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Sholekah, Imroatul, i Nurhadi Sasmita. "Djawa Baroe sebagai Media Propaganda Jepang di Jawa (1943-1945)". Historia 4, nr 1 (30.07.2021): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jhist.v4i1.28442.
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This study discusses Djawa Baroe as a Japanese Propaganda Media in Java in 1943-1945. Djawa Baroewas a pictorial magazine published during the Japanese Occupation Government in Java as a medium for transferring information to the Dutch East Indies population containing propaganda news. The problems studied in this study are the press policy of the Japanese Occupation Government in Java, the form of Japanese Occupation Government propaganda in the fields of education, literature and art, socio-culture, and military as appearing in Djawa Baroe, as well as examining the impact of Japanese Occupation Government propaganda in the fields. The method used in this study was the historical method from Louis Gottschalk, which includes the stages of data collection, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. This study uses a political science approach and propaganda theory developed by Miriam Budiarjo and Laswell. When controlling the Dutch East Indies, the Japanese Occupation Government used the press as a means of propaganda, one of which was through Djawa Baroe. The pictures displayed in Djawa Baroe form a picture of every activity carried out by the Dutch East Indies in the fields of education, literature and art, socio-culture and military as an activity that seemed perfect for wartime. In fact, in real life, the activities displayed in Djawa Baroe are not the same, because the Javanese people experienced many hardships in life during the war.
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Borus, György. "Williamite Propaganda in the Anglo-Dutch Revolution". Studia Anglica Resoviensia 12 (2015): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/sar.2015.12.11.
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Sulton, Agus. "Indonesian Sastra Liar: Political Strategies of Social Movements in Indonesia". Jurnal Sastra Indonesia 10, nr 2 (23.07.2021): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jsi.v10i2.47553.
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This paper presents asastra liarstrategy in the beginning of 20th century in Indonesia. Those literature texts were created by the Marxism organizations. It aimed to be anti-government, anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-capitalism propaganda. The historical methods used in this paper are divided into some phases: heuristic, source critics, interpretation, and historiography. As the result, this paper finds some propaganda strategies and politics used by the Left movement organizations in Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) to oppose the Dutch government and give education to the kromoor poor people. They did it in order to make Dutch East Indies an independence country, free from The Kingdom of Netherlands’ intervention, as soon as possible.
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Muttaqin, Habibi, Sabil Mokodenseho i Febby Widjayanto. "Defending Indonesian Sovereignty through Mass Media: Radio Rimba Raya in the Revolutionary War". Indonesian Historical Studies 6, nr 1 (4.06.2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i1.13821.
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Radio as a medium of information plays an important role in the history of Indonesia's struggle. This study was conducted because of the previous studies on the movement to defend Indonesia's independence, only a few uses radio as a means of struggle. Radio Rimba Raya (RRR), which was established in Aceh. The aim is to analyze the role of RRR in defending Indonesian Independence, especially during the Second Dutch Military Aggression in 1948 and the General Offensive on March 1, 1949. Using the historical method, this study found that RRR became an important medium for nationalists to communicate orders and information, as well as providing an opportunity for Indonesia to thwart propaganda and dismiss Dutch provocations. Due to the importance of RRR in Indonesia's struggle, it can be concluded that one of the media for Indonesia's struggle and success against the Dutch was RRR with its messages that crossed the vast expanse of the contested area. The messages of struggle that were broadcast through the RRR were an important part of Indonesia's political strategy, both in dismissing Dutch propaganda and provocations and in guarding the agendas of Dutch-Indonesian diplomacy so that they were known to the public at home and abroad.
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DE WAARDT, HANS. "Jesuits, Propaganda and Faith Healing in the Dutch Republic". History 94, nr 315 (lipiec 2009): 344–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2009.00459.x.
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Stachura, Natalia. "British Film Propaganda in the Netherlands: Its Preconditions and Missed Opportunities". Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, nr 27/3 (17.09.2018): 51–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.27.3.04.
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British film propaganda directed at neutral countries was meant to strengthen the pro-British attitude or at least weaken pro-German sentiments in the neutral countries. Directed at the wide strata of neutral societies as well as at intellectual, military and economic elites, factual films from the battle lines were believed not only to counteract German propaganda but also to overshadow hostile actions taken by British government against economic and political freedoms of the neutrals. This article is an attempt at understanding the reasons for the eventual failure of British film propaganda in the Netherlands. While mentioning various conflict areas between the countries, it focuses on cultural entanglements and cultural networks that developed, though precariously, throughout the war. The neglect of existing connections between British and Dutch filmmakers and the hesitant if not hostile attitude of War Office Cinematograph Committee towards expensive adaptations of literary works, and feature films in general, might be perceived, the article argues, as one of the core reasons, along political and economic tensions, why Britain lost the battle for Dutch cinema audiences.
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van Hout, Aukje. "WAT GEERTJE OVERKWAM EN WAT MARIJTJE D’ER VAN DOCHT". De Moderne Tijd 1, nr 3 (1.01.2017): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2017.03-04.006.hout.
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WHAT HAPPENED TO GEERTJE AND WHAT MARIJTJE THOUGHT ABOUT IT The use of literature as propaganda by the Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht On October 7th 1908, the board of the Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht (VvVK) invited the Dutch writer Johan de Meester (1860-1931) to one of their propaganda meetings where he presented fragments from his novel Geertje (1905). It is a remarkable fact that (non-political) literature was used for political purposes, but not uncommon: the VvVK was known to use literature as propaganda. In this article I will show that the VvVK adopted different strategies for literary propaganda: they used existing authoritative literature, but they also wrote texts themselves. Different types of texts were deployed for this purpose, such as authoritarian fiction with a certain degree of redundancy.
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Broek, Aart G. "Missionary propaganda in the creole language of the Dutch Antilles". NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 73, nr 2 (1.06.2019): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2019.2.003.broe.
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Tieleman, Matthijs. "“No Intrigue Is Spared”: Anglo-American Intelligence Networks in the Eighteenth-Century Dutch Republic". Itinerario 45, nr 1 (22.03.2021): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000036.
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AbstractThis article surveys previously underexamined American and British intelligence networks that operated in the Netherlands during the eighteenth century and demonstrates the relevance of the eighteenth-century Dutch Republic to the larger history of the Netherlands, early modern Europe, and the revolutionary Atlantic. The Dutch Republic's favourable geographic location, its postal services, its sophisticated press, and its mercantile economy made it an ideal place to extract information and build intelligence networks, shaping power politics in the eighteenth-century British Atlantic. Additionally, this article illustrates how these Anglo-American intelligence networks affected the Dutch Republic and the revolutionary Atlantic. In the late 1770s, American revolutionaries successfully deployed their intelligence network to unleash a propaganda campaign that aimed to convince the Dutch public of their cause. By infiltrating the liberal and sophisticated Dutch printing press, the American revolutionaries not only succeeded in fostering political support among the Dutch public; they also created a transatlantic intellectual exchange with the Dutch opposition that laid the foundations of the Dutch Patriot movement of the 1780s and ultimately the dissolution of the Dutch Republic as a whole in 1795.
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van Stipriaan, René. "Words at War: The Early Years of William of Orange's Propaganda". Journal of Early Modern History 11, nr 4-5 (2007): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507782263362.
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AbstractThe propaganda efforts in the early years of the Dutch Revolt left us countless pamphlets and dozens of songs and prints. Yet our understanding of the development, the operation, and the reach of particularly William of Orange's propaganda efforts remains limited. This article explores to what extent Orange consciously launched a public relations campaign through literary propaganda. Orange had good success in attracting literary talents to defend the cause of the Revolt and his own leadership. The authors who labored on Orange's behalf varied in social background and experience. Some were engaged in pamphlet writing and others in balladry, while a few gained a position as personal advisor to the prince. The anonymous hymn Wilhelmus van Nassouwe also hails from these early years, yet its origin is an unresolved mystery. A first reconstruction of Orange's propaganda network brings forth a new candidate for the authorship of this very influential song.
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Müller, Floris, Liesbet van Zoonen i Fadi Hirzalla. "Anti-Islam Propaganda and Its Effects". Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 7, nr 1 (2014): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00701006.
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In 2008, a short Dutch anti-Islam propaganda movie called Fitna caused global public outrage and a brief media storm. Such attention is generally considered undesirable ‘mediahype’ that increases the number of people that will view the film and thus potentially also its societal impact. In this article, however, we present a theoretical model that suggests that extensive media coverage may, in some cases, actually serve to diminish the impact of anti-Islam propaganda. We demonstrate the validity of this model using an experimental study on the effects of the movie Fitna on non-Muslim viewers. The results show that those viewers who had followed this debate closely were less affected by Fitna. These effects were upheld even when we controlled for their political preferences and educational levels; this suggests that exposure to extensive debate about anti-Islam propaganda may serve to ‘inoculate’ non-Muslim viewers against its fear-based appeal.
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Adhi Satiyoko, Yohanes. "MEMORIZING PROPAGANDA OF EQUALITY IN NGULANDARA AND KIRTI NDJOENJOENG DRADJAT, NOVELS OF BALAI POESTAKA (Mengingat Kembali Propaganda Kesetaraan dalam Novel-Novel Balai Poestaka, Ngulandara dan Kirti Ndjoenjoeng Dradjat)". Kandai 16, nr 1 (1.06.2020): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.26499/jk.v16i1.1410.
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Equality of men is a great issue to maintain every country all the time. Indonesia is one of them which should struggle to maintain it so far. Fictional work is one of the aesthetical means to support it. The way of struggle can be memorized through the time of independence era in fictional works of Balai Poestaka publisher. Javanese language novels, Ngulandara and Kirti NdjoendjoengDradjat are two literary works published by BalaiPoestaka that were written in the dominance times of Balai Poestaka activities as commission for people’s reading in Dutch colonial era in Indonesia (Dutch Indies). Kepriyayian (nobility) was the theme of Ngulandara (1936) and Kirti NdjoendjoengDradjat(1924) novels. As seen from propaganda point of view, ideologically the portrayal of priyayi (nobleman) was analogy symbol of Dutch colonial government that ruled social system. Ngulandara and Kirti Njunjung Drajat showed a “struggle” through literary works as portrayed in wong cilik (Javanese: lower class people) who struggled against the existence of the authorities. The struggle emerged in the way of wong cilik behaved intellectually, morally, even mannerly better than the nobles (priyayi). This research used the theory of literature and propaganda using a sociological approach. Those oppositional relationships between deconstruction nobles and the raise of wong cilik in the field of intellectual, moral, and manner show the propaganda of equality of men through the voice of Jasawidagdo and Margana Djajaatmadja.Kesetaraan manusia merupakan isu besar yang harus selalu dijaga di setiap negara. Indonesia adalah salah satu negara yang harus tetap berjuang menjaga isu tersebut. Karya fiksi berfungsi sebagai salah satu peranti estetis untuk mendukung isu tersebut. Cara memperjuangkan isu tersebut ialah dengan mengingat kembali masa kemerdekaan melalui penerbit Balai Poestaka. Novel-novel berbahasa Jawa, Ngulandara dan Kirti Ndjoendjoeng Dradjat ialah dua karya sastra yang diterbitkan oleh Balai Poestaka yang ditulis pada waktu dominasi Balai Poestaka sebagai komisi bacaan rakyat di era kolonial Belanda di Indonesia (Hindia Belanda). Kepriyayian merupakan tema novel Ngulandara (1936) dan Kirti Njoendjoeng Dradjat (1924). Dilihat dari sudut pandang propaganda, penggambaran priyayi merupakan analogi simbol pemerintah kolonial Belanda yang berkuasa mengatur sistem sosial kemasyarakatan. Ngulandara dan Kirti Ndjoendjoeng Dradjat menunjukkan sebuah “perjuangan” melalui karya sastra seperti digambarkan melalui wong cilik yang berjuang melawan kemapanan penguasa. Perjuangan tersebut muncul dengan cara wong cilik tersebut bertindak secara intelektual, bermoral, bahkan bersikap lebih terhormat daripada para priyayi. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori sastra dan propaganda dengan pendekatan sosiologi. Relasi oposisional antara dekonstruksi priyayi dan bangkitnya wong cilik dalam ranah intelektual, moral, dan sikap menunjukkan propaganda kesetaraan manusia melalui suara Jasawidagdo dan Margana Djajaatmadja.
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Brauer, Jan. "Op de bres voor het 'Deutschtum' in Limburg (1933-1940)". Studies over de sociaaleconomische geschiedenis van Limburg/Jaarboek van het Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Limburg 68 (12.12.2023): 144–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.58484/ssegl.v68i18465.
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Borders engender cultural and socio-political interaction between states. Especially in border regions, issues of nationality and identity sharpen in times of political tension. As early as 1933, for instance, Limburg faced strong influence of the rising National Socialist Third Reich, partly because of the many thousands of German migrants - ‘Rijksduitsers’ - who lived and worked there. Fierce propaganda and intimidation had to activate these so-called ‘Volksgenossen’, but in addition, the Limburgers, as ‘race-Germans’, also belonged in this Reich, according to Berlin. They had strayed from Deutschtum and had to be reclaimed with the use of propaganda. This early invasive socio-political influence process – a clear prelude to the occupation years ‘40-45’ – is examined in this article from German and Dutch sources. What was the impact on the daily lives of border residents, who traditionally fostered close ties with neighbours across the border? To answer this question, this article presents new cross-border regional research in the periphery of Limburg as a contribution to the broader historiography of Dutch WWII-history.
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Brolsma, Marjet, i Vincent Kuitenbrouwer. "Audio on Paper: The Merits and Pitfalls of the Dutch Digital Media Archive for Studying Transnational Entanglements during the Second World War". VIEW Journal of European Television History and Culture 12, nr 24 (29.12.2023): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/view.306.
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This paper traces the transnational entanglements in the Dutch digital media archive, with a focus on the propaganda battle between pro-Nazi and pro-Allied Dutch media during the Second World War. Reflecting on newspaper and radio source materials in the CLARIAH Media Suite, it points out significant differences in the availability of these two source collections. It argues that these imbalances can be explained by the historical context in which these sources were created as well as by archival policies after 1945. The main problem lies in the digitized radio archive which contains only a relatively small amount of audio and leaves out the enormous amount of documents, such as transcripts and monitoring reports. With our article, we ask for more attention for this form of ‘audio on paper’, which has previously been overlooked by scholars and archivists. In the conclusion we argue for the digitization of these source materials and inclusion in the Media Suite as a first step towards redrawing the borders of media archives, enabling a new research agenda aimed at studying transnational entanglements in war time propaganda.
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Vandenbussche, Wim. "Historische Sociolinguïstiek in Vlaanderen". Thema's en trends in de sociolinguistiek 4 70 (1.01.2003): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttwia.70.05van.
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Historical sociolinguistic research on the Dutch language area during the 19th century has so far mainly been concerned with the situation in Flanders. Given the crucial relevance of this period for the history and the development of Dutch, however, there is a great need for comparable research clarifying the situation in the Northern part of the Dutch language territory. This article, which is explicitly intended as a 'teaser' for such research in the Netherlands, deals with the social communicative functions of dialect, Dutch and French for Flemish upper class writers from the town of Bruges in the 19th century. It will be demonstrated that the commonly accepted views of the opposition between French ([+prestige, upper class]) and Dutch ([-prestige, working class]) do not match the facts found in original archive corpora. Using town council records, meeting minutes from a prestigious upper class circle, and election propaganda, we will show that French, Dutch and dialect were used by the town elite according to stricdy pragmatic considerations to include or exclude specific segments of the town population in various communicative contexts.
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Sellin, Paul R., i Margriet Lacy-Bruijn. "Royalist Propaganda and Dutch Poets on the Execution of Charles I". Dutch Crossing 24, nr 2 (grudzień 2000): 241–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03096564.2000.11730785.
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Hackenbracht, Ryan. "Marvell, Dryden, and Commercial Fishing Propaganda during the Anglo-Dutch Wars". SEL Studies in English Literature 1500-1900 59, nr 3 (2019): 485–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sel.2019.0022.
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Vandenbussche, Wim. "Triglossia and pragmatic variety choice in nineteenth-century Bruges". Journal of Historical Pragmatics 5, nr 1 (8.03.2004): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.5.1.03van.
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This article deals with the roles and functions of dialect, Dutch and French for Flemish upper class writers in the 19th century. It argues against the common opinion that the linguistic situation at that time in Flanders can be characterized by rigid dichotomies such as formal French versus informal dialectal/regional Dutch, and/or upper class French versus middle and lower class (dialectal) Dutch. Analyses of original upper class documents from various archives in the town of Bruges lead to the assertion that the actual choices between the available linguistic resources were to a considerable extent dependent on contextual and pragmatic considerations. Examples taken from town council records, high society correspondence and election propaganda will illustrate the close link between variety choice and the wish to include/exclude certain social groups in distinct communicative settings.
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Barducci, Marco. "Hugo Grotius and the English Republic: The Writings of Anthony Ascham, 1648-1650". Grotiana 32, nr 1 (2011): 40–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607511x603050.
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AbstractIn the present article I examine the influence of Grotius's works on English republican literature by focusing on the writings of Anthony Ascham. Ascham's interpretation of Grotius is set in the context of the multifaceted uses of the Dutch lawyer's works in the 1640s and in early 1650s, comparing it to Marchamont Nedham's use of Grotius in support of the republican regime. In order to explain the purposes behind Ascham's and Nedham's deployment of Grotian language, I seek to connect them with the politics of propaganda carried on by political groupings within the Parliament between 1648 and 1650. Finally, by pointing to Ascham's use of Grotius, some considerations follow concerning Anglo-Dutch republicanism in mid-seventeenth century.
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Yammine, Bruno. ""Honderden keren probeerden de Walen ons ervan te overtuigen dat er geen Vlamingen meer waren …" De 'zaak-Buisset' en de Duitse oorlogspropaganda (1914-1915)". WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 71, nr 3 (11.09.2012): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v71i3.12251.
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Voor het voeren van zijn Flamenpolitik tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog, deed het Duitse Rijk beroep op een omvangrijke propaganda. Daarmee wilde het de Vlaamsgezinden er onder andere van overtuigen dat er in het buitenland een anti-Vlaamse hetze woedde. In vrijwel de hele literatuur over Flamenpolitik en activisme werd (en wordt) het aangenomen dat de wallingant Buisset, een liberale volksvertegenwoordiger uit Henegouwen, al bij de eerste gouverneur-generaal was gaan aandringen op de afschaffing van het Nederlands. Nader onderzoek leert ons echter dat het verhaal over Buisset op een Duitse propagandafabel berust, ons vooral overgeleverd via een bewuste Hineinterpretierung van oud-activist A.L. Faingnaert. Het verhaal moet ook in samenhang gezien worden met de propaganda van de Duitse stromannen in Nederland die medio 1915 de Flamenpolitik een versnelling hoger deden schakelen.________“The Walloons tried to convince us hundreds of times that there were no more Flemings left …” The story about Buisset and the German propaganda (1914-1915)During the First World War, the German Empire called upon an extensive propaganda for the propagation of its Flamenpolitik. In this way, it tried to convince the Pro-Flemish among other things of the existence of an anti-Flemish witch-hunt abroad. Practically the entire literature about the Flamenpolitik and activism assumed (and still assumes) that the wallingant Buisset, a liberal Member of Parliament from Hainault, had already approached the first governor-general to urge the abolishment of the Dutch language. However, further research indicates that the story about Buisset is based on German propaganda fiction, and has in particular been handed down by an intentional Hineinterpretierung by former activist A.L. Faingnaert. The story also needs to be viewed in context with the propaganda of the German front men in the Netherlands who cranked up the Flamenpolitik around the middle of 1915.
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Berezhnaya, Natalia. "Religious Propaganda or Political Manifest: “Open Letters” of Johann Casimir of Palatinate". ISTORIYA 13, nr 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018679-5.
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In the 16th century the factors of confessional propaganda and “public opinion” become very important for public power. Each princedom, defining the principles of imperial and "foreign" policy, was guided by the confessional motivation of the prince and all structures of territorial power (courts institutions, Landtags, city councils), as well as that part of society that had a consolidated opinion in religious affairs (universities, Landeskirchen). Johann Casimir (1543—1592), the son of the Elector Palatinate Friedrich III and regent for his nephew Friedrich IV, began to form the pro-calvinist confessional-political course of the Palatinate. He organized and led the several expeditions to help the French and Dutch Calvinists. The accession to the throne of the Lutheran Ludwig VI made it impossible for Johann Casimir to use the resources of the Palatinate. However, he organized informational support for his actions in defense of Protestantism. Johann Casimir prepared for publication “Confessio Fidei” of Friedrich III (1577, in German, Latin and French), and three “open letters”: about the military actions of Protestants in France (1576, in German and French), about the reasons for the military expedition to the Netherlands (1578, in German, Latin and Dutch), about the reasons for the military expedition in support of the Elector of Cologne (1583—1584, in German and French). Was only religious propaganda the aim of the prince? Or was Johann Casimir guided not the least by political motives and ambitions? Historiography focused on attempts of the Palatinate electors to unite German Protestants at the turn of the 16th — 17th centuries (Friedrich IV and Friedrich V), however, we can assume that the “plan of action” appeared already in Johann Casimir. His interventions were not successful, but allowed the Palatinate to claim leadership among the German Protestants.
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Waite, Gary K. "Empathy for the Persecuted or Polemical Posturing? The 1609 Spanish Expulsion of the Moriscos as Seen in English and Netherlandic Pamphlets". Journal of Early Modern History 17, nr 2 (2013): 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342359.
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Abstract In April, 1609, King Philip III of Spain needed to reinforce his image as defender of the faith as he signed a peace treaty with the Dutch Protestant heretics. He therefore ordered at the same time that the Moriscos—Muslims who some decades earlier had been compelled to convert to Catholicism—be expelled from Valencia. A few of these Moriscos made their way to Holland, where they seem to have been welcomed, thereby contributing to the reputation of the Dutch that they would tolerate any religious position. Even so, very few publications have survived on the subject of the Morisco expulsion, whereas treatises on the Twelve Years’ Truce poured off Dutch and English presses. While few, the English and Dutch language pamphlets on the expulsion decree reveal something about what English and Dutch audiences were told on the subject. How then was the Morisco expulsion explained to, and regarded by, Catholic and Protestant Europeans outside of Spain? While two of the surviving newssheets were accurate translations of Spanish decrees, a third work printed in the Spanish Netherlands defended the expulsion by linking Morisco plots with demonic witchcraft. On the other hand, a few Protestant and Mennonite writers in the Dutch Republic expressed some sympathy for the plight of the Moriscos and conversos as fellow victims of the Spanish Inquisition. Even so, the propaganda over the Treaty of Antwerp of 1609 clearly overshadowed the few works condemning the Morisco expulsion, rewarding Philip III’s decision to release them at the same time.
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Brennan, Gillian E. "Papists and Patriotism in Elizabethan England". Recusant History 19, nr 1 (maj 1988): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020100.
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WHEN Philip II of Spain sent his Armada to invade England in an attempt to cut off support for the Dutch rebels, he did so in the name of God and the Catholic faith. Elizabeth, in turn recognised the propaganda value of an identification of monarch, country and Protestant church at times of national crisis. It was widely believed that, as the Spaniards wanted to overthrow the Protestant church, the English Catholics must have been pro-Spain. Elizabeth had always regarded the Catholics as a danger to her government; it was now easy for her to portray them as traitors to their country. The attempts by Catholics to claim to be patriotic were, understandably, treated with scepticism. But this had not always been the case. The purpose of this article is to outline the struggle to monopolise patriotic propaganda which took place between the government and the English Catholics throughout Elizabeth’s reign.
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Hendriks, Gerda Jansen. "‘Not a colonial war’: Dutch film propaganda in the fight against Indonesia, 1945–49". Journal of Genocide Research 14, nr 3-4 (listopad 2012): 403–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2012.719373.
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Bergman, Tabe, i Eric van de Beek. "Fake WMDs all over again? How Dutch newspapers supported western propaganda on an alleged chemical attack in Syria". Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 16, nr 3 (1.09.2022): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00091_1.
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History shows that wherever there is war, there is propaganda. In part for that reason it is often difficult to discover the truth about events that take place during war. For instance, many initially believed the western assertions that a chemical attack took place in the Syrian city of Douma in April 2018 and that the Syrian government was responsible. Yet it has become increasingly clear that it is more likely than not that the alleged attack did not occur and was instrumentalized for western political purposes. By way of a content analysis and a Critical Discourse Analysis this article investigates how the two most reputable Dutch newspapers reported and commented on the alleged attack in 2018. In particular, it explores the extent of the newspapers’ reliance on western sources and to whom the newspapers assigned responsibility for the alleged attack. The results show that the newspapers heavily depended on western sources and promoted western propaganda by uncritically providing it much prominence. Despite a lack of evidence and before any investigation had taken place, the newspapers often held the Syrian government responsible for the alleged attack.
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Astika Pidada, Ida Bagus. "CARA-CARA NICA MEMPENGARUHI RAKYAT SUPAYA TIDAK BERSIMPATI KEPADA PARA PEJUANG PADA MASA REVOLUSI FISIK DI BALI 1945-1950". KULTURISTIK: Jurnal Bahasa dan Budaya 3, nr 2 (8.07.2019): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/kulturistik.3.2.1194.
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[Title: The Ways of Influencing the People of NICA to Understand at Physical Revolution for Balinese People in Bali 1945-1950] Giving up without the conditions of Lieutenant General H. Ter Pooerten (Commander of the Dutch East Indies) to Lieutenant General Hitosyi Imamura (Japanese Army Chief), then the Dutch East Indies government has since ended in Indonesia. Not a long time ago Japan ruled in Indonesia, on August 15th, 1945 surrendered unconditionally to the allies. Then on March 2nd, 1946 the Y Brigade began landed along the Sanur coast. This Y Brigade is nicknamed "Gajah Merah". The arrival of the Gajah Merah in Bali, the situation became unsafe. The arrival of the Dutch (NICA) received resistance from fighters in Bali under the leadership of Lieutenant Colonel I Gusti Ngurah Rai. Sympathy getting from the Dutch people use various ways of influencing. The Dutch (NICA) influences the people in two ways, namely by means of soft and violent methods. In the soft way the Dutch (NICA) gave material to the people such as: giving cigarettes, snacks, money, batik cloth, rice and traveling by car. In providing soft assistance the Dutch also use their accomplices such as: NICA Gandek, AP and others. The Netherlands (NICA) in this case looks good and generous to the people so they get sympathy. Generally, it is influenced by the Dutch, whose economies are poor and whose education is low. By means of violence, the Dutch deliberately exhibited fighters who were captured by the public such as being kicked, beaten, dragged by car, and shot in front of the people. This method is carried out to regions that are pro-republic so that people become deterred and afraid. In this way the Dutch (NICA) hopes that the people will no longer want to help the fighters. To fall on the mentality of the Dutch people (NICA) deliberately stripped their hands or soldiers who were killed in a war that was paraded around the city by using an open truck that was rumored to be a young man who was killed. The mothers and fathers who were provoked by the Dutch propaganda, his soul was shaken. This is the way the Dutch influenced the Balinese people, however, the Balinese people and fighters were not deterred. Evidently the people and fighters remain united so that the physical revolution that took place in Bali can last long enough.
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RULOF, BERNARD. "Selling Social Democracy in the Netherlands: Activism and its Sources of Inspiration during the 1930s". Contemporary European History 18, nr 4 (29.09.2009): 475–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309990105.
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AbstractDuring the 1930s the Dutch social democratic party changed into a party which sought to reform rather than to abolish capitalism. This transformation was accompanied by a change in tactics and strategy intended to meet the challenges of economic and political crises. Henceforth, the Sociaal-Democratische Arbeiderspartij tried to establish co-operation with social groupings well beyond its traditional rank and file of industrial labourers. A new generation of voluntarist politicians proposed to adopt the methods of propaganda, and turned for inspiration to activities undertaken by Belgian and German socialists, as well as the world of commercial advertising.
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Bond, Katherine. "Mapping Culture in the Habsburg Empire: Fashioning a Costume Book in the Court of Charles V". Renaissance Quarterly 71, nr 2 (2018): 530–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/698140.
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AbstractThis article introduces two manuscript editions of a richly illustrated costume album dated ca. 1548–49. Commissioned by Christoph von Sternsee (d. 1560), the captain of Charles V’s German guard, and composed using visual material sourced from Dutch master Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen (ca. 1500–59), the costume album records the diversity of subjects, customs, and costumes that the guard witnessed across imperial Habsburg Europe. Shaped by Sternsee’s personal experiences of travel, war, and empire, his costume album paints a vivid picture of imperial propaganda and personal ambition, demonstrating the significant role that Habsburg networks and relationships had upon the period’s visual culture.
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., Sulasman. "PANASNYA MATAHARI TERBIT DERITA RAKYAT SUKABUMI PADA MASA PENDUDUKAN JEPANG 1942-1945". Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 5, nr 3 (3.09.2013): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v5i3.97.
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AbstrakTulisan ini bertujuan menggambarkan penderitaan rakyat Sukabumi masa Pendudukan Jepang. Untuk merekonstruksi peristiwa itu digunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa pada awal kedatangannya, tentara Jepang disambut dengan antusias oleh masyarakat Sukabumi. Dengan harapan mereka dapat membebaskan belenggu dari penjajahan Belanda. Banyak tokoh di Sukabumi yang membantu proses pengambilalihan kekuasaan dari tangan Belanda ke Pemerintah Pendudukan Jepang. Ternyata harapan itu tidak sesuai dengan kenyataan. Kebijakan-kebijakannya banyak merugikan bangsa Indonesia. Kebijakannya lebih menekannkan ke arah bagaimana Bangsa Indonesia bisa membantu kepentingannya untuk menjadi imperium baru menggantikan Pemerintah Kolonial Belanda. Pemerintah Pendudukan Jepang telah menggunakan simbol-simbol agama, seperti ulama dan kiai sebagai alat propaganda untuk mendukung program ekonomi perangnya. Ulama dan kiai dididik melalui Program Pendidikan Kader Ulama. Setelah mereka mengikuti pendidikan, diwajibkan menjadi propagandis Pemerintah Pendudukan Jepang dalam program wajib serah padi dan romusha. Kebijakan Pemerintahan Pendudukan Jepang yang melibatkan tokoh tokoh ulama telah menempatkan posisi ulama dan kiai yang tadinya terhormat menjadi tidak terhormat, karena mereka dianggap terlibat dalam peristiwa yang membuat masyarakat Sukabumi mengalami penderitaan. Masyarakat Sukabumi jatuh dalam kemiskinan dan penderitaan ekonomi secara sistematis. Kehidupan masyarakat Sukabumi di bawah Pemerintahan Pendudukan Jepang mengalami penderitaan lahir dan batin. AbstractThis text aims to describe the Sukabumi’s people sufferings at the time of Japanese occupation in Indonesia. For reconstructing the event, it uses the historical method which includes Heuristics, Critics, Interpretation, and Historiography. The result of this study shows that at the beginning of its arrival, the Japanese Troops was enthusiastically welcomed by the Sukabumi’s people. They hoped that the troops can free the people from the Dutch imperialism. There were many figures from Sukabumi who helped the Japanese troops to take over the power from Dutch. In fact, that hope was not realized. The Japanese policies were disadvantageous for Indonesian people. Those policies were emphasized more on how the Indonesian people help the Japanese tobecome the new imperium which substitute the Dutch Colonial Government. The Japanese troops had used the religious symbols such as the scholars and the Kiai as a tool of propaganda to support their economic war program. The scholars and Kiai were trained through The Scholar Cadre Training Program. After trained, they should become the Japanese propagandists in order to tell and ask people to join the paddy grain sharing program and also romusha program. The Japanese policies that involved the scholar figures had replaced the scholars’ and Kiais’ position from the honoured one to become the dishonoured one. It was because they were assumed to be responsible for the Sukabumi’s people suffering. The Sukabumi’s people suffered from the poverty and also suffered from the systematically economic decreasing. The Sukabumi’s people life was physically and psychologically suffering under the Japanese occupation.
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Downs, Katie. "Cinderella! Cinderella!: A closer look into Dutch seventeenth-century gender roles and genre paintings". Visual Inquiry 9, nr 3 (1.12.2020): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/vi_00016_1.
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This article highlights a time when Northern artists were no longer allowed to paint or carve holy images as they had done during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The Catholic Church banned this art form due to the interpretation of the second commandment: ‘Thou shalt make no graven image of thy God’. Genre paintings were the outcome of this banishment and a way to represent and depict an everyday life scene in a Dutch seventeenth-century household. The paintings would show the best of a situation and also its worst counterpart in almost a mocking comical way. By exploring these paintings, we come to understand how women were fed propaganda into becoming a better housewife, mother and bearing the weight of physical nourisher to all. Although amusing, the images have been celebrated and considered legendary during the Golden Age of the Netherlands. While taking a closer look at genre paintings and the everyday practices of the Dutch household, we can connect patterns to how these paintings affected women and influenced their domestic duties in the Golden Age.
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Zara, Muhammad Yuanda. "Indonesian Mockery of the Dutch during the Indonesian Struggle to Maintain Independence (1945-1948)". BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 136, nr 3 (30.09.2021): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.6885.
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Research on the struggle for Indonesian independence (1945-1949) and the harsh response of the Dutch to their former colony is abundant, with most studies focusing on the nature and forms of violence. One neglected area of research is how Indonesian nationalists represented the conflict in the form of mockery. This study intends to fill this gap by examining mocking textual representations of the Dutch, created and disseminated by Indonesians through print media. By 1945, the Indonesians had declared their independence and considered themselves fully capable of taking care of their new country. When the Dutch tried to take back rule in Indonesia, they were sarcastically accused of trying to recolonise Indonesia by cruel means. By contrasting the good ‘us’ with the bad ‘them’, mocking representations became a way for Indonesians to ridicule the Dutch. In these representations, the Dutch were portrayed as the people of a tiny country – compared to a large Indonesia – who were colonial-minded in an equal post-war world. Indonesians moreover emphasised the weak authority of the Dutch in Java and depicted them as perpetrators who falsely arrested innocent Indonesians, as producers of false propaganda, and as people who often boasted to be clever but actually lacked knowledge and were easily deceived by Indonesian fighters. This paper elucidates issues pertaining a type of representations that should be understood as an additional, yet often forgotten form of resistance against occupying foreign forces in the post-World War II era.De Indonesische onafhankelijkheidsstrijd (1945-1949) en de felle response van de Nederlanders op hun voormalige kolonie is veelvuldig onderzocht, waarbij de meeste studies zich richten op de aard en de vormen van geweld. Een grotendeels verwaarloosd onderzoeksgebied is de vraag hoe Indonesische nationalisten het conflict verbeeldden in de vorm van spot. Dit artikel tracht deze leemte te vullen en onderzoekt spottende tekstuele representaties van Nederlanders, gemaakt en verspreid door Indonesiërs via gedrukte media. In 1945 hadden de Indonesiërs de onafhankelijkheid uitgeroepen en achtten zij zichzelf volledig in staat om hun eigen land te besturen. Toen Nederland probeerde de macht in Indonesië terug te grijpen, gebruikten Indonesiërs sarcasme om te wijzen op de wrede acties van de Nederlanders in hun pogingen het land te herkoloniseren. Door de goede ‘wij’ te contrasteren met de slechte ‘zij’, werden spottende representaties een manier voor Indonesiërs om de Nederlanders belachelijk te maken. In deze voorstellingen werden de Nederlanders onder andere afgeschilderd als het volk van een piepklein land – vergeleken met het grote Indonesië – dat in het naoorlogse klimaat van gelijkwaardigheid vasthield aan koloniale gebruiken en denkpatronen. Daarnaast benadrukten Indonesiërs het zwakke gezag van de Nederlanders op Java en schilderden zij hen af als daders die ten onrechte onschuldige Indonesiërs arresteerden, als makers van valse propaganda, en als mensen die er prat op gingen slim te zijn, maar in werkelijkheid dom waren en makkelijk te misleiden waren door Indonesische strijders. Door te focussen op dergelijke humoristische, satirische representaties, analyseert dit artikel een belangrijke, maar vaak vergeten vorm van verzet tegen bezettende buitenlandse machten in het tijdperk na de Tweede Wereldoorlog.
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Villani, Stefano. "“A Man of Intrigue but of No Virtue”". Church History and Religious Culture 101, nr 2-3 (21.07.2021): 306–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10026.
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Abstract This chapter reconstructs the life of Jean-Baptiste Stouppe (1623–1692), a Huguenot of Italian origin who in the 1650s moved to England and was employed by Oliver Cromwell in important diplomatic / espionage missions. Passing into the service of Louis XIV as a soldier, he published some pro-French propaganda works aimed at Protestants, including a famous description of Dutch religious life, published in 1673, notorious for its negative portrayal of Spinoza’s philosophy. While presenting himself as a defender of Protestant orthodoxy, Stouppe was in fact a libertine with magical-alchemical interests. An unscrupulous and ambiguous figure, his intellectual trajectory is clearly inserted in what has been defined as the crisis of the European conscience.
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Valkema Blouw, Paul. "A Cologne printer working for William of Orange: Godfried Hirtzhorn jun., 1568-72". Quaerendo 25, nr 1 (1995): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006995x00116.
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AbstractThe report of Alva's arrival as Philip II's captain-general and the announcement that all those would be prosecuted who had had any connection with the troubles of 1566 led to a massive emigration from the Netherlands. The leader of the Dutch Revolt, William of Orange, withdrew to Germany in order to lead the rebellion from Dillenburg. In order to do this he chose a highly modern medium: the printing press, which was to play a decisive role in arousing the population to armed resistance against Spanish rule. As his collaborator in the propaganda campaign the Prince selected another fugitive, the town pensionary of Antwerp Jacob van Wesenbeke. The latter soon proved immensely active: in 1568 and 1569, on the orders and at the
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Huigen, Siegfried. "Boekbespreking: Kuitenbrouwer, Vincent, War of words. Dutch pro-boer propaganda and the South African war (1899-1902)". Internationale Neerlandistiek 51, nr 3 (1.10.2013): 295–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ivn2013.3.huig.
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Corduwener, P. "Boekbespreking - Vincent Kuitenbrouwer, War of words. Dutch pro-Boer propaganda and the South African War (1899-1902)". Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 126, nr 1 (1.03.2013): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2013.1.cord.
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Giebels, Ludy. "Waarom werd Jacob Israël de Haan vermoord?" Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, nr 1 (1.04.2014): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.1.gieb.
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In 1924 the Dutch journalist and poet Jacob Israel de Haan was assassinated in Jerusalem by members of the Zionist Haganah. His death has been described as the price he paid for his struggle on behalf of the Palestine Arabs. He was labeled therefore as the Jewish (or even Dutch) Lawrence of Arabia. Indeed, in his writings De Haan pointed out the incompatibility of Zionist demands with Arab expectations. Yet he was in the first place a champion of Jewish orthodoxy as represented by Rabbi Chaim Sonnenfeld, the leader of the Ashkenazi community in Jerusalem. His quarrel with the Zionist Organization crystallized around their claim also to represent Jewish orthodoxy. Because of De Haan’s efforts the British Colonial Office in London did not combine the Sonnenfeldgroup into the Zionist Chief rabbinate as had been planned by High Commissioner Herbert Samuel. The Zionist Organization became nervous about De Haan’s propaganda. Extracting from King-Caliph Husayn of the Hedjaz in February 1924 a statement that His Highness considered the ‘godless’ Zionism a danger for Islam was De Haan’s last diplomatic act. This was denounced at the instigation of Frederick Kisch, the political Zionists' chief in Jerusalem, and probably sealed De Haan’s fate, following a number of other threats in the previous years.
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Dwisusilo, Syahrur Marta, i Lucitra A. Yuniar. "Mobility and Ideological Perspective of Asano Akira in Java During Period of Japan Occupation". MOZAIK HUMANIORA 20, nr 1 (31.08.2020): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mozaik.v20i1.16831.
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The period of Japanese occupation for 3 years in Indonesia is sort when compared to the Dutch colonial period. However, at that time it was a critical time for the formation of various ideological thoughts. One of the ideologies that emerged in the Japanese colonial era was the ideology of "Greater Asia", which is known as the ideology of unification of Asia. During the Pacific War, Japanese writers who underwent military service in Indonesia published many of his writings for the purposes of Japanese military propaganda, especially those related to prapaganda of Greater Asia ideology. One of the most active writers in spreading this ideology was Asano Akira. This research clarifies the role of Asano Akira in spreading the ideology of Greater Asia through its activities and mobility in Java with the approach of new historicism and orientalism.
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Handayani, Pipit Mugi, i Zainal Arifin. "SASTRA CETAK AWAL HINDIA BELANDA DI SEMARANG". SUSASTRA: Jurnal Ilmu Susastra dan Budaya 12, nr 1 (19.11.2023): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.51817/susastra.v12i1.140.
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This research was conducted to trace the development of printed literature at the beginning of the Dutch East Indies Government. This study aimed to identify printed Malay language documents found in libraries throughout Central Java,especially in Semarang, which was printed before World War II, focusing on the period 1820-1940 (the colonial era and the growth of print literacy in Malays). The categorization of literary publishers was attempted to characterize the development of printed literature in the Dutch East Indies. Qualitative research methods with descriptive qualitative analysis techniques were used to convey accurate data obtained from library studies and field data in the form of printing and publishing data in the form of lists of newspapers printed during the Early Dutch East Indies around 1880-1945.qualitative research methods with descriptive qualitative analysis techniques by conveying accurate data obtained from library studies and field data in the form of printing and publishing data in the form of lists of newspapers printed during the Early Dutch East Indies around 1880-1945. To trace the development of early printed literature in the Dutch East Indies, data were obtained from several publications and printers that printed newspapers, brochures, and books on politics, health, and literature. Several sources obtained results related to data on the number of publications or printing presses in Semarang as well as the newspapers printed by these printing presses. The conclusion of this research is that the initial development of printed literature began with the presence of various printing and publishing houses. It was recorded that there were 16 publishing and printing companies operating over a period of 100 years from 1845-1945 to. Early printed literature in the Dutch East Indies usually took the form of newspapers or books. There are approximately 19 newspapers which are daily or weekly which are published and used very well by the Dutch government as promotional, educational and even propaganda media. Of the many publications and printers that exist and thrive in Semarang, only a few print literary works in the form of books and newspapers. It is known that there are only three printers or publishers that print literary books: G.C.T. van Dorp Co., Semarang Drukkerij en Boekhandel H. A. Benjamins and NV Boekahandelen, Drukkerij Masman and Stroink.AbstrakPenelitian ini dilakukan dalam upaya penelusuran perkembangan sastra cetak di awal Pemerintahan Hindia Belanda. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengetahui bagaimana dokumen cetakan berbahasa Melayu yang terdapat di perpustakaan di seluruh di Jawa Tengah, Terkhusus di Semarang. yang dicetak pada masa sebelum Perang Dunia II. dalam kurun waktu 1820-1940 (zaman kolonial dan pertumbuhan keberaksaraan cetak di Melayu), dan bagaimanapengategorisasian penerbit-penerbit sastra diupayakan sebagai sumber pembabakan perkembangan sastra cetak masa Hindia Belanda. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknis analisis deskriptif kualitatif dengan menyampaikan data-data akurat yang didapatkan dari studi pustaka dan data lapangan berupa data percetakan dan penerbitan berupa daftar surat kabar yang dicetak pada masa Hindia Belanda awal sekitar tahun 1880-1945-an. Pada penelusuran perkembangan sastra cetak awal Hindia Belanda, didapatkan data beberapa penerbitan dan percetakan yang mencetak surat kabar, brosur dan buku baik politik, kesehatan, maupun sastra. Beberapa sumber diperoleh hasil terkait data jumlah penerbitan atau percetakan yang berada di Semarang serta surat kabar yang dicetak oleh percetakan-percetakan tersebut. Temuan penelitian ini adalah perkembangan awal sastra cetak dimulai dengan hadirnya berbagai percetakan dan penerbitan. Tercatat ada 16 perusahaan penerbitan dan percetakan yang beroperasi pada kisaran waktu 100 tahun dari 1845-1945. Sastra cetak awal Hindia Belanda biasanya berbentuk surat kabar atau buku sastra. Terdapat lebih kurang 19 surat kabar yang merupakan harian atau mingguan yang terbit dan dimanfaatkan dengan sangat baik oleh pemerinah Belanda sebagai media promosi, edukasi bahkan propaganda. Dari sekian banyak penerbitan dan percetakan yang ada dan tumbuh berkembang di Semarang tersebut, hanya sedikit yang mencetak karya sastra dalam bentuk buku atau surat kabar. Diketahui hanya ada tiga percetakan atau penerbit yang mencetak buku literatur di antaranya G.C.T. van Dorp Co., Semarang Drukkerij en Boekhandel H. A. Benjamins dan NV Boekahandelen Drukkerij Masman dan Stroink.
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LEVILLAIN, CHARLES-EDOUARD. "WILLIAM III'S MILITARY AND POLITICAL CAREER IN NEO-ROMAN CONTEXT, 1672–1702". Historical Journal 48, nr 2 (27.05.2005): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004425.
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William III's military and political career was marked by a sustained tension between his obsessive struggle against France and the fear caused by his accession to enhanced titles of power. Crucial to William's shift from stadholderate to kingship was his assumption of emergency powers in 1672 to defend his country against French invasion. Throughout his stadholderate (1672–1702), he came to be seen by his Dutch republican opponents as a Roman dictator intent on using military power to break the harmony of the constitution, while Orangist propaganda tried to present the rule of the One as the best remedy to the recurrent danger of civil war and anarchy. Spurred by the Ryswick treaty of September 1697 and fuelled by a deeply engrained tradition of resistance to any expanded military establishment, the standing army debates of 1697–9 came as an effort to understand a major political controversy in the light of the history of republican Rome. The political theorists of the New Country Party strove to reassert the superiority of civil over military power by showing how the decay of the Roman Republic had been caused by a departure from the civic militia paradigm and a drift towards military monarchy which fostered the growth of tyranny. It was thought that England's commitment to a prolonged war effort would entail a similar process and imperil the age-old balance between king and parliament. The contention of this article is that the standing army debates of 1697–9 can be construed as an encounter between Dutch and English neo-Romanism, crystallizing in the controversial figure of William. An overall view of William's military and political career and the search for elements of continuity in his supporters' and his opponents' arguments will serve to look at the role of historicism in the construction of a late seventeenth-century Anglo-Dutch ideological space.
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Hoefte, Rosemarijn. "Commercial Eldorado?" New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 70, nr 3-4 (1.01.1996): 301–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002625.
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[First paragraph]De eerste Adam & De rots der struikeling. BOELI VAN LEEUWEN. Amsterdam: Ooievaar, 1996. 237 pp. (Paper NLG 25.00)Gedane zaken: De beste verhalen. HUGO Pos. Amsterdam: Ooievaar, 1996. 230 pp. (Paper NLG 15.00)Maar ik blijf. ASTRID H. ROEMER. Amsterdam: Ooievaar, 1996. 763 pp. (Paper NLG 25.00)De allermooiste romans van de Antillen en Suriname. Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij, 1996. 605 pp. (Paper NLG 39.90)Zingende eilanden. WIM RUTGERS (ed.). Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij, 1996. 317 pp. (Paper NLG 25.00)De eeuwige belofte van Eldorado: Verhalen over Latijns-Amerika en het Caribisch gebied. Nieuwegein: Aspekt, 1996. 188 pp. (Paper NLG 34.50)Echo van eldorado. ROSEMARIJN HOEFTE & GERT OOSTINDIE (comps). Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij, 1996. 150 pp. (Paper NLG 15.00)Achter het eeuwig El Dorado: Fictie en realiteit in Latijnsamerikaanse literatuur. GEERT A. BANCK et al. Amsterdam: Thela, 1996. 140 pp. (Paper NLG 19.90)Eldorado: Werkelijkheid en droom. ROBERT LEMM. Amsterdam: Arbeiderspers, 1996. 160 pp. (Paper NLG 29.90)302 New West Indian Guide/Nieuwe West-Indische Gids vol. 70 rw. 3 & 4Surinaamse recepten van A tot Z. MURIEL SAM-SIN-HEWITT. Schoorl: Conserve, 1996. 243 pp. (Paper NLG 29.95)De Bonistraat. AMBER NAHAR. Amsterdam: Piramide, 1996. 71 pp. (Cloth NLG 19.90)Beneden en boven de wind: Literatuur van de Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba. WIM RUTGERS. Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij, 1996. 468 pp. (Paper NLG 54.90)Elisabeth Samson: Een vrije, zwarte vrouw in het 18e-eeuwse Suriname. CYNTHIA MC LEOD. Schoorl: Conserve, 1996. 177 pp. (Paper NLG 29.90)De beroepsherinneraar en andere verhalen. ANIL RAMDAS. Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij, 1996. 280 pp. (Paper NLG 34.90)Geef mij maareen Surinamer. RONALD SNIJDERS. Amsterdam: Prometheus, 1996. 88 pp. (Paper NLG 19.90)De vrolijke dood van David Caprino. HENRY MENCKEBERG. Amsterdam: Meulenhoff. 291 pp. (Paper NLG 39.90)Caribische winter. ANNA BRIDIÉ. Amsterdam: Contact, 1996. 222 pp. (Cloth NLG 39.90)Ma Rochelle passée, Welkom El Dorado: Surinaamse historische roman. CYNTHIA MC LEOD. Schoorl: Conserve, 1996. 277 pp. (Paper NLG 39.95)Gewaagd leven. ASTRID H. ROEMER. Amsterdam: Arbeiderspers, 1996. 239 pp. (Paper NLG 29.90)Each year in March an organization with the rather awkward name Collectieve Propaganda voor het Nederlandse Boek (Collective Propaganda for Dutch Books, CPNB) organizes the Dutch national Book Week around a unifying idea. The theme for 1996 was "Eternal Eldorado: Literature from Latin America and the Caribbean." Even though many booksellers expressed their disappointment with this subject, arguing that the Latin American literary boom had long passed, publishers were not deterred. A great number of publications on Latin America and particularly the (Dutch) Caribbean appeared. Some of these books would have been published anyway and now could take advantage of all the accompanying media publicity, others were produced expressly with the Eldorado theme in mind.
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Kunkeler, Nathaniël. "Organising National Socialism: Nazi Organisation in Sweden and the Netherlands, 1931–1939". Contemporary European History 30, nr 3 (19.07.2021): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000230.
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This article compares the party apparatuses of the National Socialist Movement of the Netherlands and the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Sweden. These two parties, founded in the 1930s, both to some extent mimicked the organisational model of Hitler's party in Germany. While this has been frequently noted, the deployment of this model in practice has not been analysed in any detail. The article explores the specific characters of the Swedish and Dutch fascist party organisations diachronically vis-à-vis propaganda, member activism and internal cohesion, highlighting their changes, successes and failures. The comparison reveals that the party apparatus was highly dependent on the specifics of national infrastructure, demographic distribution and urbanisation and the physical landscape, with notable consequences for internal party cohesion and morale. In the final analysis the relative appeal and popularity of the parties is shown party be the result of how the Nazi organisational model was deployed in practice within each national context.
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Widi Wardojo, Waskito, Singgih Tri Sulistiyono, Endang Susilowati i Yety Rochwulaningsih. "Socio Cultural Reactions Before the Nationalitation of Dutch Railroad in Indonesia 1945-1958". E3S Web of Conferences 202 (2020): 07049. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202020207049.
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The issue of the nationalization of Dutch companies (railroad), which strengthened in the early 1950s, had caused some concern among Dutch companies. The issue was rolled by leftists who were disappointed with some of the results of the Round Table Conference (RTC) in December 1949. There was a phenomenon of xenophobia among natives of something that smelled of foreign (Western) so that the government policies that emerged were rooted in this matter, starting from the Benteng program and the nationalization of the company foreign. This paper aims to parse the anti-foreign phenomenon before nationalization by emphasizing the socio-cultural aspects. If the political process is carried out by the state political elite, then the social process is carried out by other elements of society such as trade unions in the form of boycotts, strikes and demonstrations. While cultural action is carried out by elements of society such as artists and humanists who carry out a variety of artistic actions such as murals, propaganda graffiti, advertisements in the mass media or images that burn the spirit of warriors on the walls in the city area. Particularly among railways, various socio-cultural activities were carried out by the Djawatan Kereta Api (DKA) in the 1950s. This research uses historical research methods based on primary sources traced from archival institutions and libraries. Research results show that the phenomenon of xenophobia that occurred in the decade of the 50s is part of the national socio-political criticism expressed through various forms of social culture.
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Huigen, Siegfried. "Book review: War of Words. Dutch Pro-Boer Propaganda and the South African War (1899-1902), written by Vincent Kuitenbrouwer". Quaerendo 44, nr 1-2 (14.10.2014): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700690-12341287.
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Wünschmann, Kim. "‘Enemy Aliens’ and ‘Indian Hostages’: Civilians in Dutch–German Wartime Diplomacy and International Law during the Second World War". German History 39, nr 2 (1.06.2021): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghab004.
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Abstract May 1940 marked a turning point in belligerent states’ policies targeting foreign civilians in the Second World War. This study investigates the radicalization of restrictive measures enacted against so-called enemy aliens in the Dutch–German confrontation by linking developments in Europe with those in the colonial sphere. Mass civilian internment in the Dutch East Indies and German reprisals in the form of hostage-taking in the occupied Netherlands affected thousands of men, women and children. Their treatment is analysed in the broader context of the workings of wartime diplomacy and its guiding principle of reciprocity. The article shows that both Germany and the Netherlands made extensive use of the good offices of their respective protecting powers, Switzerland and Sweden. The international laws of war—although underdeveloped when it came to the protection of non-combatants—not only served as a yardstick to assess the treatment of civilians in enemy hands, but also formed a constant point of reference in a propaganda war in which each belligerent sought to justify its own restrictive policies while denouncing its opponent’s. On the one hand, the legal category of nationality was employed by both state authorities and affected individuals in their attempts to define or deny enemy status. On the other hand, nationality proved a fragile concept surrounded by ambiguities and bound up with complex emotions of belonging and alienness—most strikingly at work in the colonial setting, where racial identities determined an individual’s status in a social order vitally dependent on the construction of ‘ethnic’ boundaries.
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Koadhi, Sudir. "DAKWAH DAN ISLAM FUNDAMENTALIS". TASAMUH 16, nr 1 (1.12.2018): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/tasamuh.v16i1.541.
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The term fundamentalism was initially used only to refer to Catholics who rejected modernity and maintained the teachings of religious orthodoxy. However, at present, the term is also used for adherents of other religions which have similarities so there are also Islamic, Hindu and Buddhist fundamentalism. Over time, the use of the term fundamentalism raises certain images, such as extremism, fanaticism, or even terrorism in maintaining religious beliefs. The Islamic fundamentalist movement in Indonesia is more influenced by domestic and foreign social-political instability, from the Dutch colonial era until the end of the Suharto government. The era of reform, freedom of opinion and groups, is a moment for fundamentalists to voice their opinions, offer solutions to overcome the multidimensional crisis that occurred in Indonesia. Therefore, the propaganda of wisdom, advice, and dialogue must continue to be established with the fundamental groups of Islam to straighten out some of them have come out of the rules of Amar makruf nahimungkar. Advice and dialogue must continue to be made for them to improve the shortcomings
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Supratman, Frial Ramadhan. "Before the Ethical Policy: The Ottoman State, Pan-Islamism, and Modernisation in Indonesia, 1898–1901". Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 54, nr 2 (14.12.2016): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2016.542.447-475.
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By drawing on Ottoman-Turkish documents in the Prime Minister’s Ottoman Archives, this paper investigates the role of the Ottoman state and Pan-Islamic ideology on modernisation in Indonesia. The article revisits the process defining the Ethical Policy (Politik Etis) as the turning point of the emergence of modernisation in Indonesia. In existing scholarship, the ‘Ethical Policy’ became the grand narrative in Indonesian history, meanwhile the influence of Pan-Islamism is only seen as the unsuccessful political propaganda of Abdulhamid II on the anti-colonialism movement in Indonesia. Many Indonesian and Ottoman historians view Pan-Islamism in the context of anti-colonialism fighting against the Dutch militarily in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This article proposes an alternative view to this narrative which acknowledges Pan-Islamism as a modernisation step for Indonesians which was signed by the Jawi students arrival in Istanbul and shows the Hadhrami community as the agent of modernisation. In short, the article shows the Ottoman influence on the emergence of the Ethical Policy of 1901 in Indonesia.[Menggunakan dokumen-dokumen Turki Utsmani yang disimpan di Prime Minister’s Ottoman Archives, makalah ini meneliti peran imperium Utsmani dan ideologi Pan-Islam dalam modernisasi Indonesia. Hal itu dilakukan dengan meninjau kembali proses mendefinisikan Politik Etis sebagai titik balik lahirnya modernisasi Indonesia. Dalam literatur yang ada sekarang, Politik Etis menjadi cerita utama dalam sejarah Indonesia, sementara Pan-Islamisme hanya dipandang sebagai propaganda gagal dari Abdulhamid II bagi gerakan anti kolonial di Indonesia. Kebanyakan sejarawan di Indonesia dan Turki dalam konteks perjuangan melawan penjajah Belanda. Artikel ini menawarkan narasi alternatif yang mengakui Pan-Islamisme sebagai salah satu tahapan penting modernisasi Indonesia yang ditandai dengan datangnya para mahasiswa Jawa di Istambul dan menunjukkan peran komunitas Hadhrami sebagai agen modernisasi.]
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H. Meurer, Peter. "Oscar Werner, S.J., and the Reform of Catholic Atlas Cartography in Germany (1884–88)". Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, nr 1 (11.03.2019): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00601009.
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The article describes a short but innovative chapter in the history of Catholic atlas making. The work was done by exiled German Jesuits in the Dutch houses after the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1872 during the Kulturkampf. The project began in 1880–81 with four maps of China and India in the Catholic journal Die katholischen Missionen by Alexander Baumgartner, S.J. (1841–1910). His work was taken over by Oscar Werner, S.J. (1849–?). Werner’s Katholischer Missions-Atlas (1884) was the first Catholic missionary atlas. Its twenty-seven maps covered the worldwide dioceses subject to the Propaganda Fide. The supplementary Katholischer Kirchen-Atlas (1888) included fourteen maps of lands with an established Catholic hierarchy. Published in a large number of copies for a low price, both atlases helped to popularize Catholic cartography. This Jesuit groundwork abruptly ended when Werner resigned from the Society in 1891. The German tradition in Catholic atlas cartography was then taken over by members of Society of Divine Word, beginning with the Katholischer Missionsatlas (1906) by Karl Streit svd (1874–1935) and continuing for over a century with the Atlas hierarchicus (1913–2011).
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Aditia, Dimas, Erika Sukma Lestari, Dea Nuci Adelia, Suparman Arif i Yusuf Perdana. "Gerakan Feminisme Fujinkai dalam Perspektif Sejarah Perjuangan Perempuan di Indonesia". Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 6, nr 1 (23.06.2022): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v6i1.5145.
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The Dutch defeat of its rule in the colonies ended the practice of colonialism and western-style imperialism. However, that does not necessarily make Indonesia immediately free and independent just like that. During the Japanese rule, various forms of propaganda were introduced, one of which was Fujinkai which was made at the beginning of the Japanese occupation of Indonesia. Fujinkai became a women's organization, significantly overshadowing all women's activities at that time. This study aims to study the Fujinkai Feminism Movement from the Perspective of the History of Women's Struggle in Indonesia. At the same time, there is also a line of supporters who participate in the Japanese tantara. The method used in this study is a historical method consisting of 5 stages: determination of topics, source collection (heuristic), source criticism, interpretation, and writing (historiography). The result of this research includes looking at Fujinkai's role in the history of Indonesian women's struggle in the field of Education and social activities, establishing relationships with Japan in the fields of arts and virtues, and sharpening science and skills training.Kekalahan Belanda atas kekuasaannya di daerah jajahan mengakhiri praktik kolonialisme dan imperialisme ala barat. Namun, hal itu tidak serta merta membuat Indonesia langsung merdeka dan merdeka begitu saja. Pada masa pemerintahan Jepang, berbagai bentuk propaganda diperkenalkan, salah satunya adalah Fujinkai yang dibuat pada awal pendudukan Jepang di Indonesia. Fujinkai menjadi organisasi wanita, yang secara signifikan menaungi semua aktivitas wanita saat itu. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji gerakan feminisme Fujinkai dari perspektif sejarah perjuangan perempuan di Indonesia. Pada saat yang sama, ada juga barisan pendukung yang ikut serta dalam tantara Jepang. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah yang terdiri dari 5 tahap: penentuan topik, pengumpulan sumber (heuristik), kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan penulisan (historiografi). Hasil penelitian ini antara lain melihat peran Fujinkai dalam sejarah perjuangan perempuan Indonesia di bidang pendidikan dan kegiatan sosial, menjalin hubungan dengan Jepang dalam bidang seni dan kebajikan, serta mengasah ilmu pengetahuan dan pelatihan keterampilan.
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Andriani, Beky Frisca. "PERANAN HAJI MISBACH DALAM PERGERAKAN ISLAM KOMUNISME DI SURAKARTA PADA TAHUN 1914-1926". KARMAWIBANGGA: Historical Studies Journal 2, nr 2 (4.01.2021): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31316/fkip.v2i2.1093.
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This study aims to: (1) describe the biography of Haji Misbach; (2) describe Haji Misbach's thoughts about the Islamic communism movement; (3) to describe the role of Haji Misbach in the Islamic communism movement in Surakarta in 1914- 1926. The research method used in this research is a historical method written descriptively-analytically. By using historical, political, social and religious approaches. The first stage is heuristics. Second, verification. Third, interpretation. Fourth, historiography, with the nature of research, literature or literature studies. The results of this study indicate that: (1) Haji Misbach was born with the name Ahmad, in Kauman, Surakarta, in 1876. He grew up in a family of batik traders. He is better known as Haji Misbach; (2) Haji Misbach wanted to juxtapose the teachings of communism and Islam. In his thought, Haji Misbach called on Muslims to fight and jihad against the capitalists and Dutch colonialism. On the one hand, Communism is a means of struggle against capitalism; (3) The role of Haji Misbach in the Islamic communism movement occurred during 1914 to 1926. He fought a lot by joining in several organizations and was active in establishing, leading, and managing a newspaper which he used as a media to carry out propaganda fighting for people's freedom from shackles. Capitalism wrapped in colonialism.
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Cipta, Samudra Eka. "Pergulatan Tradisi, Agama, Negara: Analisis Sosio-Kultural Keturunan Tionghoa dan Perkembangan Gereja Tionghoa Indonesia (1950-1999)". SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 3, nr 1 (31.12.2020): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v3i1.890.
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During the Dutch East Indies there were several Chinese-Christian communities characterized by the existence of the Chinese church. The Liberal Democratic period of Chinese-Christian development is experiencing rapid development. The developments are supported by government policies regarding religious identity issues for the people of descent. After the fall of democracy guided by the birth of the New Order, the development of the Chinese-Christians increased sharply. The politics that the new Order period is ' ' political assimilation ' ' by trying to remove cultural elements in a particular society. This is marked by the new Order government policy that prohibits the practice of Confucian teaching on Chinese descent as a form of propaganda in Chinese communism. During the new order Mas Chinese descent did a massive religious conversion. Another impact for the people of descent is the name change by the name of Indonesian people in general. This research gave birth to problem formulation of 1) how early social development of Chinese descent society?, 2) How the Indonesian Chinese community response to the government policy of time Sukarno and Suharto?, 3) How is the effort of reconciliation in the effort to preserve the values of culture and philosophy for the Society of Chinese descent?.