Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Elections – India – Management”

The Election Commission of India (ECI) is generally seen as a regulatory body with the power to enforce rules for the efficient conduct of elections. The ECI performs a range of overlapping functions, not all of which are regulatory. The ECI has been actively engaged in framing rules that constitute both the procedural and substantive aspects of electoral democracy in India. Following successive court decisions, Article 324 has become a ‘reservoir of powers’ giving the ECI scope for the exercise of residuary powers in a variety of situations. The ‘legal doctrine of electoral exceptionalism’ during election time has made itself manifest in the Model Code of Conduct. Innovations in ‘voter education and awareness’, which are often seen through the lens of electoral ‘management’ and the framework of ‘electoral integrity’, have become part of the deliberative content of election alongside the quest for ‘procedural certainty’ and ‘democratic outcomes’.

The social media behemoths Facebook, Twitter, Google, and YouTube have become significant players in the national elections and state assembly elections in India. Social media has grown in importance as a campaigning tool in the Indian electoral system. These new media platforms are believed to play a key role in luring voters, particularly the new generation of young adults. Political parties and candidates can more quickly and efficiently reach a huge number of voters thanks to social media. Social media, as opposed to traditional media, enables politicians to actively communicate with potential voters. Social media enables political parties and candidates to communicate their values, objectives, and accomplishments with voters directly, giving them a sense of increased involvement in the election. Candidates may more easily track participation on social media and provide their supporters with a behind-the-scenes look at their campaign. The gathering of news that is most pertinent to important target audiences is also made easier by these new media platforms. Research is crucial because social media usage is on the rise and has been proved to be significant. The current study focuses on the usage and growth of social media in the political sphere and how it affects public participation in politics and society at large. The study will first look at the growth of social media as a voter outreach tool.

Purpose The paper aims to “re-use” the Open Government Data (OGD) published by the Election Commission of India (ECI). Bihar’s performance across General Elections, 2014, and Bihar Legislative Assembly Elections, 2015, is compared, wherein the role of contestants’ demographic profiles in determining their vote share is being investigated. Design/methodology/approach Hypotheses are derived based on the impact of contestants’ demographic profiles (age, marital status, social category, political party affiliation, educational qualification, availing telephone and email facility, criminal antecedents) on their vote share. Following a quantitative approach, multiple regression and logistic regression are used to draw inferences from the data contestants’ affidavits – sourced from the ECI website. Findings Results show that contestants’ demographic profiles impact their vote share in the elections. While the ECI website is a viable source for re-using the data available there, data are not available in a user-friendly format and this leads to difficulty in being re-used by different stakeholders. Originality/value Academic research on OGD re-use is negligible, and the present study seeks to contribute towards extant literature by underlining the significance of re-using OGD by drawing inferences from the data accessible via ECI.

Abstract: As far as the Indian sub-continent is concerned local governance/panchayat has an elaborate history. The rural population have for long practiced this system of governing themselves through their representatives. The mode of working and the powers vested in the local bodies, have not been uniform throughout. The federation conferred constitutional status to the local governance bodies in 1993 and this system has progressed in an interesting way. Karnataka, a southern State in India has been ahead of time in enacting legislations dealing with local governance. Even before the amendment inserting provisions to the Constitution of India was passed, Karnataka had and was implementing extravagant laws pertaining to panchayats. Since democracy and decentralisation are closely associated with the panchayats, the idea of representation has a key role to play. The concerns with respect to involvement and influence of political parties in the local body elections are an important aspect as well. This paper ventures out to understand the panchayat system in Karnataka, pre and post the Constitutional amendment. The paper intends to throw light on the essence of the legislations relating to panchayats in Karnataka and understand the idea of democracy, representational factor and the concept of elections on a non-party basis. The researchers have keenly pondered upon the implementation of apolitical elections in Karnataka, the flaws in the proposed phenomenon. The paper also aims to look into hurdles in the way of these local bodies and propose suggestions to get over the same. Methodology: The research is doctrinal in nature. The authors have depended on primary sources inclusive of the Constitution of India, 1950, relevant statutes, statistical data and secondary sources including articles and research papers. Results/Analysis: Apolitical elections to the local government bodies in Karnataka is a myth and it ceremoniously present on papers. Political parties, national and regional influence the electoral process at the grass root level. Interference of political parties in panchayat elections is detrimental to the working of panchayats.

Abstract: As far as the Indian sub-continent is concerned local governance/panchayat has an elaborate history. The rural population have for long practiced this system of governing themselves through their representatives. The mode of working and the powers vested in the local bodies, have not been uniform throughout. The federation conferred constitutional status to the local governance bodies in 1993 and this system has progressed in an interesting way. Karnataka, a southern State in India has been ahead of time in enacting legislations dealing with local governance. Even before the amendment inserting provisions to the Constitution of India was passed, Karnataka had and was implementing extravagant laws pertaining to panchayats. Since democracy and decentralisation are closely associated with the panchayats, the idea of representation has a key role to play. The concerns with respect to involvement and influence of political parties in the local body elections are an important aspect as well. This paper ventures out to understand the panchayat system in Karnataka, pre and post the Constitutional amendment. The paper intends to throw light on the essence of the legislations relating to panchayats in Karnataka and understand the idea of democracy, representational factor and the concept of elections on a non-party basis. The researchers have keenly pondered upon the implementation of apolitical elections in Karnataka, the flaws in the proposed phenomenon. The paper also aims to look into hurdles in the way of these local bodies and propose suggestions to get over the same. Purpose: To Analyze the panchayat system in Karnataka, both before and after the 1993 constitutional amendment. Examine the essence of Karnataka's panchayat-related legislation. Explore the concepts of democracy, representation, and non-party elections in the context of panchayats. Evaluate the implementation of non-partisan elections in Karnataka and identify potential flaws. Analyze the challenges faced by panchayats and propose solutions. Theoretical Reference: Mainly Doctrinal research methodology. Relies on primary sources like the Indian Constitution, relevant statutes relating to panchayaths, and relevant data. Draws on secondary sources like articles and research papers. Method: Analyzes relevant legal documents and scholarly works. Analytical Method of Study Comparative Studies in relation to various factors pertaining to the research between the three levels of Panchayat (Gram Panchayat, Taluk Panchayat and Zilla Panchayat) Results and Conclusion: Non-partisan elections in Karnataka are largely theoretical; political parties influence local elections. Political interference hinders effective panchayat functioning. The paper likely proposes recommendations for strengthening panchayats and minimizing political influence. Implications of Research: Provides insights into the challenges and potential of decentralized governance in India. Informs policymakers and stakeholders about improving panchayat effectiveness. May contribute to debates on non-partisan elections and local democracy. Originality/Value: The study offers a focused analysis of Karnataka's panchayat system within a specific theoretical framework. Its findings on the limitations of non-partisan elections could be valuable for other regions considering similar approaches.

Voting is a mandatory application in any democratic country for decision making. The E-voting gives the promise or confidence of giving or delivering a convenient, straight forward and economical results. E-Voting system used many cryptographic methods to reduce the security problems in the election process. Voting is one of the essential activity which is used in various applications from student’s secretory elections, reality television shows, to national elections. With the goal of better efficiency, scalability, speed and lower cost, voting is currently changed from paper based to the use of electronic medium. This is targeted to meet better security, such that voting result gives true opinion of the voters. As of late in cryptography a few changes enable us to run troublesome calculations inside the encoded area. In democratic countries like India, Instant Runoff voting method is used in election of the President of India. In IRV, voter can vote by ranking the candidates in order of preference. To protect voter’s privacy, encryption is mostly used to ensure security in open network such as the internet. The cryptosystem based on Elliptic curve cryptography (ECC) is becoming the latest technology of public key cryptography. In proposed E-voting system, voter’s confidentiality is maintained by ECC, blind signature is used for ballot anonymity and authentication. This proposed scheme will effectively ensure confidentiality, anonymity and integrity of ballot in instant runoff voting method.

Subject area Forecasting. Study level/applicability The case is intended for Postgraduate level management students. Case overview The purpose of this case study is to explain various forecasting techniques, their applicability and the importance of forecasting to the students. This case also explains the management situations where the application of one technique may not be sufficient, thereby explaining the importance of simultaneous usage of qualitative and quantitative techniques for making crucial decisions. The case is focused on the district of Etah of the state of Uttar Pradesh in India. The real-life situation of elections in this district of an Indian state has been taken to explain the critical nature of forecasting accuracy in a management situation where the manager has only one chance to execute his project. Discussion in this case is limited to explaining various techniques available for forecasting and their applications and does not provide a solution to a management problem. Expected learning outcomes The students are expected to understand various forecasting methods and the managerial situations where these can be applied. The case also explains situations where it becomes extremely important to have fairly accurate estimates of future requirements and the application of one technique may not be sufficient, thereby explaining the importance of simultaneous usage of qualitative and quantitative techniques for making crucial decisions. Supplementary materials Teaching Notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes. Subject code CSS 9: Operations and Logistics.

This article constructs explanatory theory on trust in e-voting, a term that refers to the use of stand-alone IT artefacts in voting stations. We study e-voting as a techno-organisational arrangement embedded in the process of elections and the broader socio-economic context of a country. Following a critical realist approach, we apply retroduction and retrodiction principles to build theory by complementing existing studies of e-voting with insights from an in-depth case study of elections in India. First, we seek evidence of trust in e-voting in the responses of the public to the announcement of election results. Then we derive the following four mechanisms of trust creation or loss: the association of e-voting with the production of positive democratic effects; the making of e-voting part of the mission and identity of electoral authorities; the cultivation of a positive public attitude to IT with policies for IT-driven socio-economic development; and, in countries with turbulent political cultures, a clear distinction between the experience of voting as orderly and experiences of malpractice in other election tasks. We suggest that these mechanisms explain the different experience with e-voting of different countries. Attention to them helps in assessing the potential of electoral technologies in countries that are currently adopting them, especially fragile democracies embarking upon e-voting.

AbstractThis article explores the constitutional politics of electoral governance in federations by focusing on the role of election commissions, drawing mainly on examples from Asia. All democracies face the challenge of insulating electoral governance from interference and capture. Compared to unitary states, federations confront the additional dilemma of how to disperse authority over electoral governance across multiple orders of government. Federal democracies must decide whether electoral governance should be a matter for the center or the states. I argue that the basic choice is between what I will call the ‘unitary model’ and the ‘division of powers model.’ The main institution of electoral governance is the electoral management body or ‘EMB.’ In the unitary model, a central EMB administers both national and state-level elections. In the ‘division of powers model’, both a central and state-level EMBs exist, with the state commissions administering elections in the component units of the federation. In federal democracies generally, but especially in Asia, the allure of the unitary model has been strong. The article draws on the example of the Constituent Assembly in India to illustrate what is at stake in how federal constitutions allocate authority over electoral governance.

How does the legally established gender quota in local self-government bodies affect the level of representation of women in power? How does the representation of women in power increase effective political participation? Previous studies were devoted to studying the consequences of gender quotas in the authorities and management, but the issue of the model of gender political participation remained neglected. The introduction of gender quotas as a mechanism for ensuring equal rights and opportunities for women in politics and the decision-making process increases women’s political participation and political leadership. The success or failure of planning and decision-making largely depends on the level of political participation. The issues of this work correspond to Goal 5 of Sustainable Development, which provides equal opportunities for women’s leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic and public life. The paper analyzes the representation of women in the authorities and management in different regions of the world. The study’s main goal is to determine the relationship between the representation of women in rural local self-government bodies and the consequences of this representation. The data sources were the results of local elections, reports of government ministries and agencies, United Nations reports on gender equality and the empowerment of women, as well as surveys of women representatives of political power in three Indian states (Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra ) — state election data analyzed over the past three decades. The results of this study show that the level of female representation increases annually, although this is not entirely related to political participation. Women’s electoral participation indicates that despite growing women’s participation in local elections, the expression remains unchanged within the established gender quota of 33 to 50 percent. Addressing the gender imbalance in the political environment of three states in India is a result of the introduction and enforcement of gender quotas in politics. The results of this study have practical value for local self-government bodies when developing state gender policy.

Community ownership is essential for sustainable public health initiatives. The advantages of getting active involvement of homebound village women in a public health campaign to establish community health surveillance are being reported in this paper. With the support of the local self government authorities, we had selected 120 village women, and they were given extensive training on various healthcare schemes, home based management of local ailments, leadership skills and survey techniques. Afterwards, they had been asked to share their knowledge with at least 10-15 women in their neighbourhood. This had improved their status in the neighbourhood, as more and more people started getting their advice on healthcare and social services related matters. Subsequently, they had collected the socio-demographic and morbidity details of the entire households, including the geometric coordinates (longitude and latitude) of the households and public offices. In this process, they began to use the geographic position system (GPS) machines, dismissing the myth that women are not that techno savvy, further improving their acceptability in the community. Many among them were seen proudly describing the implications of the thematic maps to the village people and line department staff in the monthly subcentre meetings. Many were offered seats in the local body elections by leading political parties, a few of them did stand in the elections and three of them had won the elections. This experience reinforces our belief that the empowerment of villagers with newer technology could be a public health tool with much wider positive implications.

Learning outcomes After working through the case, the students should be able to understand Indian political economy and the brand building process of NaMo; identify the media mix strategies used to build the brand NaMo in India; evaluate possible future growth strategies for brand NaMo; and compare and contrast brand NaMo with business brands. Case overview/synopsis Narendra Modi popularly called as NaMo was the current Prime Minister of India. He belonged to Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) which won India’s general elections in two consecutive terms 2014 and 2019. NaMo was recognised worldwide for his prudence in leading the country to greater heights of achievement. NaMo started his political journey as the worker of BJP at a tender age. His rise in political career was akin to flagship brand overtaking the parent brand. All the steps taken in the past to position himself as a cult brand, will it fortify to NaMo’s victory in 2024 general elections? Business firms may follow NaMo’s strategies. What can the business brands emulate from NaMo to market and position themselves? Can political success be transpired to business success? Complexity academic level This case is designed for use in a graduate-/postgraduate-level marketing course in segments on brand management, brand expansion and the marketing strategies of a market leader. The case can also be used in a brand management course to discuss brand management models (e.g. Keller’s brand resonance pyramid and brand value chain). This case has particular application for classes that focus on brand equity, STP for any brand (segmentation, targeting and positioning) and brand value chain. The case looks in detail at the Indian political market and brand building process of NaMo and examines competitive moves since its inception. This case can be used in brand management, media management courses. The dilemma can be explained as part of a marketing course for postgraduate and executive programmes. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes. Subject code CSS 8: Marketing.

Purpose – This paper aims to provide an overview of recent research on accountability of local and state governments in India. Design/methodology/approach – The Downsian theory of electoral competition is used as a departure point for classifying different sources of government accountability failures. Subsequent sections deal with each of these sources in turn: limited voter participation and awareness; ideology, honesty and competence of political parties and electoral candidates; capture by elites; clientelism and vote-buying. Each section starts by explaining the relevant departure from the Downsian framework and then reviews available empirical evidence in the Indian context for each of these possible “distortions”, besides effects of related policy interventions. The final section summarizes the lessons learnt, and the fresh questions that they raise. Findings – The paper describes a range of possible reasons that limit the effectiveness of elections as a mechanism inducing governments to be accountable to their citizens and reviews the evidence available from the Indian context concerning each of these. Originality/value – The contribution of the paper is to provide an overview and perspective of recent literature on political economy problems affecting performance of state and local governments in India.

Despite the provision of gender equality made in the Indian constitution, the presence of women in the Legislative Committee and the rate of political participation is very low in a field. Based on a report published by the Election Commission of India, women represent 10.5 percent of the total members of Parliament. The condition of women is even worse in the state assembly, where their leadership is only 9 percent. Even after 75 years of independence, the representation of women in the Lok Sabha has not increased beyond 10 per cent. Major political parties in India are full of women activists, but mostly they are not given the required tickets to contest elections and are kept on the margins. Abstract in Hindi Language: भारतीय संविधान में किए गए लैंगिक समानता के प्रावधान के बावजूद, वैद्यानिक समिति और राजनीतिक सहभागिता की दर एक क्षेत्र में महिलाओं की उपस्थिति काफी कम है। भारतीय चुनाव आयोग, द्वारा प्रकाशित एक रिपोर्ट के आधार पर, संसद के कुल सदस्यों में 10.5 प्रतिशत प्रतिनिधित्व महिलायें करती है। राज्य असेंबली में तो महिलाओं की और भी बुरी दशा है, जहां पर उनका नेतृत्व मात्र 9 प्रतिशत ही है। स्वतंत्रता के 75 साल बीत जाने के बाद भी लोकसभा में महिलाओं का प्रतिनिधित्व 10 प्रतिशत से ज्यादा नहीं बढ़ा है। भारत के प्रमुख राजनीतिक दलों में महिला कार्यकर्ताओं की भरमार है, परंतु ज्यादातर उन्हे चुनाव लड़ने के लिए जरुरी टिकट नहीं दी जाती है और उन्हे हाशिये पर रखा जाता है। Keywords: महिलाओं, राजनीति, भूमिका, राजनीतिक सहभागिता ।

Global Capability Centres (GCCs) have emerged as the greatest growth engine in India during the past two decades. However, the success story of GCCs in India is constrained by regional imbalance in the upward journey of the country towards prosperity and progress. While the GCCs have transformed the industrial landscape of southern states in India, the northern and eastern states of the country have remained backward. Setting up of GCCs in the backward states of India require significant investments in world class infrastructure like Technology Parks and Special Economic Zone. It is hoped that the new government after elections in 2024 will pay heed to the aspirations of the backward regions of the country so that the dream of ‘Viksit Bharat by 2047’ can be achieved. Further, expansion of GCCs will mitigate the incidence of unemployment and poverty and help India become 5-Trillion economy in due course.

SUMMARYCommunity-based natural resource management (CBNRM) projects and policies often aim to improve the livelihoods of rural people who depend on natural resources, and to promote democratic decision making and equitable benefit distribution at the local level. However, a growing number of critics argue that CBNRM is susceptible to elite capture. This paper contributes to the debate on elite capture under CBNRM by studying joint forest management (JFM) in Andhra Pradesh (India) and, in particular, the case of Mohammed Nagar village. The paper addresses the following four questions: (1) How has the Indian Government formally addressed the risk of elite capture? (2) What actually happened over time when formal structures of JFM interacted with the pre-existing social structure in Mohammed Nagar? (3) When JFM results in elite capture, is this owing to the formal structures and/or the pre-existing social structure? (4) How can CBNRM be designed to avoid or minimize elite capture? Based on a reading of official government documents, the Indian Government has addressed the risk of elite capture, by ensuring representation of different social groups in the decision making bodies, regular elections, collective action in rule making and implementation, and transparency in record keeping. Nevertheless, during Mohammed Nagar's 10 years of JFM history elite capture did occur. This confirms that elite capture is a possible outcome of CBNRM. Yet, the subsequent fall of elite capture in the village also indicates that this is not necessarily a permanent outcome, and that CBNRM may in fact promote democratic and equitable resource management in the long-term. In Mohammed Nagar elite capture was largely owing to pre-existing social structures and to weaknesses in the official rules that were meant to safeguard the interests of marginalized groups. Accordingly, in CBNRM project design and implementation, pre-existing social structures' potential promotion of elite capture need to be taken into account and formal measures that might alleviate the adverse effects and/or reduce this risk must be identified.

India responded to the COVID-19 measures abruptly and in a tough manner during the early stages of the pandemic. Its response did not take into consideration the socio-economic life of the majority of people in India who work in the informal sector and the sheer diversity of the country. The imposition of a nationwide lockdown using the Disaster Management Act 2005 enabled the Union Government to impose its will on the whole country. India has a federal system, and health is a state subject. Such an overbearing role on the part of the Central Government did not, however, lead to coordinated action. Some states expressed their differences, but eventually all complied with the central guidelines. The COVID-19 pandemic struck at a time when an agitation was going on in the country, especially in New Delhi, against the Citizen Amendment Act. The lockdown was imposed all of a sudden and was extended until 31 May. This led to a humanitarian crisis involving a large number of domestic migrant workers, who were left stranded with no income for survival and no means of transport to go home. Indians abroad who were intending to return also found themselves trapped. Dissenting voices were silenced through arrests and detentions during this period, and the victims included rights activists, students, lawyers, and even some academics. Power tussles and elections continued as usual and the social distancing norms were often compromised. Since COVID-19 containment measures were carried out primarily at the state level, this paper will also selectively draw on their experiences. India also used the opportunity to burnish its credentials as the ‘pharmacy of the world’ by sending medical supplies to over a hundred countries. In the second wave, there were many deaths, but the government was accused of undercounting them and of not doing enough to deliver vaccines to Indians. This paper will deal with the conflicts, contestations and the foreign policy fallout following the onset of the pandemic and the measures adopted by the union government to cope with them, with less focus on the economic and epidemiological aspects of pandemic management. This paper looks at previous studies, press reports, and press releases by government agencies to collect the needed data. A descriptive and analytical approach is followed in the paper.

This paper presents an analysis of sentiment on Twitter towards the Karnataka elections held in 2023, utilizing transformer-based models specifically designed for sentiment analysis in Indic languages. Through an innovative data collection approach involving a combination of novel methods of data augmentation, online data preceding the election was analyzed. The study focuses on sentiment classification, effectively distinguishing between positive, negative, and neutral posts, while specifically targeting the sentiment regarding the loss of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or the win of the Indian National Congress (INC). Leveraging high-performing transformer architectures, specifically IndicBERT, coupled with specifically fine-tuned hyperparameters, the AI models employed in this study achieved remarkable accuracy in predicting the the INC’s victory in the election. The findings shed new light on the potential of cutting-edge transformer-based models in capturing and analyzing sentiment dynamics within the Indian political landscape. The implications of this research are far-reaching, providing invaluable insights to political parties for informed decision-making and strategic planning in preparation for the forthcoming 2024 Lok Sabha elections in the nation.

Democracy is the best form of government because its source is from the public. In a democracy, the relationship between the government and the public should be enabling. The sovereignty of the government depends on the consent of the people, making India a sovereign, socialist, secular. democratized and stuck to their word by giving all citizens the right to vote without distinction after adopting what the national leadership had promised in the early 1930s for universal adult suffrage. Caste, illiteracy, communalism, poverty, unemployment are the main points in Indian politics which are creating challenges in democracy. Free, fair and transparent elections are the key to establishing a good democracy. Democracy that liberty, equality, and fraternity are the value principles of social life. Abstract in Hindi Language: लोकतंत्र सरकार का सबसे बेहतर रूप है क्योंकि इसका स्त्रोत जनता से है । लोकतंत्र में सरकार एवं जनता के बीच संबंध समर्थकारी होने चाहिए। सरकार की संप्रभूता लोगो की सहमति पर निर्भर करती है, भारत को एक सम्पूर्ण प्रभुत्व संपन्न, समाजवादी, धर्मनिरपेक्ष. लोकतांत्रिक बनाया गया तथा अपनाने के बाद सभी नागरिको को बिना अंतर किए मत देने का अधिकार देकर अपने बातो पर अडिग रहे, जो 1930 के राष्ट्रीय नेतृत्व के प्रारंभ में सार्वभौकिक व्यस्क मताधिकार के लिए वादा किया था। भारतीय राजनीति में जाति, निरक्षरता, साम्प्रदायिकता, गरीबी, बेरोजगारी प्रमुख बिन्दू है जो लोकतंत्र में चुनौतिया उत्पन्न कर रही है। स्वतंत्र, निष्पक्ष और पारदर्शी चुनाव एक अच्छे लोकतंत्र की स्थापना की कुंजी है। लोकतंत्र कि स्वतंत्रता, समानता, और बंधुता समाजिक जीवन के मूल्य सिद्धांत होते है। Keywords: लोकतंत्र, जनता, स्वतंत्रता, धर्मनिरपेक्ष

Abstract: In present study researcher will examine role of social media in political campaigning management. In 2014 General elections, social media played a key role in influencing voter’s behavior. From 2014 onwards many startups related to the social media came into picture. Due to which major impact has been seen in domestic elections due to this emerging medium of information. The present paper mainly focuses on influence of social media in politics under which researcher covers its role, importance and opportunities. The study will also examine how social media influences voter’s behavior and political parties spending on social media for campaign management in various elections. It will also cover related issues such as Facebook– Cambridge Analytica data scandal, Social Media and Indian Politics and its evolution, Voluntary Code of Ethics by social media platforms for 2019 General Election and lastly Ethics, Political Communication, and Security Implications of it. Keywords: Social media, Indian Politics, Voters, Ethics, Political Communication, Security etc.

Modern politics, particularly prevalent in the Western Democracies, is replete with instances wherein communication has come to play a pivotal role in the formation or dislodging a government. This is not to say that in traditional political scenario, the role of communication was any lesser. Far from it, communication has always characterized the build-up of events in politics. However, the significance of the same has increased manifold thanks to the advent of social media and complex nature of modern politics as well as due to rise of such concepts as political branding which has gained traction in the wake of proliferation of technology. The same holds true in the Indian political scenario as well. The last few years have redefined the role of communication and its tools in Indian politics, especially during a mega-political event like election. The last two general elections were testimonies to the same. The might of social media has been realized by even its staunchest critics. Along with it, the popular concept of permanent campaign has also characterized the phenomenon of political communication. This paper goes on to explore the underlying concept of political communication and how the same has come to influence the turn of events as well as the final outcome of an election.

Social media platforms are valuable data sources in the study of public reactions to events such as natural disasters and epidemics. This research assesses for selected countries around the globe the time lag between daily reports of COVID-19 cases and GDELT (Global Database of Events, Language, and Tone) and Twitter (X) COVID-19 mentions between February 2020 and April 2021 using time series analysis. Results show that GDELT articles and tweets preceded COVID-19 infections in Australia, Brazil, France, Greece, India, Italy, the U.S., Canada, Germany, and the U.K., while for Poland and the Philippines, tweets preceded and GDELT articles lagged behind COVID-19 disease incidences, respectively. This shows that the application of social media and news data for surveillance and management of pandemics needs to be assessed on a case-by-case basis for different countries. It also points towards the applicability of time series data analysis for only a limited number of countries due to strict data requirements (e.g., stationarity). A deviation from generally observed lag patterns in a country, i.e., periods with low COVID-19 infections but unusually high numbers of COVID-19-related GDELT articles or tweets, signals an anomaly. We use the seasonal hybrid extreme Studentized deviate test to detect such anomalies. This is followed by text analysis of news headlines from NewsBank and Google on the date of these anomalies to determine the probable event causing an anomaly, which includes elections, holidays, and protests.

In the current study, researchers will look at the function of social media in managing political campaigns. Social media was a major factor in the 2014 general elections when it came to influencing voter behaviour. Numerous social media-related firms entered the scene starting in 2014. Because of this, a significant influence on domestic elections has been witnessed as a result of this new informational medium. The researcher discusses the function, significance, and potential of social media in politics as the primary subject of the current work. Additionally, the research will look at how political parties use social media for campaign management throughout different elections and how it affects voter behaviour. The Facebook-Cambridge Analytica data scandal, the rise of social media in Indian politics, the voluntary code of ethics established by social media platforms for the 2019 General Election, and finally its implications for ethics, political communication, and security will all be covered.

In the current study, researchers will look at the function of social media in managing political campaigns. Social media was a major factor in the 2014 general elections when it came to influencing voter behaviour. Numerous social media-related firms entered the scene starting in 2014. Because of this, a significant influence on domestic elections has been witnessed as a result of this new informational medium. The researcher discusses the function, significance, and potential of social media in politics as the primary subject of the current work. Additionally, the research will look at how political parties use social media for campaign management throughout different elections and how it affects voter behaviour. The Facebook-Cambridge Analytica data scandal, the rise of social media in Indian politics, the voluntary code of ethics established by social media platforms for the 2019 General Election, and finally its implications for ethics, political communication, and security will all be covered.

This article investigates the level of women participation in Panchayati Raj Institution (PRIs) in Tawang District, Arunachal Pradesh (INDIA). The research aims to explore different factors that have influenced women's involvement in PRIs viz education, age, caste, background, political background in the participation of Zila Parishad of Tawang District etc..Various report and data are studied and identified that social, economic and political factors have influenced women's participation in political processes. The study of women reservation in PRI of Tawang District revealed that gender equality is an important factor, which has failed on the ground level. Various types of data were collected in the study regarding women in Tawang District such as Family income, house amenity, involvement attitude, and social mobility and were found to be on the male’s side. The study reveals that Women have undoubtedly benefited from the 33 % reservation offered by government policies. Their success was aided by the support of their family. Support from their political parties was also a major factor in their selection. The attitude of society does not seem to be encouraging for single and younger generations of women. Majority of Tawang District female members are politically conscious, it indicate that having a basic understanding of PRIs has aided women representatives in running for Tawang District elections and empowering them at different stages of Tawang District activities. After various researches of study and data from many sources it can be concluded that this study would be valuable to know about the level of women participation in Zila Panchayat of Tawang District.

The Constitution of India provide for a federal system of government though the term ‘federalism’ which is nowhere been used in the constitution. But the article 1 of the constitution describes that India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States. K.C. where describes Indian federalism as “Quasi-federal”. Granville Austin called it ‘co-operative federalism.’ And Ivor Jennings describes it as ‘federation with strong centralizing tendency’. This nature of Indian federalism has leads India towards coalition. The coalition politics at the central level has been relatively a recent phenomenon but at the state level it has been in operation right after the first general election (1952). The growth of regional parties and dominant leadership at state level has federalized the polity and the state government has stretched their arms. The first coalition at state level formed in Kerala in 1954. The coalition politics is a time-tested thing in contemporary democracy. The concept of coalition politics occurred when the states used to ally with each other in order to defect of a common enemy. In 1954 the Congress created a coalition government in Kerala. Since this time Kerala has been living with coalition rule after regular intervals. The politics in Kerala is dominated by two coalition fronts: the communist party of India (Marxist)- led left Democratic front (LDF) and the Indian National Congress – led United Democratic Front (UDF) since late 1970s. Kerala was the first Indian state where the communists were chosen to power. Since the early 1980s these two coalitions have alternate in government. They are unable to gain re- election for a second term. These two-alliance coalition have occurred periodically and ruled continued to 2016 election. In May 2016, the LDF win election and now in power. This LDF coalition occurred with CPI (M)-58, CPI-19, TDS-3, NCP-2, KCB-1, CPM(L)-1, CS-1 and Independents-5.

Creating an E-Voting system which satisfies every legal requirement of lawmaker or Election Commission has been a challenge for a long time especially in a country like India. The E-Voting were 1st used in 1982 in kerela(India). Since then many questions have been raised against EVM. In every Election, losing party accuses the winning party of hacking the EVM. But the Blockchain Technology offers infinite range of security and assurance that each and every vote given by you is going to right place and to the right person. This paper aims to evaluate every aspect of blockchain based E-Voting and how blockchain based Evoting is different from traditional E-Voting system. Also we elucidate the requirement for the Blockchain based E-Voting system. This paper describes the need of making E- Voting system and identifies the legal and technical limitations of using blockchain. This is a simple and user- friendly web app developed for Indian voting system which is very bigger. Blockchain technology provides scalability and confidentiality and it is more secure than the other traditional voting system. The hash code generated by the user is unique and can be use only one time in one election. User cannot give the vote second time. Blockchain Technology uses peer to peer technology that’s why it is highly secure.

Purpose The extant literature demands more insights into the elements for political branding in India. Thus, this paper aims to explore political branding in terms of the influences of political branding. Design/methodology/approach The context is the young voters in an emerging country, India. Qualitative research was undertaken, and a total of 17 focus group discussions were conducted in the leading Indian cities. Findings This study found that the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) developed a strong governance and connection with the people. This approach developed a comprehensive brand among the young voters, who emphasized on the proof of the performance by the party. During pre or post-election, the BJP and other political parties need to develop a comprehensive political branding plan to connect with the voters. Research limitations/implications This study was focused on the external perspective of political branding. Future research can focus on the internal perspective in terms of party members and politicians. This study has focused on India as a specific case. Future studies can focus on a cross-cultural and cross-national level. Practical implications The framework developed can be used by political parties and leaders to develop their political brand. The study’s framework can be used in a systematic and sequential format to verify the strength of their political branding exercise. Originality/value This study focuses on the post-election scenario. Secondly, it focuses on the non-Western context. Also, the study represents a unique combination of the best theories and observations from political marketing and digital leadership.

This article describes how knowledge discovery is a frontier research issue of knowledge management, and social media provides an opportunity for knowledge discovery that was at no other time as virtuous as the present. Despite the fact that, the articulations in national dialects via web-based networking media is mounting day by day. This discovery endeavor in regional languages is rare. The usage of Hindi, the Indian National language, is also observing the similar trend. Any expression in social media contains multiple features. Discovering the hidden sentiments behind these features have wider functions. This article is the first attempt to mine the opinion at the features level in the Hindi language. The principle contribution of this article is the development of context specific corpus in the Hindi language. Based on this corpus authors extract the sentiments on one of the prominent leader of India at the feature level. Opinion mining conclusion based on present work is reproduced likewise in the subsequent election results.

In this study, we examine the random walk hypothesis for two well-known Indian indices, BSE (Sensex) and NSE (Nifty), by considering country-specific political events (parliamentary elections). Two pertaining questions were studied. First, efficiency with respect to weak form, semi-strong form, and strong form; and second, the random walk pattern of the return by applying the new variance ratio tests. We use 21 years of daily closing stock price data of both the National Stock Exchange (NSE) Nifty Index and the Bombay Stock Exchange (BSE) Sensex Index. The hypothesis is tested by using both conventional and new variance ratio tests: The Lo–MacKinlay variance ratio test, the Chow–Denning test, and Wright’s Rank and Sign test. All three tests report that the return does not follow the random walk for the full sample, suggesting the possibility of making gains by exploiting various investing strategies. It was found that both Indian indices follow the random walk hypothesis during the phase of parliamentary elections. This study contributes to the existing literature on the Efficient Market Hypothesis (EMH).

Learning outcomes Illustrate the typical organizational responsibility of a small, medium industry dealing with precision manufacturing products. Introduce a balanced scorecard (BSC) as a concept about the case in the context. Introduce the parameters specific to small and medium enterprise (SME) that could be considered to be part of the key performance indicators. Understand the advantages and disadvantages of using a BSC in SMEs in emerging economies. Case overview/ synopsis Gopika Rani, the recently hired Executive Assistant along with Sanjana M, the Business Development Manager of SEP India Private Ltd. (SEPI), a small medium enterprise, were finalizing a proposal for the forthcoming “India Small Business Excellence Awards 2020.” The proposal was to be considered by the Board of Directors scheduled to meet next week for approvals. Sanjana apprises Gopika on CRISIL’s policy advisory role and its annual awards scheme for SMEs in India. She also details recent modifications announced by the Government of India that had impacted SEPI and was pertinent for filling the application. Gopika understood that SEPI was well-known for the precision and durability of its component, and was poised for growth. The business catered to global suppliers (Tier-1 companies) of the Indian automotive industry that accounted for over 75% and the balance contributed to exports. SEPI’s unique products such as Starter Motor Ignition or the Fuel Vending pump (Automotive) or the non-automotive products such as arrowheads and bowstrings (sports) or the heart-valves (medical) have all the quality certifications. For new product development, customer feedback played a crucial role at all stages of development from prototype to pilot tests. SEPI’s mission “be our customers’ preferred supplier and business partner” drove their personnel and organizational objectives. Also, SEPI could get multiple benefits and be in a strong market position because of this award recognition. Gopika was, however, unclear about SEPI’s business strategies and use of appropriate performance measurement tools. Gopika desired to address the Board of Directors next week on her idea of applying a BSC as a useful “strategic planning and management tool.” The BSC methodology can be used to monitor the performance of SME firms against strategic goals. It can be successfully implemented in smaller organizations because of their simpler set-ups and tendency to arrive at a consensus quickly. However, implementation of BSC within the Indian micro, small and medium enterprises has been scant. Several studies found that the lack of ownership, resistance to change, a scarcity of training and coordination between the departments and lack of funds were among the challenges. The firms also had to make numerous changes to their strategies as business environments evolved. Gopika was convinced that the tool could blend in all the “four perspectives – customer, financial, internal business and learning and growth” and grow. The tool could demonstrate meeting all the prerequisites, “needs to have an exemplary vision, demonstrate outstanding business acumen, use best practices and create a legacy for the others to follow,” that were prerequisites for receipt of this award. Her next project would be to seek approval for the implementation of BSC, a beneficial and apt tool for SEPI. Do you agree with Gopika Rani that BSC is a suitable tool for SEPI? If yes, why? If no, why? Complexity academic level This case study titled leveraging the BSC – a tool for SME advancement is intended for use in the graduate management program (MBA) in subject electives, namely, entrepreneurship, strategy formulation, human resource management or production management. Supplementary materials Teaching Notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS 3: Entrepreneurship. Supplementary materials Teaching Notes are available for educators only.

Abstract: This study is about the meritocracy system of bureaucracy and the neutrality of civil state apparatus (ASN) in the face of elections to the elections. In various regions there is always a problem of bureaucratic professionalism issues. Despite the various regulations to regulate ASN to be neutral and independent so that the democratic process in this case direct election of the head of the region can run well. However, this issue is always repeated with different schemes for the lust of power and bureaucrat positions that can be facilitated or lifted / accelerated to occupy positions in the bureaucracy. Various rules and regulations were hit or forced only because they became part of the susceptibility when the pilkada was implemented. A regulation about ASN 2014 is expected to filter spoil system problems or promote a bureaucrat in certain positions only because of proximity or for being a successful team during the electionsKeywords: meritocracy system , bureaucracy, election Abstrak: Kajian ini tentang system meritokrasi birorkasi dan netralitas aparatur sipil negara (ASN) dalam menghadapi pilkada sampai dengan pilkada usai. Diberbagai daerah selalu muncul persoalan permasalahan profesionalisme birorkasi. Walaupun sudah lahir berbagai regulasi untuk mengatur agar ASN bisa bersikap netral dan independen agar proses demokrasi dalam hal ini pemilihan langsung kepala daerah bisa berjalan dengan baik. Namun, persoalan ini selalu berulang dengan skema yang berbeda untuk syahwat kekuasaan dan jabatan birokrat yang bisa dimudahkan atau diangkat/dipercepat untuk menduduki posisi dalam birokrasi. Berbagai aturan dan regulasi ditabrak atau dipaksakan hanya karena menjadi bagian suskesi saat pilkada dilaksanakan. Muncul regulasi tentang ASN 2014 diharapkan bisa menfilter persoalan spoil system atau mempromosikan seorang birokrat dalam posisi tertentu hanya gara-gara kedekatan atau karena menjadi tim sukses saat pilkada Kata kunci: Sistem Merit, Birokrasi, Pemilu Albrow, M. (1989). Birokrasi, diterjemahkan oleh Rusli Karim dan Totok Daryanto, PT. Tiara Wacana. Jakarta.Alon-Barkat, S., & Gilad, S. (2016). Political control or legitimacy deficit? Bureaucracies' symbolic responses to bottom-up public pressures. Policy & Politics, 44(1), 41-58.Assessment of hierarchical tendencies in an Indian bureaucracy. International Journal of Public Sector Management, 20(5), 380-391Cascio, W. F. (2006). The economic impact of employee behaviors on organizational performance. California Management Review, 48(4), 41-59.Kaufman, H. (1956). Emerging conflicts in the doctrines of public administration. American Political Science Review, 50(4), 1057-1073.Laski, H. J. (2014). Parliamentary Government in England (works of Harold J. Laski): A Commentary (Vol. 9). Routledge.Martini, R. (2010). Politisasi birokrasi di Indonesia. POLITIKA Jurnal Ilmu Politik MIP, 1(1), 67-74.Nadel, M. V., & Rourke, F. E. (1975). Bureaucracies. Handbook of Political Science, 5, 373-440.Rourke, F. E. (1984). Bureaucracy, Politics, and Public Policy. Boston: Little, Brown. RourkeBureaucracy. Politics, and Public Policy1984.Rourke, F. E. (1992). Responsiveness and neutral competence in American bureaucracy. Public Administration Review, 539-546.Setiyono, B. (2012). Birokrasi Dalam Perspektif “Politik & Administrasi” (Vol. 1). NUANSA.Soebhan, S. R. (2000). Model Reformasi Birokrasi Indonesia. Jakarta: PPW LIPI.Sudirman ://makassar.tribunnews.com/2016/08/26/daftar-nama-nama-pejabat-soppeng-yang-baru-dilantik diakses pada tanggal 2/10/2017Thoha, M., & Organisasi, P. (1993). konsep dasar dan Aplikasinya. Jakarta: Rajawali Pers.Thompson, J. D. (1967). Organizations in action: Social science bases of administrative theory. Transaction publishers.Woo, K. H. (2015). Recruitment Practices in the Malaysian Public Sector: Innovations or Political Responses?. Journal of Public Affairs Education, 229-246.Janesick, J., Pinter, J., Potter, R., Elliot, T., Andrews, J., Tower, J., ... & Bishop, J. (2009, August). Fundamental performance differences between CMOS and CCD imagers: part III. In Proc. SPIE (Vol. 7439, p. 743907).

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has been in power for ten years, is seeking a third term in office. His goal is to restore the country to the preeminent position it supposedly lost due to previous Muslim and British rulers. He is kicking off the 2024 election year with the inauguration of the Ayodhya temple intended to liberate Hindus from the alleged enslavement they endured for 1,200 years. His supremacist ideology aims to transform the Hindu majority into an electoral majority. By intertwining politics and religion, it turns Muslims and Christians into aliens worthy only of the status of second-class citizens.

My first reaction on receiving the Editor's invitation to write “something along the lines of ‘the SAA image abroad’ or ‘how others see us’” was, somewhat to my surprise, a feeling of guilt. For 16 years I have thought of myself as a subscriber to American Antiquity, but never consciously as a member of the SAA. I have never been to the SAA meeting (too big for my taste), usually forget to vote in elections for officers, habitually skip over the Business and Accounts section of the journal, and grudge every page and every dollar given over to such parochial matters as cultural resource management, how to placate the Indian lobby, or who owns the loot from shipwrecks off the U.S. coast.

Learning outcomes In the light of the case study and the accompanying case study questions, the incumbent would be able to gain a comprehensive understanding on the theoretical underpinnings of retail store expansion, identify the challenges for expanding a brand into emerging markets such as India and apply various marketing strategies aimed at in-depth analysis retail expansion. Learners can further comprehend the importance of brand communication incorporated by the brand to attract its customer subset. Case overview/synopsis It was in December 2022, when Mason Chatterjee, the Indian brand head of Armani Exchange (A|X), was confronted with the managerial dilemma whether launching the second store in the city of Ahmedabad would be a right decision. Another issue that was troubling him was how to go about launching a second store in a city which was not a home to other luxury sublabels. The case study illustrates the decisional aspect of retail expansion adopted by Chatterjee, considering the distinct managerial perspectives. Chatterjee found potential in the city of Ahmedabad, owing to an increased number of high-net-worth individuals and other macro factors. The case study is primarily an outcome of research carried out at A|X store at Ahmedabad One mall, Ahmedabad, for over a fortnight in the month of February 2023. The expansion decision of Chatterjee proved to be a success in the city of Ahmedabad reaching a sales figure of INR 1 crore (US$130,344.11) in the very first month of its launch. However, he was confronted with the managerial dilemma of further expansion, just six months after the launch of the latest expansion. Complexity academic level The case study is intended for advanced undergraduates or postgraduate programs in management or electives such as marketing, retail management and strategic management. It has not only been specifically designed for teaching the concept of retail expansion but can also be used to integrate contexts on brand’s merchandise mix, retail positioning, visual merchandising and brand communication. The case study has an overview of each of these elements. The instructor may choose them into the context for a wider encompassing detailed lesson or particularly on the main aspect of the case. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS8: Marketing

Indian democracy, like all other democracies of the Western World, believes in sharing of power that necessitates the popular participation of these poor, illiterate and culturally deprived communities of the County. As most of the people in this County live in villages, so democracy in India can be successful with the progressive involvement of these Tribes in the institutions at the grass-roots level (Panchayati Raj Institutions). This noble goal can only be achieved with the emergence of the development-oriented institutional leadership from among these communities who make the rural people conscious of participating in developmental activities in villages. Accordingly, it is the aim of this study to know the attitude of the tribal people and elected tribal leaders (of Panchayati Raj Institutions), their level of political awareness, the factors of motivation for their political participation and to perceive how these leaders participate in various political activities especially relating to the rural self-governing institutions. Planning for promoting socio-economic development of marginalised people has emerged as a key function of Panchayats in India. This scenario is also found in the case of the scheduled areas of Odisha. This article argues that institutional arrangement and functioning of Panchayats have paved the way for formulation of decentralised development plans in these areas. The Panchayats have been playing a key role in the ways of formulating decentralised development plans and fostering the participation of tribal people in planning process. Many important issues related to socio-economic development of tribal people have been discussed in the meetings involving planning. Despite this, the goals of promoting socio-economic development of tribal people through formulating decentralised development plans have not achieved the desired results. Inadequate infrastructure and poor data management system at the Panchayat level and weak coordination among the various tiers have created hurdles in the path of formulation of decentralised development plans in the districts of Odisha. It is on this basis, that this article suggests decentralised planning as a systemic process in the scheduled areas under the guidance of the Panchayats. This article also says some conservative attitudes of tribes push them back because they feel that the election has harm to their culture and tradition, if the people get away from politics their society will be saved.

The base of democracy is voting. Each vote is important thus recording and tallying of each vote with accuracy and impartiality is important. Voting is one of the electoral routes that ensure the sustenance of democratic system in any civilization. But rigging is one of the biggest problems during the election using EVMs. The possible rate of rigging in the EVMs is five votes per minute. So, to set right the current problems in Indian voting system the aim of electronic voting system using fingerprint technique is to design an Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) system by using embedded system to eliminate the chances of rigging in an election. In this proposed system fingerprint technique is used. The vote will be confirmed in the favor of a candidate only when the fingerprint of the voter will be matched otherwise the vote will be rejected. The problem of booth capturing and multiple votes casted by single person is being addressed here. User would be able to get the message in his/her cell phone in order to ensure and acknowledging the successful casting of vote like VVPAT do in EVM. We can do on spot registration of the voter as well if candidate does not have finger print data available in EVM.

With human brands or individual celebrities in fields ranging from sports to politics increasingly using social media platforms to engage with their audience, it is important to understand the key drivers of online engagement. Using Twitter data from the political domain, we show that positive and negative-toned content receive higher engagement, as measured by retweets, than mixed or neutral toned tweets. However, less popular human brands generate higher social media engagement from positive-toned content compared with more popular human brands. Therefore, we recommend that popular human brands (e.g., popular politicians or chief executive officers) keep their content objective rather than emotional. Furthermore, the tone of related brands (i.e., human brands who belong to the same political party) has a strong reinforcement effect; that is, social media engagement is higher when the tone of the focal human brand and related brands are the same and lower when the tones are different. Therefore, we prescribe that human brands actively coordinate their social media content with related brands to generate higher engagement. From human brands’ perspective, our findings recommend a comprehensive social media strategy, which takes into account the tone of content, tone of related brands’ content, and human brands’ popularity.

AbstractComparative law and politics literature widely recognizes the role of election management bodies (EMBs) in securing the well-being of constitutional democracies. Scholars have noted the political desirability of both independence and accountability of these institutions. But striking balance between these two values is easier said than done. This Article highlights the dilemma of accountability by focusing on India's Election Commission (ECI) as a paradigmatic version of a powerful EMB. Scholars of Indian politics have long noted the institution's widening powers – often beyond the original constitutional intent or parliamentary legislation – over the last few decades. This, they argue, has impaired its institutional accountability. This Article adopts a fresh perspective on the ECI's expansive functions, and the attendant concerns these raise. It argues that the ECI regulates the electoral process not through what we may ordinarily identify as the law. The most compelling and consequential of its functions are through extra-legal modalities of regulation. Drawing from recent scholarship on regulation, the Article argues that the ECI shapes the electoral environment and behaviour through non-legal modalities of architecture, nudge and notice-based regulations. Much like the other fields where they are deployed, these extra-legal modalities exhibit unique, and in many ways, inherent limitations with respect to transparency. It is thus this character of the ECI's functions – rather than only their widening breadth – that poses the most significant challenge for democratic accountability. Based on this assessment, the Article notes that for powerful EMBs like the ECI, accountability in the form of on-going operational accountability is inherently limited in compelling ways. This increases the stakes for accountability of these institutions through other means, particularly by securing their constitution, composition and tenure.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to outline the importance of social network effects in influencing the elective (courses) selection among masters of business administration (MBA) students and its role in influencing the efficacy of MBA. As such, given the enormous time and investment required for students to pursue an MBA and the role of electives in forming the student’s knowledge base, it is important to consider the decision process of students while selecting elective courses as they pursue their degree. Design/methodology/approach This study explores the relevance of network characteristics in the elective selection phenomena through questionnaires administered personally to 50 MBA students from a premier b-school in India. Thereby, it seeks to link the implications with MBA efficacy. Findings In the sample, the authors found that social network connections in terms of homophily and heterophily (similar and dissimilar others) had the strongest association with elective course decisions. Further, the role of tie strength (the level of intensity of the social relationship between two individuals) in governing the phenomena was not confirmed. Practical implications The authors discuss the linkage of elective selection phenomena with the efficacy of MBA. Specifically, the authors focus on a possible risk where network influences may prompt a student to select electives by surpassing his or her academic interests and thereby may hamper the efficacy. The authors also outline implications from the perspective of students, professors, and administrators. Originality/value The study is among the initial studies to present preliminary evidence on the efficacy of MBA from the perspective of elective selection phenomena and the role of social network effects.

Learning outcomes Besides the metrics developed to measure the impact of the video campaign run by the company, the case has serious practical implications for all companies in emerging markets selling budget/low-cost products. Marketing managers can take note of these key performance indicators in evaluating the success of their social media campaigns.More importantly, students need to understand how the campaign managed to integrate uninitiated and less-privileged consumers to the world of social media with aspirational sentiments. Case overview/synopsis The case deals with a digital media planning activity for a low-cost handset company based in India. TRIVIA International Ltd is a manufacturer and marketer of smart phones and feature phone in the price range of below US$70–100 and US$20, respectively. The phones cater to low-income consumer bracket, which forms the vast microcosm of India. The consumer base is huge, but the purchasing power is very low, so they are at times referred to as the micro-consumer in Bottom of Pyramid approach. To approach this consumer base, Trivia planned a very engaging campaign on social media that yielded positive results, contrary to popular belief that only high-income individuals explore the social media intensively through their smart phones. The chapter ends with a set of recommendations for all digital managers who want to analyse their campaigns effectively via awareness, sentiment and engagement metrics. Complexity academic level The case is meant for all post graduate programs in Business Management, which include the MBAs, Masters in Business Administration and the Executive Development program for managers. The case can also be used in Part Time Business Management programs held over weekends for working professionals. Most likely the students are going to handle this case in their second year of a full-time program or at an advanced level of their career development programs. The subjects so mentioned here were offered as electives or areas of specialization. It is presumed that the students undergoing these courses have basic understanding of marketing management. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS 8: Marketing.

Indonesia is a country that has a high potential for natural disasters. Picture story book is a form of disaster management learning that can help children from an early age to prepare for a natural disaster. The aims of this study to develop story books as a disaster management learning media, to improve knowledge and skills of children and teacher about the understanding, principles, and actions of rescue when facing the natural disasters, to increase the teacher’s learning quality in disaster management. Developmental research approach is used to execute the study. A total of 48 children aged 5-6 years have to carry out pre-test and post-test. Pre-test data shows that children's knowledge about disaster management with an average of 47.92% and its improved at post-test with 76,88%. Five theme of story books involves floods, landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis, lands and forest fires is the product. 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ABSTRACT The research aimed to identify and collect issues discussed regarding Islamic banking from user activity, sentimen, and content on Twitter. This study used a qualitative approach by collecting data on 145,475 conversations from Twitter using the Twitter Crawling technique with the Drone Emprit Academy (DEA) engine from 28 July 2020 – 10 March 2023 in Indonesia. Text data mining is used with the help of the DEA system by analyzing sentimen, Social Network Analysis (SNA), and other Twitter data analysis. The results showed that the highest number of tweets related to Islamic banking came from the number of tweets which were dominated by millennials and millennials with positive sentimens of 66%, then negative sentimens of 28% and neutral sentimens of 5%. From these results, both positive, negative and neutral sentimens are a challenge for various stakeholders in the field, including academics, government and others, in a more massive manner to explain and provide a more solid and stronger understanding of Islamic finance, especially Islamic banking.Keywords: Islamic Banking; Sentimen Analysis; Twitter; Academic Emprit Drone ABSTRAKPenelitian bertujuan untuk mengindetifikasi dan mengumpulkan isu yang dibahas terkait perbankan syariah dari aktivitas pengguna, sentimen, dan konten di Twitter. Metode ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan mengumpulkan data 145.475 percakapan dari Twitter menggunakan teknik Twitter Crawling dengan mesin Drone Emprit Academy (DEA) dari tanggal 28 Juli 2020 – 10 Maret 2023 di Indonesia. Text data mining digunakan dengan bantuan sistem DEA dengan menganalisis sentimen, Social Network Analysis (SNA), dan analisis data Twitter lainnya. 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