Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Economic relations with Germany

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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Economic relations with Germany”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 31 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Economic relations with Germany"

Aksenov, I. "Russia — Germany: trends in economic relations". Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), nr 7 (1.07.2020): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2007-05.

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The article discusses current and prospective directions of development of Russian-German trade and economic relations. The article defines the specifics of interaction between Russia and Germany in the framework of environmental problems and safe waste disposal. The article reflects the peculiarities of the organization of investment partnership as a separate type of economic cooperation between countries. The prospects of relations between Russia and Germany in the field of training and retraining of personnel are revealed.

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Tlemissova, Zh, i A. Mamyrbekov. "Cultural relations of Kazakhstan and Germany: the case of the German diaspora (1991-2020)". Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 140, nr 3 (2022): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-106-121.

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Since independence, the Republic of Kazakhstan has been pursuing a multi-vector policy with Western countries. The main directions are aimed at politics, economics, and the cultural and humanitarian sphere. Our country has established relations with Western countries, including Germany. Bilateral cooperation is a priority and enhances mutually beneficial partnerships between the two states. Economic relations and political integration as an impulse of the new time are a model for all states of the modern world. In addition, the strategic partnership between Kazakhstan and Germany is constantly strengthening and expanding, covering almost all areas of activity. Reciprocity and tolerance, as a manifestation of the culture of relations between peoples, are the distinctive qualities of Kazakh-German relations. The coincidence of interests in the main areas of foreign relations will undoubtedly contribute to the harmonization of cultural relations in bilateral friendly relations. A significant part of the contact between Kazakhstan and Germany in the cultural sphere is linked to the German diaspora in Kazakhstan. If we make a historical digression, the Germans have lived throughout the territory of the Republic of Kazakhstan since the time of tsarist power. Kazakhstani Germans, preserving their culture and identity, live in close cultural ties with the Kazakh people. Such activities between peoples reach the interstate level, which contributes to the development of cultural ties between Kazakhstan and Germany. The article examines the cultural ties between Kazakhstan and Germany through the example of the German diaspora in our country. The article presents a scientific analysis of the role and influence of Kazakhstani Germans on these relations.

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Kakhorova, Zabarjad. "RELATIONS BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND GERMANY: STAGES OF FORMATION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS". International Journal Of History And Political Sciences 4, nr 1 (1.01.2024): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ijhps/volume04issue01-06.

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Of particular importance are the relations of the Republic of Uzbekistan with countries of the world, diplomatic relations, economic and investment cooperation, relations between countries in the cultural and humanitarian spheres. The Republic of Uzbekistan and the Federal Republic of Germany have one of the most important and complex bilateral relations. Coordination and intensive implementation of the programs of cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with the Federal Republic of Germany in political,economic, scientific and technical and cultural spheres, formation of a mutually beneficial atmosphere of trust and interest between Uzbek and German partners, investment of Germany, the main directions, such as creating favorable conditions for the implementation of economic changes in Uzbekistan with the involvement of management experience and technologies, are precisely the factors that indicate the relevance of this topic. The strategic competition they provide is one of the pressing issues of particular importance. The Federal Republic of Germany has taken a strong position in its relations with the Republic of Uzbekistan, working closely with its allies and partners to protect their interests and values. Currently, the policy of the two countries in world politics is taking its toll on other countries.

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Malik, Hasan Yaser. "Contextualising Germen Involvement in CPEC through Wakhan Corridor and Gwadar Port as an Diplo-Economic Opportunity". Economics, Law and Policy 2, nr 1 (28.01.2019): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/elp.v2n1p73.

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Since seventh, eighteenth, nineteenth century Germany is maintaining diplomatic relations with China, Afghanistan and five Central Asian Republics respectively in Asian Region. Main facets of German interests in Asian Region have been diplomatic, economic and social development. Germans as a nation have always proved their worth by successfully dealing the challenges and rising to the status of a strong nation. Presently Germany is the biggest European economic power and is asserting to enhance it’s economic and diplomatic relations in Indo-Pacific and Asian Region. Apart from establishing trade link; mainly rail link with China and Central Asia it will be prudent to extend its access to Indo-Pacific Region well as part of “One Belt One Road Initiative” and “China Pakistan Economic Corridor” through Wakhan Corridor in North of Pakistan to Gwadar; North Arabian Sea Port of Pakistan. This route will provide land and sea access for Germany to billions of Asians and will enhance its diplo-economic influence in Indo-Pacific Region.

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Sinambela, Stivani Ismawira. "Bilateral Relations Through Conflict And Cooperation: German’s Dilemma Over Russia". Jurnal PIR : Power in International Relations 7, nr 1 (12.08.2022): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22303/pir.7.1.2022.70-82.

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Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis and the implementation of the EU sanctions regime against Russia, Germany took up a leading role in the coordination of the EU’s Russia policy. This policy shift appeared to be a drastic departure from the traditional German Ostpolitik paradigm. Central to this analysis is the concept of geo-economics, which can be broadly defined as the “geostrategic use of economic power”. This article aims to examine how geo-economics influences Germany’s leadership of the EU’s Russia policy, with a particular focus on the study of German domestic politics and the role of relevant economic actors. On the one hand, Germany needs reliable and cost-effective energy to support its world-class industrial economy from Russia. On the other hand, German and Europe security was at stake. This framework is to understand how German policymakers are doing the work of interpreting their national interest and defining appropriate action in response to the dilemma.

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Bruzzi Curi, Luiz Felipe, Danilo Barolo Martins De Lima i Vinícius Bivar Marra Pereira. "GERMAN ECONOMIC STRATEGIES FOR BRAZIL: AUTARKY AND EXTENDED ECONOMIC SPACE IN THE 1930s". Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 37, nr 3 (29.04.2019): 479–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610919000119.

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ABSTRACTThis paper addresses the relationship between the development of the concepts of autarky and «economy of the extended space» in the German-speaking world and the framing of economic relations between Germany and Brazil in the 1930s. According to this «autarkic» way of conceiving economics, in order to thrive, an economy has to be autonomous regarding its supply of necessary inputs. Proposals presented in the Annual Reports transmitted to the German Foreign Office by German diplomatic representatives in Brazil encouraged, for example, the negotiation of bilateral trade agreements and the expansion of the Brazilian production of strategic inputs for Germany. The choice of Karl Ritter, an expert in economic matters, as ambassador to Brazil is also representative of this strategy.

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Forsberg, Tuomas. "Economic Incentives, Ideas, and the End of the Cold War: Gorbachev and German Unification". Journal of Cold War Studies 7, nr 2 (kwiecień 2005): 142–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397053630556.

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Focusing on Gorbachev and German unification, this article shows how the effectiveness of economic aid depends on ideas decision-makers hold about economics and identity. German economic statecraft worked in securing Gorbachev's support for German unification solely because of a specific set of ideas that animated Soviet decision-makers during that period. The weakness of the Soviet economy made economic assistance from Germany attractive, but Gorbachev did not bargain hard over the amount of aid because he thought it would ruin an anticipated close partnership with Germany in the future. The importance of the German economic incentives lay in their role as trust-building measures. In contrast, Japan's effort to use economic aid to persuade Soviet leaders to return the Kurile Islands during the same period failed, in part because Soviet leaders did not expect a friendly relationship with Japan. For cultural and political reasons, Soviet leaders were more oriented toward Germany and the West. The fact that Soviet leaders did not seek aid or technology from Japan a technology powerhouse and turned instead to Germany, shows that material pressures alone cannot account for the success or failure of economic incentives.

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Ulatowski, Rafał. "Außenpolitik Deutschlands aus der Perspektive der Geo-Ökonomie". Przegląd Europejski, nr 4-2014 (22.03.2015): 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.14.4.

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The aim of this paper is to assess how far the German foreign policy follows the principles of the theory of geo-economy. The paper has the following structure. First, the theory of geo-economy will be presented. Second, the characteristics of three debates relating to the German foreign policy will be pointed out. Third, German policy during the Euro crisis will be analysed. Fourth, the development of the relations between Germany and the new powers will be assessed. This paper supports the thesis that geo-economic strategy is beneficial for Germany.

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Golik, Katarzyna. "W trójkącie współzależności. Relacje gospodarcze Polski z Niemcami i Chinami oraz ich znaczenie polityczne". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, nr 29 (14.09.2021): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2021.29.06.

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In the following text I will analyse the selected aspects of economic relations between Poland, Germany and China. I am going to compare elements of discourse with political actions and, above all, with economic realities. Clearly in economic terms, Chinese direction is not an alternative to Germany for Poland, but it may become a necessity in terms of diversification of international economic relations. Particularly in the context of forthcoming electromobility revolution, the crisis could affect the German automobile industry, spilling over into other sectors related to Poland’s export. In the medium term, economic processes are likely to be loosely linked to political processes. Poland's interests in the international arena are more related to political integration with Germany than to a strong rapprochement with China. However, the former are unlikely to support Poland's emancipation in independent economic and trade policy. This may result in a two-pronged approach (separation of economic policies from political relations) to relations between the two countries.

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Kuzmina, V. M., i M. A. Parkhomchuk. "Russian-German Economic Relations in the Context of the Deepening Political Confrontation Between the Russian Federation and the European Union". Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series: Economics. Sociology. Management 12, nr 2 (25.04.2022): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1552-2022-12-2-10-21.

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Relevance. Today, Russian-German economic relations, on the one hand, are developing in the context of Russia ‒ EU relations, and on the other hand, between the Russian Federation and Germany, but they are weighed down by the influence of political factors. The traditional areas of economic cooperation received their first cracks due to the introduction of sanctions in 2014, but the “fourth” package of sanctions in March 2022 from the EU, which was successfully joined by the Scholz government, disrupted the world economic ties between countries that had been established for decades.The purpose is to assess the economic cooperation between Russia and Germany, taking into account the complicated political relations between the EU and the Russian Federation.Objectives: identify priority areas of cooperation between Russia and Germany at the present stage; highlight the constraining factors of economic relations between countries.Methods. A discursive analysis of the official statements of the heads of government was applied to study the qualitative and quantitative indicators of cooperation between the Russian Federation and Germany. The secondary statistical data obtained on the basis of the gravity modeling approach are analyzed.Results. The study showed that one of the most effectively developing industries is the investment of German companies in enterprises of Russian regions. The sanctions of the EU countries had a negative impact on certain high-tech sectors of the Russian economy, but Russian counter-sanctions on meat, milk and dairy products, as well as fruits and vegetables "hit" the consumer in the EU countries and Germany. The forecast of trade and economic relations in connection with the upcoming "fifth" package of EU sanctions against the Russian Federation is difficult.Conclusions. Germany occupied a significant place in trade, economic and investment cooperation with Russia. At the moment, unfounded accusations of Russia that our country is a “threat” to the European Union continue to be unraveled. Germany actively supports the EU in its course towards the introduction of new sanctions measures against the Russian Federation.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Economic relations with Germany"

Liashenko, A. V. "Diplomatic relations between Ukraine and Germany: economic aspect". Master's thesis, Sumy State University, 2021. https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/86554.

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The master’s thesis focuses on diplomatic relationships between Ukraine and Germany the context of national development priorities. The main factors which affect on the influencing on international business. The main aim of this research is to recommendations to improve the relationships and bussines between Ukraine and Germany.
Магістерська робота присвячена дипломатичним відносинам між Україною та Німеччиною в контексті пріоритетів для національного економічного розвитку. Основною метою даного дослідження є рекомендації щодо покращення відносин та бізнесу між Україною та Німеччиною.

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Leitz, Christian. "The economic relations between Nazi Germany and Franco Spain, 1936-1945". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4b43eb26-a59b-4b94-ad66-1f00dafc2ba5.

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During the course of the Spanish Civil War Nazi Germany's intervention on behalf of General Francisco Franco and his fellow insurgents became increasingly dominated by economic considerations. National Socialist policies vis-Ã -vis Nationalist Spain developed into a programme of large-scale economic exploitation. Under the command of Hermann Goring two companies were founded in Spain in late July 1936 (HISMA) and in Berlin in early October 1936 (ROWAK) to take control not only of National Socialist supply operations for Franco but also of the whole economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Nationalist Spain. During the course of the civil war HISMA/ROWAK managed to alter the trading pattern between Spain and Germany away from mainly fruit imports towards a substantial increase in raw material supplies. As British companies controlled most of the pyrite and iron ore mines of Spain and were therefore directly affected by Franco's redirection of ore exports to Germany, this development was challenged by the British government. The Nazi regime was only partly successful in reducing non-German economic influence in Spain. Aware of the temporary nature of Franco's dependence on German war matÃ©riel, Hermann Goring initiated the MONTANA project in 1937 to build up a German-owned mining empire in Spain. While the purchase of Spanish mines by HISMA/ROWAK was reluctantly accepted by Franco in late 1938, the Nazi regime was left with very little time to proceed even further with its economic "colonization" of Spain. The outbreak of war in September 1939 put an effective halt to German-Spanish economic relations until the defeat of France in summer 1940 led to a reopening of rail links to Spain. Subsequent - unsuccessful - negotiations on a Spanish entry into the war were dominated by economic considerations. From 1941 onwards an increasing trade and clearing imbalance developed in favour of Spain. Germany was desperate to import certain goods from Spain, particularly wolfram ore, a vital raw material for German armaments producers. Yet, the Allied economic warfare campaign in Spain led to huge price increases and during the period 1942 to 1944 the Nazi regime found itself forced to export growing amounts of war matÃ©riel to Spain. The Allied invasion of France in 1944 finally led to the effective end of German-Spanish trade relations, although both regimes tried to maintain them until Hitler's final defeat.

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Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. "GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.

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This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.

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Taube, Markus. "Economic Relations between Germany and Mainland China, 1979 - 2000 Duisburger Papiere zur Ostasienwirtschaft ; 59 (2001)". Gerhard-Mercator-Universitaet Duisburg, 2002. http://www.ub.uni-duisburg.de/ETD-db/theses/available/duett-10222002-121925/.

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In the course of the last twenty plus years the intensity of economic exchange between China and Germany has increased dramatically. This development was triggered off most of all by the economic policy changes introduced by Deng Xiaoping in 1978. Since then, China has freed itself from its former self-imposed isolation and gradually integrated with the world economy. The market-oriented transformation process initiated in China in the late seventies created the preconditions for the resumption of economic contacts that had been largely stagnant in the preceding years. The gradual establishment of a market-based economic framework has step-by-step contributed to an economic environment that has allowed economic actors to exploit the comparative advantages of the economies concerned and enlarge the scope of labor division with China.

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Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. "A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling: Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany". PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.

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Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.

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Arkhiiereiev, Sergii I. "Bilateral trade relation of Ukraine and Germany". Thesis, Національний технічний університет "Харківський політехнічний інститут", 2018. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/45691.

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Haffner, Stephanie C. "Has the Franco-German Power Balance in the European Union Tipped in Favor of Germany?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/194.

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The power balance between France and Germany in the European Union has been one of great discussion and debate. Countless journalists and scholars have argued that Germany’s power has risen gradually against the seemingly perpetually stronger France over the past sixty years, and is now finally set to surpass France; but how true are these claims? How can power within the EU truly be measured? Through an analysis of Franco-German collaboration through unionization, a critique of the contemporary discourse on the relationship, and an examination of changing contributions to the EU budget, my paper argues that the Franco-German power balance has never been truly equal, as Germany has continually been the largest source of economic power in the European Union since its creation.

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Pascha, Werner. "Economic Relations Between Germany and Japan : An Analysis of Recent Data Duisburger Arbeitspapiere zur Ostasienwirtschaft ; 61 (2002)". Gerhard-Mercator-Universitaet Duisburg, 2002. http://www.ub.uni-duisburg.de/ETD-db/theses/available/duett-07172002-124031/.

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The author takes a close look at bilateral German-Japanese trade and direct investment data, employing various techniques (intensity indicators, RCA, intra-industry trade). It turns out that German-Japanese trade and FDI links are indeed rather limited, as has frequently been stated. A number of somewhat surprising pieces of evidence do emerge, though. For competitive industries and with respect to emerging opportunities, the bilateral figures do show a healthy performance.

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Pascha, Werner. "Economic Relations Between Germany and Japan : an Analysis of Recent Data Duisburger Papiere zur Ostasienwirtschaft ; 61 (2002)". Gerhard-Mercator-Universitaet Duisburg, 2002. http://www.ub.uni-duisburg.de/ETD-db/theses/available/duett-10222002-113514/.

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Bukaty, Ryan Michael. "Commercial Diplomacy: The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.

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Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.

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Książki na temat "Economic relations with Germany"

Rode, Reinhard. Germany and East-West economic relations. Frankfurt/Main: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, 1991.

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(Singapore), Germany Botschaft, red. A solid partnership: Germany & Singapore. [Singapore: Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1997.

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E, Ericson Edward. Feeding the German eagle: Soviet economic aid to Nazi Germany, 1933-1941. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1999.

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Leitz, Christian. Economic relations between Nazi Germany and Franco's Spain, 1936-1945. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996.

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Theodor, Dams, i Matsugi Takashi 1936-, red. Protectionism or liberalism in international economic relations?: Current issues in Japan and Germany. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1991.

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O'Hagan, J. W. (John William), red. Societies in transition: Ireland, Germany and Irish-German relations in business and society since 1989. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009.

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Wolfgang, Mueller, red. Australia Germany: Advancing global enterprise. Bondi Junction, N.S.W: Focus Publishing, 2005.

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1915-, Lall K. B., Chopra H. S. 1932- i Meyer Thomas 1943-, red. India, Germany, and the European Community. New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1993.

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Höhmann, Hans-Hermann. Russia and Germany in Europe: Recent trends of political and economic relations. Köln: Bundesinstitut für Ostwissenschaftliche und Internationale Studien, 1997.

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Wojciech, Gołębiowski Janusz, i Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie. Instytut Gospodarki Światowej., red. Poland, Germany, Russia: Perspectives on collaboration. Warsaw: Warsaw School of Economics, 1995.

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Części książek na temat "Economic relations with Germany"

Jajeśniak-Quast, Dagmara. "(A)symmetry in economic relations?" W Poland and Germany in the European Union, 130–48. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003046622-10.

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Behrens, Martin. "Germany". W Comparative Employment Relations in the Global Economy, 339–62. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routedge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315544793-17.

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Cornelsen, Doris. "Economic Relations Between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic". W East-West Economic Relations in the 1990s, 181–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11465-8_12.

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Marsden, David. "Institutions and Labour Mobility: Occupational and Internal Labour Markets in Britain, France, Italy and West Germany". W Labour Relations and Economic Performance, 414–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11562-4_17.

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Płóciennik, Sebastian. "From dependence to complementarity? Poland’s economic relations with Germany". W Poland in the Single Market, 283–98. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Europa perspectives on the EU single market: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429285301-16.

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Laumer, Helmut. "Japan’s Economic Relations with the Common Market and West Germany". W Trends of Economic Development in East Asia, 53–64. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-73907-1_4.

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Damm, Jens. "China and Germany After the 2021 Election: Between Continuity and Increasing Confrontation". W China-US Competition, 159–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_7.

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AbstractThis chapter presents and analyses various official statements, 2021 election programmes and party manifestos, media reports as well as public hearings with regard to the changing view of China in the German public discourse. While the importance of economic interests is still the overarching topic in German-Chinese relations (China has been Germany`s most important trading partner since 2015), there has been a shift towards a more critical stance with regard to human rights issues in recent years. Germany was also the driving force behind the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) with China, which the EU signed in December 2020 under Germany’s presidency of the EU Council but so far never ratified.After the formation of a new SPD led government under chancellor Olaf Scholz, the two smaller coalition partners, the Alliance 90/The Greens, and the FDP, are said to have a much more critical view of China’s human rights issues. In particular, the new German foreign Minister, Annalena Baerbock has publicly vowed to change Germany’s China policy. While Germany has remained within the hedging zone a shift from “economic pragmatism” to “soft balancing” can be observed, most noticeably in political terms: in particular, the new foreign minister Annalena Baerbock stresses the necessity for a closer cooperation both with the United States, but also a common policy of the EU towards China. Thus Germany, and the EU in general, seems to have shifted from “economic pragmatism” to “dominance denial” since the new government came into power, and the war in Ukraine has led to an even closer alliance of Germany, with the EU and the United States.

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Yamazaki, Toshio. "Changes in National, Economic, and Corporate Relations". W German Business Management, 37–53. Tokyo: Springer Japan, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-54303-9_3.

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Grinberg, Ruslan S. "Economic Reform in the USSR and Prospects for Trade and Economic Relations with Unified Germany". W Economic Aspects of German Unification, 409–21. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-79972-3_21.

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Grinberg, Ruslan S., i Angela Stent. "Economic Reform in the USSR and Prospects for Trade and Economic Relations with Unified Germany". W Economic Aspects of German Unification, 317–32. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-97379-6_11.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Economic relations with Germany"

TSE, CHING TAT. "A Comparative Analysis of the Economic Impacts of West Germany and Japan After the Plaza Accord". W 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.129.

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Weis, Mirjam, Gisela Trommsdorff, Tobias Heikamp, Jesus Redondo i Lorena Muñoz. "Developmental Aspects of Self-Regulation in Germany and Chile: Links among Maternal Warmth, Children’s Self-Regulation, and Social Competence". W International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/vtud1960.

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The present study investigated relations among maternal warmth, children’s self-regulation (i.e., behavior and emotion regulation), and prosocial behavior. The assumed relations were studied in Germany and Chile, two socialization contexts differing in socio-economic and cultural factors. The sample consisted of 76 German and 167 Chilean fourth graders, their mothers, and teachers. Maternal warmth was rated by mothers with the Parenting Practice Questionnaire (PPQ). Children reported the use of emotion regulation strategies on the Questionnaire for the Measurement of Stress and Coping in Children and Adolescents (SSKJ 3-8). Mothers’ and teachers’ ratings on the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) were used to measure children’s behavior regulation and prosocial behavior. Regression analyses revealed positive relations of maternal warmth to children’s problem-oriented emotion regulation and of behavior regulation to prosocial behavior in Germany and in Chile. Moreover, mediation analyses revealed indirect positive effects of self-regulation on the relations between maternal warmth and prosocial behavior. These indirect effects occurred for different aspects of self-regulation in Germany (i.e., behavior regulation) and in Chile (i.e., problem-oriented emotion regulation). Results are discussed from a cultural informed developmental perspective.

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Smirnov, Valeriy, Vladislav Semenov, Evgeny Kadyshev, Alena Suchkova i Anna Zakharova. "The analysis of trade relations of Russia with Germany and France". W Proceedings of the International Scientific-Practical Conference “Business Cooperation as a Resource of Sustainable Economic Development and Investment Attraction” (ISPCBC 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ispcbc-19.2019.75.

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Cieślik, Ewa. "THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD". W Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.

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Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.

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Перова, Полина Валерьевна. "THE SPECIFICS OF THE INTERACTION OF PRIVATE MILITARY-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX FIRMS IN GREAT BRITAIN AND GERMANY". W Socio-economics sciences & humanities (Социально-экономические и гуманитарные науки): сборник статей LXX International scientific conference (Санкт-Петербург, Июнь 2023). Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/230626.2023.69.87.002.

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Представляется проблема взаимодействия экономических субъектов, часто находящихся в подчинении у конкурирующих политических надсистем. В качестве основных исторических примеров для анализа выделены связи фирм ВПК Германии и Великобритании. The problem of interaction of economic entities, often subordinate to competing political suprasystems, is presented. As the main historical examples for the analysis, the relations of the military-industrial complex firms of Germany and Great Britain are highlighted.

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Boháš, Artur, i Hynek Böhm. "The Turów Crisis: Economy vs Sustainability". W Liberec Economic Forum 2023. Technical University of Liberec, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/009/lef-2023-10.

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The text focus on a sensitive topic within the EU, the crisis around the operation of the Turów coal mine in Poland. The mine is located in the Turószow Spur on the borders of Czechia and Germany. The whole Three-border Region belongs to the economic periphery or semiperiphery, although the particular states have visible economic differences. The mine's operation violates many ecological norms, and its location brings adverse cross-border environmental effects. Polish authorities insist on the mine operation despite foreign complaints and international criticism. They are pretty successful with their diplomacy mixed with ignorance. Polish officials promote economy and energy; meanwhile, the neighboring states and the EU prefer ecologically sustainable development and fair neighbor relations. As human geographers, the authors use various methods: desk research of economic, geographical, political, and ecological sources connected to the Turów Mine and Tree-border Region, analyzing available statistical data, media analysis, survey, and expert interviews. The main focus is on Czech-Polish affairs, but some overlaps are inevitable. The study reveals differences in priorities between Poland and its neigbors, leading to conflicting narratives. Together with economic and developmental asymmetries, they determine the status quo mostly regardless of the environment and related pressure from the EU, promoting the struggle against climate change.

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Gilca, Constantin. "Перспективы евроинтеграции Республики Молдова и конституционная составляющая". W International Scientific-Practical Conference "Economic growth in the conditions of globalization". National Institute for Economic Research, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36004/nier.cecg.iv.2023.17.25.

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The European Union (EU) is an economic and political union of 28 European countries. The population is 508 million people, 24 official and working languages апd about 150 regional and minority languages. The origins of the European Union come from the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community (EEC), consisting of six states in 1951 - Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. These countries came together to put an end to the wars that devastated the European continent, and they agreed to share control over the natural resources needed for war (coal and steel). The founding members of ECSC have determined that this European project will not only be developed in order to share resources or to prevent various conflicts in the region. Thus, the Rome Treaty of 1957 created the European Economic Community (EEC), which strengthened the political and economic relations between The six founding states.

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Tusan, Radoslav. "Evaluating Financial Performance of IT Companies in the Consolidated Group". W Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2021.131.

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This paper deals with the evaluation of the financial performance and financial position of IT companies in the consolidated group. The subject of the investigation is a consolidated group consisting of a parent company domiciled in Germany and its subsidiary in Slovakia. The article aims to point out the mutual relations within the consolidated group through correlation coefficients. The examined relations are in the area of profitability, indebtedness, liquidity and some macroeconomic indicators. The paper set out two objectives of the research: 1) within the consolidated group, the mutual relations between the parent company and the subsidiary are not significant; 2) within the consolidated group, the mutual relations between the parent company and the subsidiary are significant. Interesting conclusions emerged from the comparison of correlation coefficients.

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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad i Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”". W Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.

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Sousa, Sara, Carla Henriques i Joana Leite. "Exploring the Value of the Sea: A Study of the Blue Economy in the EU and Portugal". W 7th FEB International Scientific Conference. University of Maribor, University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/um.epf.3.2023.15.

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This paper examines the concept of the "blue economy" in the context of the European Union (EU) and Portugal, exploring the economic importance of the sea and its resources. First, it provides an overview of the EU blue economy and its contribution to the overall EU economy over the last decade. Data from the European Commission shows that coastal tourism is the most important sector both in terms of Gross Value Added (GVA) and employment, with the four largest EU countries (Spain, Germany, Italy, and France) being the largest contributors to the EU blue economy. In this context, this study aimed to investigate the performance of Portuguese coastal tourism in comparison to other European coastal countries, particularly in relation to the 2008 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings show that Portugal's GVA generated by the coastal tourism sector was consistently lower than the respective mean of all other European coastal countries in several years. The statistical tests confirm these results and suggest that Portugal's coastal tourism sector may need more attention and efforts to improve its economic performance.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Economic relations with Germany"

Hinterlang, Natascha. Effects of Carbon Pricing in Germany and Spain: An Assessment with EMuSe. Madrid: Banco de España, wrzesień 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53479/33814.

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Using the dynamic, three-region environmental multi-sector general equilibrium model EMuSe, we find that pricing carbon in Germany or Spain only leads to a permanent negative effect on output in these economies. The induced emissions reduction is not large enough to overcompensate for the increase in marginal production costs. If the rest of Europe joins the carbon pricing scheme, long-run output effects are positive. However, in this case, transition costs are even larger due to close trade relations within Europe. We find evidence for carbon leakage, which can be reduced slightly by a border adjustment mechanism. Still, it is no game changer as it mainly protects dirty domestic sectors. While Germany benefits from border adjustment, Spain actually loses throughout the transition. In the long run, the Spanish energy sector benefits most because of its relatively low emission intensity. Finally, Europe has a strong incentive to get the rest of the world on board as then the downturn is shorter and long-run benefits are larger.

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Allan, Duncan, i Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, styczeń 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.

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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml i Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, listopad 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.

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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi i Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, styczeń 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.

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In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.

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Mocan, Naci, i Christian Raschke. Economic Well-being and Anti-Semitic, Xenophobic, and Racist Attitudes in Germany. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, kwiecień 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w20059.

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