date standards and practices? The research examines the choice of words and pictures from 60 Friendster users’ profiles by using qualitative content analysis as the methodology. Preliminary findings suggest that the site serves as a new safer form of an online dating service, and that its users aggressively sell themselves as a result. Moreover, the definition of blind-date is socially constructed.
Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Elliott School of Communication
"May 2006."
Includes bibliographic references (leaves 74-80).

Edward Snowden was castigated by government officials and mainstream mass media as a traitor, spy, and international criminal when he released information about the National Security Agency (NSA) secret and massive surveillance of virtually all U.S. electronic communication. More than “wiretapping” is involved in the spin being put on Snowden's revelations. A lot of institutional duplicity has been revealed. The reaction of United States officials can be seen as a dramatic performance to demonstrate their moral resolve and complete power (even as Snowden challenged it) in order to dissuade other whistleblowers from following suite, as well as maintain authority and a discourse of fear about terrorism that justifies surveillance and other forms of social control.

Twenty-five years after its publication, this chapter revisits and extends Richard Barbrook and Andy Cameron’s seminal article The Californian Ideology. In 1996, Barbrook and Cameron identified a moment of profound global change that they argued originated on the West Coast of the United States. Documenting its emergence from the 1970s, they understood it to be based upon a belief system that managed to combine contradictory, yet highly appealing elements rooted in a commitment to technological determinism. Barbrook and Cameron theorized the emerging ‘electronic agora’ to describe a near-future society where personal communication between individuals was possible without the mediation of government. In the late 2000s this transformed into largely unregulated social media platforms. Relatedly Barbrook and Cameron documented the emergence of ‘the electronic marketplace,’ a vision reliant on the creative talents of an emerging ‘virtual class’. This has morphed more recently into platform capitalism and a surveillance economy. More broadly Barbrook and Cameron noted that beneath the tensions of the original Californian Ideology was an anti-establishment ethos that relied upon the liberating power of technology. The recent tech-lash, concerns over the gig-economy, and the dubious imperatives of datamining, require us to reconsider the prospects for open societies that rely upon platforms as we enter the next phase of the Californian Ideology.

The Privacy Journal (2003), a print newsletter and Web site devoted to privacy matters, defines the present-day use of the word privacy as “the right of individuals to control the collection and use of personal information about themselves.” Similar definitions are provided by law specialists (Gavison, 1980; Warren & Brandies, 1890). The networked society changes the way in which privacy rights are defined, used and interpreted, because: a. The IT-enabled channels of communication change the rules of personal and commercial interaction; b. The participation in the networked society implies a diminishing of individual privacy rights. The fundamental principle of the networked society is information sharing and processing (Kling & Allen, 1996). Advances in computing technology—that represents the infrastructure of the networked society—make possible to collect, store, analyze, and retrieve personal information created in the process of participation. The manifestation and the protection of individual privacy rights represent the field of conflict between various disciplines and social events. The heterogeneous nature of this phenomenon is mirrored in this paper, which aims to present the complex nature of privacy rights in the context of the networked society. The study proposes a negotiating model of online privacy rights, and analyses the necessary conditions for the implementation of this model on the Internet. The new economy is redefined on the basis of information entrepreneurism (Kling & Allen, 1996; Zwick & Dholakia, 1999). This cultural paradigm emphasizes the use of data-intensive analysis techniques for designing and implementing effective marketing and management strategies. This has as a direct consequence the use of an information superpanopticon–a concept derived from Foucault’s panopticon, a system of perfect surveillance and control. Online privacy is a major concern for Internet users (Ackerman, Cranor, & Reagle, 1999). For the individual Internet user, the privacy threats fall into two main categories: a. Web tracking devices that collect information about the online behavior of the user (e.g., cookies); b. The misuse of the personal information provided by the online user in exchange of specific benefits: increased personalization, Web group membership, etc. The databases, intelligent agents and tracking devices are surrounding the Internet users with a Web of surveillance, which is often hidden and unknown to the users. The surveillance is initiated by the simple act of presence on the Internet. Specialized software applications, such as cookies are tracking the online behavior of Internet users, feeding the data into databases, which create and permanently update a profile of online consumers. These profiles are then used for segmenting the market and targeting the most profitable consumers. A company can use cookies for various valid reasons: security, personalization, marketing, customer service, etc., however, there is an important distinction between cookies, which are active only within a specific Web site, and the ones that can track the user’s activity across unrelated Web sites. Recently, some aggregator networks have deployed hidden ‘pixel beacon’ technology that allows ad-serving companies to connect unrelated sites and overcome the site-specific nature of traditional cookies (Mabley, 2000). Additionally, some companies are now connecting this aggregated data with offline demographic and credit card data. Eventually, these resulting databases can be used or sold as powerful marketing tools. Exercising control of information, after it was voluntarily released, presents another critical problem. The misuse of personal information covers many possible aspects, which can be defined as any use which is not explicitly defined in the company’s privacy disclaimer, or which is not approved by the informed customer. For example, in 2000, Toysurus.com was subject to intense debate and controversy, when it was discovered that shoppers’ personal information was transferred through an unmarked Internet channel to a data processing firm, for analysis and aggregation. This operation was not disclosed in the company’s privacy disclaimer, and therefore, online customers were not aware of it. Regulators and legislators have addressed the controversial privacy issue quite differently across the world (Nakra, 2001). The USA, the largest world’s financial and Internet market, has not yet adopted a national, standard-setting privacy law (Jarvis, 2001). U.S. privacy statutes have primarily focused so far on protecting consumers’ financial data, health information, and children’s personal information (Desai, Richards, & Desai, 2003; Frye, 2001). In comparison with the American official opinion that online privacy protection is a matter of voluntary self-regulation by market-driven companies, the Europeans consider that it is more effective to enforce specific legislation regarding this issue. The current European approach is based on three basic tenets: 1. Individuals have the right to access any data relating to them and have it kept accurate and up-to-date; 2. Data cannot be retained for longer than the purpose for which it was obtained, nor used or disclosed “in a matter incompatible with that purpose”, and must be kept only for “lawful purposes”; 3. Those who control data have “a special duty of care” in relation to the individuals whose data they keep. Data commissioners oversee these rights in each European country and require most “data controllers”—people who handle data—to register with them to track what information is being collected and where. They are charged also with investigating all complaints from citizens. These principles have been incorporated in the European Data Directive, which came into effect in 1998, and more recently, in the European Directive on Privacy and Electronic Communications, adopted in 2002. Despite these legislative efforts, it is not yet clear how effective are the measures implemented by EU States. The direct involvement of governmental institutions can be considered as a form of censorship that can undermine the freedom and the flexibility of the Internet domain.