Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „East Timor independence”
Kliknij ten link, aby zobaczyć inne rodzaje publikacji na ten temat: East Timor independence.
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 50 najlepszych artykułów w czasopismach naukowych na temat „East Timor independence”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj artykuły w czasopismach z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
1
Smith, Anthony L. "East Timor: Beyond Independence". Contemporary Southeast Asia 30, nr 2 (sierpień 2008): 340–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs30-2k.
Pełny tekst źródła
2
Clark, Roger S. "Some International Law Aspects of the East Timor Affair". Leiden Journal of International Law 5, nr 2 (październik 1992): 265–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002508.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
On December 7, 1975 Indonesian forces invaded the territory of East Timor, a Portuguese colony for some four and a half centuries. Following the 1974 Portuguese revolution, East Timor, like other Portuguese non-self-governing territories had been going through a process of self determination. Portuguese authorities evacuated the territory in August 1975 during civil disorders, condoned if not fomented by the Indonesians. The Frente Revolucianaria de Timor Leste Independente (FRETILIN), a popular group which aimed at independence for the territory after a short transitional period, gained the upper hand. It declared independence on November 28, 1975, hoping this would strengthen its hand in dealing with Indonesian border incursions. A full-scale Indonesian invasion followed.
3
Arthur, Catherine. "From Fretilin to freedom: The evolution of the symbolism of Timor-Leste's national flag". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 49, nr 2 (czerwiec 2018): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463418000206.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Since regaining its independence in 2002, nation-building has been the focus of much scholarly research on Timor-Leste. National identity construction is a crucial aspect of this process, yet the ways in which this identity is officially represented has been largely overlooked. This article takes the national flag of Timor-Leste as a case study to explore the ways in which a historic East Timorese national identity has been symbolically constructed and visually embodied. By considering the potency of flags in an East Timorese cultural context, and by analysing the origins of Timor-Leste's flag alongside that of the political party Fretilin (Frente Revolucionária do Timor-Leste Independente), it becomes clear that post-independence re-imaginings of its symbolism have rendered it a powerful national symbol in the contemporary nation-state.
4
Kammen, Douglas. "Subordinating Timor: Central authority and the origins of communal identities in East Timor". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 166, nr 2-3 (2010): 244–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003618.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In 2006, a mere seven years after the overwhelming vote in opposition to Indonesia's final offer of 'broad autonomy' and only four years after the restoration of independence, communal violence erupted in Dili, the capital of East Timor. This violence was framed in terms of tensions between westerners, known as kaladi, and easterners, known as firaku. This essay seeks to answer two basic puzzles. First, what are the origins of these communal labels? Second, why did these terms resonate so profoundly within East Timorese society so soon after independence? Tracing the history of these terms, this essay argues that across more than three centuries these communal labels have emerged during crucial struggles to exert central authority. In doing so, this essay highlights the relationship between regional identities and the social ecology of food.
5
Thomaz, Luís Filipe F. R. "East Timor: A Historical Singularity". Human and Social Studies 3, nr 3 (1.10.2014): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hssr-2013-0036.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract During the 24 years of the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, to talk about its cultural individuality as a product of its history - focusing on what set it apart from Indonesia - was an act likely to raise suspicions of some kind of manipulation of history for political purposes. Naturally, the same suspicions could fall on anyone assuming an opposite view, that is a view that valued the connection uniting the two peoples and discarded what separated them. In this paper, we adhere more to the first perspective. Obviously, we are not driven by the desire to prove that East Timor had to be, a priori, independent; this is by no means the task of a historian. We are simply trying to explain, a posteriori, why, in the referendum of 30 August 1999, the people of East Timor voted overwhelmingly for independence
6
Stahn, Carsten. "Accommodating Individual Criminal Responsibility and National Reconciliation: The UN Truth Commission for East Timor". American Journal of International Law 95, nr 4 (październik 2001): 952–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674655.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The population of East Timor has been subjected to severe human rights violations, in both the near and the more distant past.1 Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese colony and non-self-governing territory under Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter on December 7,1975, after a period of civil turmoil and political instability marked by parallel claims to independence and calls for integration into Indonesia.2 The Indonesian invasion brought with it massive violations of human rights and the laws of war.3 Military clashes between the independence movement FRETILIN (Frente Revolucionaria do Timor Leste Independente) and Indonesia continued on a large scale until 1979, though rebellion against Indonesian rule generally persisted for the whole period of Indonesian occupation. Beginning in January 1999, pro-Indonesian militia, supported by Indonesian security forces.
7
Margarida Ramos, Ana. "From occupation to independence: contemporary East Timorese history and identity in Portuguese picturebooks". Problemy Wczesnej Edukacji 34, nr 3 (30.09.2016): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.4843.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In Portugal, the suffering and struggle of the East Timorese people for independence started a social movement of solidarity with strong repercussions in the arts, namely music and literature. Children’s Literature depicted the theme of this period of oppression in East Timor, as well as the recognition of its independence and its right to freedom, in a picturebook selected for the White Ravens List in 2003 called East Timor – Island of the Rising Sun (2001), by João Pedro Mésseder and André Letria. This unusual picturebook, characterised by a very simple and sparse, almost poetic, text combined with large-format pictures, depicts this chapter of the contemporary history of East Timor in very specific way, resembling fairy tales or legends. The text and images are combined in order to promote symbolic readings, suggesting a magical/mystical environment that impresses readers. More than a decade later, recent struggles and stories from East Timor are still present in Portuguese picturebooks such as Lya/Lia (2014), by Margarida Botelho. The social change, path to democracy and educational development, as well as daily life and children’s pastimes are now the centre of a narrative that establishes the similarities and differences between modern-day Portugal and East Timor. Our aim is to analyse both the political and ideological perspectives present in these picturebooks aimed at very young readers, offering a broad vision of different realities and contexts, even when they deal with war, death and suffering, as was the case of the East Timorese fight for independence.
8
Urban, Samuel Penteado. "Paulo Freire e a educação popular em Timor-Leste: uma história de libertação". Revista Educação e Emancipação 10, nr 1 (13.06.2017): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2358-4319.v10n1p76-100.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Timor-Leste é considerada a primeira democracia a se estabelecer como tal no século XXI, sendo que seu passado foi marcado por invasões: Portugal (1515-1975), num primeiro momento e Indonésia (1975-1999) num segundo. Num primeiro momento, com o processo de colonização português, muito pouco se fez para Timor, principalmente ao que se refere a educação, sendo esta uma ação política. Com a invasão indonésia em 1975, após o curto período de independência, foi-se muito investido na construção de escolas, desde a educação infantil até o ensino superior, baseando-se no ensino ideologicamente integracionista. Internamente a luta pela restauração da independência, a Educação foi uma das armas para que assim Timor conquistasse a restauração da independência em 2002. Através da Frente de Timor-Leste Independente (FRETILIN), iniciouse um processo de Educação Popular que teve grande infl uência de Paulo Freire. Esse processo educativo, ligado à conscientização política, baseou-se no conhecimento cotidiano dos próprios educandos e num ensino contextualizado as necessidades da luta. Desta forma, pretendeuse realizar apontamentos acerca da Educação Popular em Timor-Leste, levando em conta a infl uência de Paulo Freire, utilizando-se de material relacionado à história da educação em Timor-Leste e Educação Popular em Timor-Leste, além de entrevistas realizadas com o Professor Dr. Antero Benedito da Silva e com o sr. Alberto, vice residente do movimento social do campo de Timor denominada União dos Agricultores de Ermera (UNAER).Palavras-chave: Educação Popular. Paulo Freire. Timor-Leste.Paulo Freire and popular education in East Timor: a history of liberationABSTRACTEast Timor is considered the fi rst democracy to be established as such in the twenty-fi rst century and its past is marked for invasions: Portugal (1515-1975) at fi rst and Indonesia (1975-1999) in a second. At fi rst, the process of Portuguese colonization, very little has been done to Timor, mainly education which is a political action. After Indonesian invasion in 1975, after the short period of independence, it was-very invested in the construction of schools, from kindergarten to higher education, based on the integrationist ideological education. During this process, internally the struggle for restoration of independence, education was one of the weapons so that Timor conquered the restoration of independence in 2002. Through the Front of Independent East Timor (FRETILIN), began a process of Popular Education which had great infl uence of Paulo Freire. This educational process, linked to political awareness, was based on the everyday knowledge of their own students and a teaching contextualized the fi ghting needs. Thus, the aim was to make notes about the Popular Education in East Timor, taking into account the infl uence of Paulo Freire, using material related to the history of education in East Timor and Popular Education in East Timor, and interviews with Professor PHD Antero Benedito da Silva and with Mr. Alberto, the vice president of the social movement of the countryside Farmers Union of Ermera (UNAER).Keywords: Popular Education. Paulo Freire.East Timor.Paulo Freire y la educación popular em Timor Leste: una historia de liberaciónRESUMENTimor Oriental es considerada como la primera democracia que se establecerá como tal en el siglo XXI, y su pasado estuvo marcado por las invasiones: Portugal (1515-1975), en la primera e Indonesia (1975-1999) en un segundo. En un primer momento, el proceso de colonización portuguesa, muy poco se ha hecho para Timor, se refi ere principalmente a lo que la educación, que es una acción política. Con la invasión de Indonesia en 1975, después del breve período de independencia, se levanta muy invertido en la construcción de escuelas, desde preescolar hasta la educación superior, en base a la educación ideologicamente integracionista. Internamente, la lucha por la restauración de la independencia, la educación era una de las armas para que Timor conquistó la restauración de la independencia en 2002. A través del Frente de Timor Oriental Independiente (FRETILIN), se inició un proceso de educación popular que tuvo gran infl uencia de Paulo Freire. Este proceso educativo, vinculado a la conciencia política, se basó en el conocimiento cotidiano de sus propios estudiantes y una enseñanza contextualizada las necesidades de lucha. De este modo, se pretende llevar a cabo notas sobre la educación popular en Timor Oriental, usando el material relacionado con la Historia de la educación en Timor-Leste y Educación Popular en Timor Oriental, teniendo en cuenta la influencia de Paulo Freire, así como entrevistas con el profesor Dr. Antero Benedito da Silva y el Sr. Alberto, vice residente del campo de Timor movimento social denominado Unión de Agricultores Ermera (UNAER).Palabras clave: la educación popular. Paulo Freire. Timor-Leste.
9
Nordquist, Kjell-Åke. "Autonomy, Local Voices and Conflict Resolution: Lessons from East Timor". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, nr 1 (2013): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02001007.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The civil society in East Timor – today The Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste – developed knowledge and views about different constitutional structures during some critical years before the country’s independence in 2002. “Autonomy” proved to be an effective generic concept for this purpose in dialogues and seminars, organised inside and outside East Timor, on the issue of the territory’s future international status. While a certain political autonomy structure, alongside with independence, were the two options in the 1999 UN-led referendum on East Timor’s final status, the concept of “autonomy” was used as a point of reference for the analysis of principally different structural options for small territories – from typical independence, via forms of limited independence and associated state arrangements, to autonomy and levels of integration. Naturally, existing autonomy arrangments are studied when relevant in peace processes, but the concept of “autonomy”, with its need for local adaptation and recognition of difference, brings also compromise and therefore creativity into a process of political wrangling. In addition, an autonomy perspective in peace processes raises the issue of human rights protection on national level – can it protect on the level of an autonomy? The autonomy concept provides, finally, a framework for its own legitimacy, in relation to human rights and other measures in defense of human dignity. To identify a potential autonomy, thus, means assessing the characteristics of difference in such a framework, a process that local voices in East Timor needed to pursue.
10
de Hoogh, André J. J. "Some Random Remarks on Complaints Regarding the East Timor Popular Consultation". Leiden Journal of International Law 13, nr 4 (grudzień 2000): 997–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000571.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The referendum of 30 August 1999 constituted a historic exercise of the right to self-determination by the people of East Timor. It rejected autonomy within Indonesia and chose to go forward on the path towards independence. Proponents of autonomy complained that they had been barred from participating in the process, and that Timorese staff had systematically told or forced people to vote for independence. However, there is no evidence that the referendum was corrupted through systematic bias on the part of local staff members. The outcome of the referendum, 78.5% in favour of independence, must be accepted as an accurate reflection of the will of the people of East Timor.
11
Robinson, Geoffrey. "East Timor Ten Years On: Legacies of Violence". Journal of Asian Studies 70, nr 4 (listopad 2011): 1007–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811001586.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
On August 30, 2009, East Timor's Prime Minister, the former resistance leader Xanana Gusmão, quietly authorized the release of a man directly implicated in one of the country's most notorious massacres. Maternus Bere, a commander of the pro-Indonesian Laksaur militia group, had been indicted for his role in the September 1999 killing of as many as 200 unarmed supporters of independence who had taken refuge in the Catholic Church in Suai. Of the 40 victims whose identities could be determined, three were priests, ten were under the age of 18, and more than a dozen were women. The Suai Church massacre was part of a shocking campaign of violence that followed a United Nations-organized referendum in which Timorese had voted overwhelmingly for independence from Indonesia.
12
Mas Martayana, I. Putu Hendra. "Asing di Tanah Kelahiran: Pergulatan Identitas Pengungsi Bali - Timor Timur Pasca Orde Baru". Lembaran Sejarah 15, nr 2 (6.09.2020): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.59533.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article discusses the ambiguity regarding the identity of ex-East Timorese transmigrant who have returned to Bali. These were people who had migrated to Bali since the 1980s and who have decided to return to their land of origin after the Act of Free Choice referendum had opted for East Timorese independence. During the return of the ex-East Timorese refugees, Bali was undergoing a process of cultural reification. The height of which was pushed by the first Bali bombing in 2002 which heralded the rise of the ‘ajeg Bali’ or Bali first movement. This was the result of the polemics that had arisen amongst organic intellectual thinkers.
13
Cronau, Peter. "REVIEW: Correcting the myth of East Timor". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 10, nr 2 (1.09.2004): 210–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v10i2.815.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Review of Reluctant Saviour: Australia, Indonesia and the Independence of East Timor, by Clinton FernandesBy trawling through the public record of the events of the time, Fernandes has amassed a convicing collection of little-known evidence showing just how reluctant the Australian Government was to assist the Timorese. He has used often obscure examples, passed-over by the media at the time, to show the true intent of the government.
14
Tarasova, D. A. "PRAGMATIC FRIENDSHIP OF CHINA AND EAST TIMOR, ITS PREREQUISITES AND POSSIBLE PERSPECTIVES". Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, nr 3 (15.12.2019): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/19-3/07.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article is devoted to cooperation between the People's Republic of China and East Timor (Timor-Leste) as part of Chinese cultural and economic expansion to Southeast Asia. There're a number of reasons for this kind of support, including traditional backup for Timor's independence, China's desire to diversify its energy sources and gain new markets for Chinese goods; consolidate its status as an important partner of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries and to prevent the possible growing influence of Taiwan (the Republic of China). Economically, China for Timor-Leste means cheap imports and potential exports; while Timor remains the base for many projects of Chinese businessmen ever since its getting independence, despite the crisis of 2006. This cooperation leads to impact on other significant actors in the region, such as Indonesia and Australia, which also support Timor, as well as the United States; which oppose the expansion of Beijing's influence in this geostrategically important area. The example of Timor-Leste also illustrates the growing sophistication of Chinese diplomacy and its commitment to using soft power as a counter to the obsolete perception of China as a threat that prevailed earlier in Southeast Asia. In conclusion, if Timorese oil reserves run low, cooperation between two states can be slightly transformed from economic to military; however, the radical changes in Timor's foreign policy, which struggled for their independence for so long, are unlikely.
15
Kammen, Douglas. "Fragments of utopia: Popular yearnings in East Timor". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, nr 2 (29.04.2009): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409000216.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Six months after the historic August 1999 referendum in which the people of East Timor voted to reject Indonesia's offer of broad autonomy, the newly appointed chief of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor, Sérgio Vieira de Mello, commented to CNN on the enormous challenge of setting the territory on the road to independence: ‘It is a test case, therefore it is even a laboratory case where we can transform utopia into reality. But I think we can try and get it right in the case of Timor.’ After 24 years of brutal military occupation, the suggestion that East Timor was to be a laboratory case for the United Nations might have seemed insulting, the notion of utopia absurd. Hundreds of thousands of people were without housing. Basic infrastructure lay in ruins. Commodities were scarce and those goods available were sold at grossly inflated prices. Eleven thousand foreign troops had arrived to restore security. Tens of thousands of refugees were still living in squalid camps across the border in Indonesian West Timor, many against their will. Nevertheless, Vieira de Mello's statement neatly captured the twin aspirations of the time — the independence long-dreamed of by East Timorese and the opportunity for the United Nations literally to build a state from the ground up. In the same CNN report, East Timorese Nobel Laureate José Ramos-Horta emphasised precisely this point: ‘This is the first instance in the history of the UN that the UN has managed completely an entire country; and they have a [Timorese pro-independence] movement that is very cooperative, they have an exceptional people that's cooperating with them, so they cannot fail. They are condemned to succeed because failure would be disastrous for the credibility of the UN, so they simply cannot afford to fail.’ Utopia, it seems, had become a necessity.
16
Elden, Stuart. "Book Review: East Timor: a rough passage to independence". Progress in Development Studies 6, nr 4 (październik 2006): 356–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146499340600600410.
Pełny tekst źródła
17
Kohen, Arnold S. "The catholic church and the independence of East Timor". Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 32, nr 1-2 (czerwiec 2000): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415776.
Pełny tekst źródła
18
Saraiva Hermenegildo, Reinaldo. "O processo de independência de Timor-Leste: uma análise retrospetiva do papel de Portugal no quadro da União Europeia". Relações Internacionais, nr 74 (czerwiec 2022): 055–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2022.74a04.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article advances a retrospective review of Portugal´s role in the European Union, especially within the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), considering the case analysis of Timor-Leste´s process of independence. The evolution of Portuguese foreign policy is exposed, in its various phases, since the establishment of democracy, an evolution that demonstrates the Europeanization of Portuguese foreign policy and its importance in East Timor’s independence process. This contribution analyses several factors and conditions that led to the resolution of East Timor issue and its link to Portugal’s role within the framework of the CFSP.
19
Lundry, Chris. "The East Timor Action Networkand Transnational Advocacy:Domestic Lobbying and International Pressure for Self-determinationin Timor-Leste". Estudios de Asia y África 57, nr 3 (29.07.2022): 577–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v57i3.2829.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Many factors contributed to the timing, in August 1999, of the referendum in Timor-Leste that led to the country’s independence; among them: Suharto’s abdication, Indonesia’s vulnerability to pressure after the East Asian economic crisis, Indonesia’s confidence that it will prevail using its usual methods of intimidation and manipulation, and, of course, the political and armed struggle of who supported and died for independence in Timor-Leste. Another element was the solidarity networks that emerged among activists from various countries who exerted internal pressure on their governments to force them to change their policy towards Indonesia. This article examines the East Timor Action Network, founded in 1991 in the United States, and its lobbying and internal pressure strategy. Building on Sikkink and Keck’s model of principle-based issue networks and their ability to exert domestic pressure for international results, this article shows how the Network successfully lobbied for change in US foreign policy toward Indonesia and contributed to the selfdetermination in Timor-Leste.
20
Linton, Suzannah, i Caitlin Reiger. "The Evolving Jurisprudence and Practice of East Timor's Special Panels for Serious Crimes on Admissions of Guilt, Duress and Superior Orders". Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 4 (grudzień 2001): 167–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000854.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
After 24 years of occupation by Indonesia and nearly 500 years of Portuguese colonisation, East Timor gained its independence on 20 May 2002 when the United Nations formally handed over the reins of power to a popularly elected President. Justice for the immense suffering of the people of East Timor while under Indonesian rule is a major issue for the local and international communities. Of particular importance is the question of individual criminal responsibility for atrocities committed during the last year of the occupation, when the weeks following the referendum on independence held on 30 August 1999 saw unparalleled devastation wreaked upon the civilian population and infrastructure.
21
Zulkarnain i Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste". Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, nr 2 (16.06.2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.
22
DiFelice, Beth. "International Transitional Administration: The United Nations in East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, and Kosovo – A Bibliography". International Journal of Legal Information 35, nr 1 (2007): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500001979.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Between 1995 and 1999, the United Nations established transitional administrations over four war-torn territories – East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, and Kosovo. These transitional civil administrations began as part of a peace agreement and have or will end with either independence of the territory, as with East Timor, or the reuniting of a war-torn state, as with Eastern Slavonia's return to Croatia. As of this writing, the United Nations’ mission in Kosovo has not ended.
23
Berlie, Jean A. "Nationalism, part of the identity of East Timor". Asian Education and Development Studies 7, nr 4 (1.10.2018): 375–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-09-2015-0047.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the just and highly praised Timorese nationalism leading to independence, deal, in particular, with the attitude of the East Timorese and raise questions about their national identity. Design/methodology/approach This paper is largely based on an anthropological and political science research with interviews. Findings East Timor’s nationalism is unique and formerly linked to Liurai chiefs. Political nationalism is discussed in the third part of the paper. Originality/value This research is the first of its kind. East Timor research is mainly centered in the period 1975–1999 of Indonesian occupation. The concepts nationalism, identity and politics are under-researched concepts in East Timor. There the political system is unique.
24
Yang, Seung Yoon. "The Independence of East Timor in the New International Transformation". Journal of international area studies 3, nr 4 (31.12.1999): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.1999.12.3.4.65.
Pełny tekst źródła
25
Bani Bili, Yunita Reny. "The Case of East Timor Education beyond Independence 2000-2008". International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 3, nr 11 (30.11.2020): 188–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2020.3.11.18.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The strong motive of East Timor government to establish a national identity through education had brought serious issues. This writing primarily discusses about the drawbacks regarding to East Timor language policy in education sector during the period of 2000 – 2008. Spolsky’s framework was employed to analyze the sociolinguistics situation, working of national/ethnic/other identity within the community, minority language rights and English role as a global language. The study was done by thorough library research in the related fields. The results show that while community language practice was ignored, the top-down language policy put more emphasis on Portuguese as the national identity language, Tetun Dili and English as the global language. As a result, the teachers and students were disadvantaged due to the inability to speak Portuguese, Tetun Dili and English. Second, the strong socio-historical context and political affinity to Portugal and its language had given little role to local languages in Mother Tongue Based-Multilingual Education.
26
Weatherbee, Donald E., Paul Hainsworth, Stephen McCloskey, Richard Tanter, Mark Seiden, Stephen R. Shalom i Ian Martin. "The East Timor Question: The Struggle for Independence from Indonesia". Pacific Affairs 75, nr 2 (2002): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127231.
Pełny tekst źródła
27
Shepherd, Christopher J., i Andrew McWilliam. "Cultivating Plantations and Subjects in East Timor: A Genealogy". Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 169, nr 2-3 (2013): 326–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-12340047.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract This article traces the emergence and institutionalization of plantation systems and cash crops in East Timor over two centuries. It examines the continuities, ruptures and shifting politics across successive plantation styles and political regimes, from Portuguese colonialism through Indonesian occupation to post-colonial independence. In following plantation agriculture from its origins to the present, the article explores how plantation subjects have been formed successively through racial discourse, repressive discipline, technical authority and neoliberal market policies. We argue that plantation politics have been instrumental in reproducing the class distinctions that remain evident in East Timor today.
28
Marsal, Antonino Pedro, i Sukardi Sukardi. "Ratio Legis on the Right to Language in the Education System in Timor Leste". Yuridika 36, nr 3 (1.09.2021): 527. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/ydk.v36i3.27245.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The East Timor obtained its independence though a referendum conducted by the United Nation (UN). The constitution of the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste (RDTL) officially enacted on 20th of May 2002. The language clause with the constitution, article 13 states that the official language of East Timor is Tetun and Portuguese. Based on the language clause mention above, the government of East Timor puts a policy in place, obligated all level of educational system to only use Portuguese in their activity. This policy, however, gets fierce rejection especially from private educational institutions because of its inconsistency with the new reality According to the data from the United Nation (UN), actually, only less than 5 persent of the Timorese speaks Portuguese. in this research, there are 2 legal issues emerged. The first is about the language as a constitutional right of citizens. Secondly, use of Portuguese language in the education system in East Timor to human rights?. To analyze the legal problems, this research utilizes the qualitative and legal method. And, it can be successfully proved that the implementation of language clause of East Timor The government policy does not consider the legal principle of proportionality justice and then to be discriminative for Timorese who use Tetun and other national languages, which are important to be developed by the nation as wel. The conclusion that the use of Portuguese language violated constitutional rights and impedes the quality of education.
29
Schofield, Clive. "Minding the Gap: The Australia–East Timor Treaty on Certain Maritime Arrangements in the Timor Sea (CMATS)". International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 22, nr 2 (2007): 189–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180807781361520.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractThe intertwined issues of the delimitation of maritime boundaries and the division of the resources, particularly petroleum resources, of the Timor Sea have served as a persistent irritant in bilateral relations between Australia and East Timor since the latter's independence in 2002. In 2003 an International Unitization Agreement for the Greater Sunrise complex of fields was signed. This was followed by the conclusion in 2006 of the Treaty on Certain Maritime Arrangements in the Timor Sea. The subsequent entry into force of these agreements, in February 2007, appears to resolve this contentious dispute, at least for the foreseeable future. This article explores the background to the dispute and positions of the parties, traces the progress of negotiations towards its interim resolution and then assesses the agreements themselves. It is concluded that while the agreements are, on balance, somewhat more favourable to Australia than to East Timor, they can still be viewed as beneficial to both parties.
30
Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste". British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, nr 1 (13.01.2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.
31
McWILLIAM, ANDREW. "Harbouring Traditions in East Timor: Marginality in a Lowland Entrepôt". Modern Asian Studies 41, nr 6 (18.07.2007): 1113–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07002843.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Drawing on the literature of networks and marginality, this paper explores the social history of the small trading port of Com on the northeast coast of Timor. Com's marginality, as I define it, is constituted as a remote outpost of inter-island and trans-local trade networks of the Indonesian archipelago, and reproduced in its contemporary isolation from centres of economic power and processes of the global market. The paper draws on narrative traditions and documentary evidence to chart Com's fluctuating historical fortunes and contemporary cultural practices. In the fragile post-independence environment of Timor Leste, the resident population of Com is once again looking towards a creative engagement with external others in the hope of renewed prosperity.
32
Shoesmith, Dennis. "Party Systems and Factionalism in Timor-Leste". Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, nr 1 (24.01.2020): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419889759.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This study identifies and explains the factors that have shaped the evolution of the competitive political party system in East Timor from its beginnings in the 1970s to the difficult and sometimes violent transition since independence in 2002 towards a semi-developed competitive party system. It reviews the organizational character of the two major Parties: FRETILIN and the CNRT and the minor parties in the national parliament and the nature of intra-party factionalism in contemporary politics in what is an under-institutionalized and a predominantly personalistic system.
33
Leach, Michael. "Longitudinal change in East Timorese tertiary student attitudes to national identity and nation building, 2002-2010". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 168, nr 2-3 (2012): 219–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003560.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The attitudes of the tertiary students who are likely to comprise the next generation of leaders are pivotal to understanding the challenges of nation-building and national identity formation in post-conflict settings such as Timor-Leste. This article examines post-independence debates over national identity in Timor-Leste, presenting the findings of a longitudinal survey (Dili, 2002, 2007 and 2010) of East Timorese tertiary student attitudes to national identity. In particular, in the wake of the 2006 political-military crisis, the paper examines the evidence for differences in attitudes between students from eastern and western districts, concluding that the few significant differences in attitudes peaked in the 2007 survey, and were associated with the overt politicization of regional identity within Dili, and concerns over post-independence leadership, rather than any genuine ‘ethnic’ or ‘regional’ variation in attitudes. The paper also examines significant changes in some youth attitudes since independence, including a significant increase in the acceptance of the co-official status of the Portuguese language in the tertiary student demographic since the early years of independence. The survey also highlights the ongoing importance of tradition and adat in understandings of political community, but reveals significant gender differences in attitudes towards the role of traditional authorities.
34
Steele, Janet. "The Voice of East Timor: Journalism, Ideology, and the Struggle for Independence". Asian Studies Review 31, nr 3 (wrzesień 2007): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820701559071.
Pełny tekst źródła
35
Amanat, Tri. "Pemetaan situasi dan kondisi kebahasaan dalam mendukung keberhasilan program BIPA di Timor Leste". Jurnal Bahasa Indonesia bagi Penutur Asing (JBIPA) 1, nr 1 (4.09.2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26499/jbipa.v1i1.1695.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
One step to improve the function of Indonesian language into an international language is done through the development of Indonesian language teaching programs for foreigners (BIPA) in various friendly countries, including Timor Leste. Until now Timor Leste is one of the countries with the most requests for sending BIPA teachers. Therefore certain steps are needed to support the success of this program, one of which is by conducting a study related to the situation and conditions of the language. This study aims to; Describe the situation and conditions of language that exists in Timor Leste both in the realm of government policy and the real conditions that exist in society. Mapping the potential and barriers to the development of Indonesian in East Timor. This study uses qualitative methods. Data acquisition is done through document analysis, field observations, and interviews. The results of the study indicate that East Timor is a multilingual community. In macro terms, there are several regulations that can support the development of BIPA, however, there are also some that can hamper. In micro terms, Indonesian is still considered familiar by certain groups but in general, the younger generation of Timor Leste (especially those born after independence) have many who do not understand/know bahasa Indonesian.
36
Hicks, David. "Indexing social space: A marketplace in Timor-Leste". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 168, nr 1 (2012): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003569.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article shows how space and time indexed social identity in the market place of one of the larger ‘towns’ of Timor-Leste (or ‘East Timor’), Viqueque during the years 1966-1967 and examine their relevance for today’s Viqueque town. The space occupied by the weekly emporium offered a forum in which ethnicity, social hierarchy, gender, a pastime (cockfighting), and religious affiliation visually played themselves out and presented a physical replication of social distinctions that defined the character of the town and the sub-district it served. Focusing on gender, ethnicity, social class, and social identity, and their economic implications, also enables us to gain insight into the process whereby post-colonial nations transform themselves after gaining independence. By comparing the use made of social space at two periods of time separated by four decades during which momentous developments took place in Timor-Leste we can see in sharper relief the kind of changes urban spaces experience when they are subject to colonial authority, pressures resulting from independence, and – ultimately – the tortuous process of nation-building.
37
Kusuma, Ardli Johan. "Pengaruh Norma HAM Terhadap Proses Kemerdekaan Timor Leste dari Indonesia". Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 7, nr 1 (14.04.2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v7i1.420.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This paper discusses about the reasons of Indonesia which provides a referendum to East Timor which resulted in East Timor being independent from Indonesia. This paper is analytical descriptive, using qualitative methods, with the data collection techniques, using "librarian research" where data to support arguments are obtained by collecting such data from various sources such as books or literature, journals, newspapers, Magazines, as well as data sourced from the internet. The results of the discussion in this paper indicate the fact that the process of independence of Timor Leste from Indonesia because of the influence of human rights norms that at that time developed and became the international world agenda. So that, with using the human rights norms, Timor Leste and the international community succeeded in intervening in Indonesia to provide a referendum to Timor Lesete as the embodiment of human rights enforcement in Indonesia. Tulisan ini membahas tentang alasan Indonesia yang memberikan referendum kepada Timor Leste yang mengakibatkan Timor Leste merdeka dari Indonesia. Tulisan ini bersifat diskriptif analitis, dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan teknik pengumpulan data, menggunakan teknik librarian researchdimana data-data untuk mendukung argumen diperoleh dengan cara mengumpulkan data tersebut dari berbagai sumber seperti buku-buku atau literatur, jurnal, surat kabar, majalah, maupun data-data yang bersumber dari internet. Adapun hasil dari pembahasan dalam tulisan ini menunjukkan adanya fakta bahwa proses kemerdekaan Timor Leste dari Indonesia karena adanya pengaruh dari norma HAM yang saat itu berkembang dan menjadi agenda dunia internasinal. Sehingga dengan menggunakan norma HAM tersebut, Timor Leste bersama masyarakat internasional berhasil mengintervensi Indonesia untuk memberikan referendum kepada Timor Lesete sebagai perwujudan penegakan HAM di Indonesia.
38
Brás Bernardino, Luís Manuel. "A génese da formação das FALINTIL: contributos para a edificação do Estado". Relações Internacionais, nr 74 (czerwiec 2022): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2022.74a08.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This essay, told in the first person, aims to analyse the transformation process that took place in 2001, between Aileu and Metinaro, when the National Liberation Armed Forces of Timor-Leste (FALINTIL) gave rise to the Defence Forces of Timor-Leste (FDTL). Following the 1999 referendum, in the context of the United Nations Mission (UNTAET), the formation of FALINTIL-FDTL began in 2001 and constituted one of the central pillars for the construction of the Timorese State. This strategy materialised on May 20, 2002, when the independence of East Timor was formally declared, at a time when the Timorese Armed Forces had already assumed their role as guarantors of the Constitution and central elements of the Rule of Law in the pursuit of security and development of the country.
39
Shaternikov, Pavel. "Challenges and Threats to ASEAN's Security on the Way to East Timor's Accession to the Association". South East Asia Actual problems of Development, nr 4 (53) (2021): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-4-4-53-166-175.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article is devoted to the analysis of the successes and failures of East Timor on the way to joining ASEAN, summarizes the results of the first two decades of independence and analyzes the concerns of the rest of the Southeast Asian countries regarding a new participant in international relations in the region. There is no consensus about the real reasons that East Timor has not yet become an ASEAN member. In 2002, the reason for the young state's refusal of membership was insufficient economic development particularly the country was able to open embassies only in two capitals of the ASEAN countries – Kuala Lumpur and Jakarta. Indonesia initially advocated the entry of its former 27th province into the Association. Laos and Singapore opposed it, but since 2018, Singapore has openly declared that it supports East Timor's accession to ASEAN as a full eleventh member. Nevertheless, a whole complex of problems and contradictions does not allow the ASEAN countries to accept a new member into the ranks of the Association.
40
Kamisuna, Takahiro. "Beyond Nationalism: Youth Struggle for the Independence of East Timor and Democracy for Indonesia". Indonesia 110, nr 1 (2020): 73–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ind.2020.0025.
Pełny tekst źródła
41
Taylor, John G. "The Independence of East Timor: Multi-Dimensional Perspectives – Occupation, Resistance and International Political Activism". Asian Affairs 43, nr 1 (marzec 2012): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2012.642603.
Pełny tekst źródła
42
Hess, David, i Brian Martin. "Repression, Backfire, and The Theory of Transformative Events". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, nr 2 (1.06.2006): 249–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.2.3204855020732v63.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Repression sometimes can lead to greater movement mobilization: repressive events that are perceived as unjust have the potential to generate enormous public outrage against those seen as responsible. One result of repression-backfire-can contribute to the understanding of the conditions under which some repressive events may become transformative for social movements. Three case studies that highlight the processes involved in backfire are examined: the 1930 Salt March in India, in particular the beatings at Dharasana, that mobilized popular support for independence; the 1991 massacre in Dili, East Timor, which stimulated a massive expansion in international support for East Timorese independence; and the arrest of alternative cancer therapist John Richardson in 1972, which led to a huge growth in the U.S. movement for alternative therapies. The cases generate a preliminary understanding of the potential scope of backfire, the processes involved in backfire, and new hypotheses.
43
Della-Giacoma, Jim. "Timor Lorosae. East Timor: Beyond independence. Edited by Damien Kingsbury and Michael Leach. Melbourne: Monash Asia Institute, 2007. Pp. 302, Index." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, nr 2 (4.05.2010): 355–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463410000160.
Pełny tekst źródła
44
Da Costa Barreto, Duarte. "Education System in East Timor Post-Independence (a Philosophical Study in the Perspective of Max Scheler’s Values’ Philosophy)". Diálogos 2 (17.11.2017): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.53930/27892182.dialogos.2.101.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Since its independence, the Democratic Republic of East Timor through its Government has sought to pursue equity and education fairness across its territory. The education system with all its derivatives was laid out; educational facilities were built; educators were reorganized and placed. The Ministry of Education’s statistics show that development in the education sector until 2016 has been running maximally. However, there are still problems faced, namely: 1) the absence of definitive regulation on educators’ qualifications and passing standards of learners; 2) the curriculum does not give attention to essential values of education in the students; 3) the development of educational facilities is prioritized rather than the development and improvement of human resources. As a result, the nature of education and the values of education itself have not been realized and embedded properly. To solve this important issue, the Government and the entire Timorese community need to place the nature and values of education as the goal of education itself; develop and improve a long-term human resources development plan. Scheler’s ideas about human life values can serve as an inspirational basis for the search, discovery and creation of the human identity for East Timor.
45
Jesus, Maria, Pedro Damião Henriques, Pedro Laranjeira, Vanda Narciso i Maria Leonor Da Silva Carvalho. "A Agricultura Itinerante no Distrito de Bobonaro em Timor-Leste no Período Pós-Independência". Revista em Agronegócio e Meio Ambiente 8, nr 1 (15.04.2015): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.17765/2176-9168.2015v8n1p193-215.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
A agricultura itinerante é um tipo de sistema agrícola primitivo, adotado historicamente nos ecossistemas de florestas tropicais, em que o ser humano faz o corte da floresta, queimando os resíduos como preparação da terra para a cultura. A produção de alimentos é feita por 2 a 3 anos e, posteriormente, a área é abandonada, tornando-se improdutiva. Muitas vezes, nos terrenos abandonados estabelece-se a floresta secundária, podendo voltar a ser utilizados para o cultivo cerca de dez a vinte anos depois. Em Timor-Leste, a agricultura itinerante ainda é praticada como forma de agricultura de subsistência. Com este trabalho pretendemos caracterizar a agricultura itinerante em Timor-Leste e relevar a sua importância socioeconômica para as populações rurais do território, identificar os seus impactos na sustentabilidade ambiental dos ecossistemas e referir as soluções para minorar os seus efeitos negativos. A metodologia utilizada baseou-se na recolha de informação bibliográfica relevante sobre o tema e na realização de um inquérito por questionário a agricultores itinerantes do subdistrito de Atabae, distrito de Bobonaro. Este questionário caracterizou a agricultura itinerante e ouviu a opinião dos agricultores sobre os efeitos da mesma. A agricultura itinerante de hoje em Timor-Leste destina-se essencialmente às culturas de horta. Os materiais resultantes do derrube e corte da floresta são usados para lenha, vedações e materiais de construção. Os impactos negativos sobre os bens e serviços produzidos por florestas são sentidos através das mudanças na precipitação, erosão, mudanças climáticas, diminuição do número de animais selvagens, e das plantas e produtos colhidos nas florestas. Itinerant Agriculture in the Bobonaro District in East Timor During the Post-Independence Period ABSTRACT: Itinerant agriculture is a primitive agricultural system historically adopted in the ecosystems of tropical forests in which people make a clearing in the forest and burn the residues to prepare the ground for planting. Food production occurs for 2 to 3 years; the area is then abandoned and becomes non-productive. A secondary forest establishes itself frequently on the abandoned ground and may be used once more for crop planting after ten to twenty years. Itinerant agriculture is still employed in East Timor as subsistence agriculture. Current analysis characterizes the iterant agriculture in East Timor and enhances its social and economic relevance for rural populations, identifies impacts on the environmental sustainability of ecosystems and describes solutions to minimize its negative effects. Methodology is based on the bibliographical information on the theme and on a questionnaire survey to itinerant peasants of the sub-district Atabae in Bobonaro. The questionnaire characterized itinerant agriculture and collected the opinion of peasants on its effects. Current itinerant agriculture in East Timor is restricted to kitchen gardens and the material produced in forest clearings is used as firewood and building material. The negative impacts on goods and services produced by the forests are measured by changes in rainfall, erosion, climate changes, decrease in the number of wild animals and plants and in products collected in the forest. KEYWORDS: Itinerant Agriculture; Forest Ecosystems; Sustainability; East Timor.
46
Isplancius, Plancius. "Indonesian government responsibilities against the status of former East Timor independence fighters at East Nusa Tenggara in human rights perspective". Problems of Legality, nr 144 (15.03.2019): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21564/2414-990x.144.159750.
Pełny tekst źródła
47
Taylor-Leech, Kerry. "Timorese talking back". Linguistic Landscape. An international journal 6, nr 1 (16.03.2020): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ll.00016.tay.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract Taking the dispute between East Timor and Australia over their maritime boundary as an illustrative context, this article discusses the role of semiotic resources in constructing chronotopes of protest. Reflecting first on language choice in urban protests during East Timor’s struggle for independence, the paper goes on to analyse the deployment of material and virtual resources in East Timorese-led demonstrations against the Australian government’s stance in the dispute. Using ‘entanglement’ as a structuring metaphor, and looking at language choice, social and grammatical indexicality, imagery, embodied cultural capital, and the choreography of assembly, the paper explores how protesters constructed a set of chronotopes that drew on the injuries of the colonial past, and re-emplaced and re-framed them in the post-colonial present. The paper looks at the linguistic landscape of protest as a semiotic aggregate in which the periphery claims a voice and ‘talks back’ to the centre.
48
Williams-van Klinken, Catharina, i John Hajek. "Language contact and functional expansion in Tetun Dili: The evolution of a new press register". Multilingua 37, nr 6 (25.10.2018): 613–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/multi-2017-0109.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract Tetun Dili, an Austronesian language spoken in East Timor, was until 1999 primarily an oral language of intercultural communication. Since the 1999 vote on independence from Indonesia, Tetun Dili has become the dominant language of public life, including the government, education and the media, as well as becoming an official language alongside Portuguese, a former colonial language. The rapidly evolving press register of Tetun shows significant impact from language contact. Portuguese influence is seen primarily in extensive lexical borrowing, brought in by the Portuguese-educated elite as well as by translators and writers. Indonesian influence is seen in several calques for expressing anaphora, brought in by Indonesian-educated writers, and an adversative passive. Other new constructions, including a more general passive and final quote margins, have come about through the combined influence of Portuguese, Indonesian and English, the last as a source language for much literal translation into Tetun. Some discourse features of press Tetun, such as high information density and events being told out of chronological order, are the results of international journalistic style. While a rapid evolution of new written registers is not uncommon, the East Timor situation is unique in its combination of contact languages, and the significant number of grammatical innovations.
49
Hodge, Joel. "Church, State and Secularism in Asia: The Public Nature of the Church in Timor-Leste". International Journal of Practical Theology 16, nr 2 (maj 2013): 323–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijpt-2012-0020.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract The Western discourse and norms around secularism, particularly Church-state relations, are foreign in many ways to the majority world, especially Asia. However, as the modern nation-state has taken root in Asia, different models of secularism have developed with interesting relationships to the particular cultural and religious context of each country. In the difficult course of forming a secular nation-state, Asian nations have had to address the dominant religious traditions and institutions of each nation, including Christian churches. This process has occasionally provoked conflict and has presented a particular dilemma to Christian churches in how to respond and relate to the developing nation-state. In order for theology to adequately address this situation (particular the context of modern secular discourses) and conceptualise the public shape and role of the church, a practical examination of the church’s relationship to and formation of culture and politics is required. To explore this process, this essay examines the case of Timor-Leste (or East Timor) and its relationship with the Roman Catholic Church, particularly in regards to the state-building process that has occurred after independence. The Church’s influence, which grew rapidly during the Indonesian occupation (1975–1999), has been contested since independence by some in the political sphere, such as in the 2005 dispute with the Government. By examining the 2005 dispute, the essay analyses the nature of the Catholic Church’s influence on Timorese cultural and political identity and her relationship with the new Timorese nation-state. The essay identifies the different models of secularism operative in Timor as they have relevance to the Asian context more generally.
50
Philpott, Simon. "DOMESTICATING IMPERIALISM: THE FASHIONING OF POLITICAL IDENTITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA". International Journal of Asian Studies 10, nr 2 (20.06.2013): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591413000065.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Upon arriving at Denpasar airport in June 2000, I was greeted by an Australian friend who had recently married a Balinese man. The latter, within moments of our meeting for the first time, challenged me about my having been a UN accredited observer of the independence plebiscite in East Timor some ten months earlier. His was an impassioned if, in my view, not terribly well informed view of the torturous relationship between the former Portuguese colony and the Jakarta-based Indonesian government. My interlocutor insisted that East Timor's future ought to have remained an entirely Indonesian matter and that foreign involvement simply demonstrated the determination of the international community to break up Indonesia. The discussion proceeded as we made our way across the airport car park, and became even more heated when I suggested that it was important not just to consider former President Habibie's motivations for offering a plebiscite but also the record of Suharto's government in laying the ground for an East Timorese departure. Perhaps rather tactlessly, I suggested to my new acquaintance that he reflect upon the dreadful human rights record of the Indonesian military in East Timor. If a response was what I was seeking, I certainly found one. Wayan flashed back at me that he knew with certainty tales of human rights abuses were a lie concocted by hostile countries because the East Timorese had made clear their wish to remain part of Indonesia. Upon further pressing, he argued that the fact East Timorese school children sang the same songs as children from all over the archipelago was evidence of their love for Indonesia and their desire to remain integrated. I was somewhat nonplussed with this turn in discussion and rather unsure as to how to proceed. Could he, I wondered, really believe something that seemed so palpably absurd?