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1
Schippmann, Sophie-Charlotte. "“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The Fate of Ethnic German Expellees in Post-War Austria". Sprawy Narodowościowe, nr 41 (13.02.2022): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.017.
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“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The Fate of Ethnic German Expellees in Post-War AustriaThe large influx of ethnic Germans from the East into Germany at the end of the Second World War is a well-known and researched fact. However, there were also about 300,000–632,000 expellees that ended up in post-war Austria. In contrast to Germany, Austria was not required by the Potsdam Agreement to take them in and consequently advocated their deportation. It was not only the financial burden associated with the expellees but also Austria’s aim to convince the Allies of the “victim myth” that motivated Austria to favour deportation over integration. Taking in ethnic German expellees would highlight Austria’s close past with Germany and could even be perceived as an acceptance of legal succession of the Third Reich. The Allies initially supported Austria’s decision but except for a large number of deportations in 1946 the plan was not carried to its conclusion. Around 350,000 expellees were able to remain in Austria. However, the fact that they were not granted equal rights in all areas until 1971 shows they were not welcome in Austria for a long time. „Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: Los przesiedlonej ludności niemieckiej w powojennej AustriiFakt, że pod koniec drugiej wojny światowej do Niemiec licznie napływali ze wschodu etniczni Niemcy, jest dobrze znany i zbadany. Jednak od około 300 000 do 632 000 przesiedlonych trafiło także do powojennej Austrii. Na Austrii, inaczej niż na Niemczech, nie ciążył nałożony w tzw. deklaracji poczdamskiej obowiązek ich przyjęcia, wobec czego Austria opowiedziała się za ich deportacją. Z przyjęciem przesiedleńców wiązały się dla niej ciężary finansowe, ale nie tylko: Austria chciała też przekonać aliantów do swego „mitu ofiary”. Austriacy przychylali się raczej do deportacji, a nie do integracji. Przyjęcie niemieckich przesiedlonych rzucałoby nowe światło na ścisłe związki Austrii z Niemcami w przeszłości, a nawet mogłoby być postrzegane jako akceptacja sukcesji prawnej po Trzeciej Rzeszy. Alianci początkowo popierali stanowisko Austrii w tej sprawie. Jednak pominąwszy liczniejsze deportacje, jakie miały miejsce w roku 1946, plany nie zostały urzeczywistnione. Około 350 000 przesiedlonym pozwolono pozostać w Austrii. Niemniej fakt, że nie przyznawano im równych praw we wszystkich sferach życia aż do roku 1971, świadczy o tym, iż przez długi czas nie byli oni w tym kraju dobrze widziani.
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Goldman, Natasha. "From Ravensbrück to Berlin: Will Lammert’s Monument to the Deported Jews 1957/1985". Images 9, nr 1 (22.05.2016): 140–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340056.
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In 1985 one of the earliest memorials dedicated to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust was installed in East Berlin. The Monument to the Deported Jews was an arrangement of thirteen bronze figures in expressionist style. Will Lammert, the artist, originally designed the figures for the base of his monument for Ravensbrück in 1957. The artist died in 1957, however, before finalizing his design for the monument. Only two figures on a pylon were installed at the concentration camp in 1959. The figures meant for the base of the Ravensbrück memorial were unfinished, but were nonetheless cast in bronze by the artist’s family. Thirteen of those figures were installed on the Große Hamburger Straße in 1985 by the artist’s grandson, Mark Lammert. This essay analyzes the Große Hamburger Straße monument in three ways: first, it returns to the literature on the Ravensbrück memorial in order to better understand the role that the unfinished figures would have played, had they been installed. I argue that they originally were most likely meant to depict “Strafestehen”—or torture by standing—at Ravensbrück. Secondly, it aims to explain why and how Lammert’s seemingly expressionist memorial would have been acceptable to East Germany in 1959. While Western art historical attitudes toward East Germany up until the 1990s assumed that Soviet socialist realism was the de facto art style of the Deutsche Demokratische Republik (DDR), some elements of expressionism were being theorized in the late 1950s, at precisely the time when Lammert designed the Ravensbrück monument. Finally, I analyze the role that a monument for Ravensbrück plays in this particular neighborhood of Mitte, Berlin: standing silently, they are no longer legible as women being tortured by standing. Instead, the sculptures signify, at the same time, the deported Jews of Berlin and the harrowing aftermath of their deportations, the improbable return of the deported Jews, and the changing attitudes toward the history of the neighborhood in which the sculptural group is located.
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Dadrian, Vahakn N. "THE ARMENIAN QUESTION AND THE WARTIME FATE OF THE ARMENIANS AS DOCUMENTED BY THE OFFICIALS OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE'S WORLD WAR I ALLIES: GERMANY AND AUSTRIA–HUNGARY". International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, nr 1 (luty 2002): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802001034.
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The wartime fate of the Ottoman Empire's Armenian minority continues to be controversial. The debate in the main revolves around the causes and nature of that fate. Some historians have alleged that what is involved is centrally organized mass murder—or, to use contemporary terminology, genocide. This school of thought maintains that the Ottoman authorities were waiting for a suitable opportunity to undertake the wholesale liquidation of the empire's Armenian population, and the outbreak of World War I provided that opportunity. The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP, or Unionists), who controlled the Ottoman government, they argue further, did in fact undertake this liquidation under cover of the war.1 Others, however, dispute these assertions, especially that of genocidal intent. This group maintains that Armenian acts of disloyalty, subversion, and insurrection in wartime forced the central government to order, for purposes of relocation, the deportation of large sections of the Armenian population. According to this argument, apart from those who were killed in “intercommunal” clashes—that is, a “civil war”—the bulk of the Armenian losses resulted from the severe hardships associated with poorly administered measures of deportations, including exhaustion, sickness, starvation, and epidemics. In other words, this school of thought holds that the Ottoman Empire, in the throes of an existential war, had no choice but to protect itself by resorting to drastic methods; therefore, the tragic fate of the Armenians must be understood in the context of the dire conditions of World War I.2 These views are encapsulated in the formula that the noted Middle East historian Bernard Lewis has used—namely, the desperate conditions of “an embattled empire.”3
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Komar, Volodymyr, i Adam Szymanowicz. "COSSACK MILITARY FORMATIONS IN OTHER STATES POLICY (1918–1945)". Kyiv Historical Studies, nr 1 (2019): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2019.1.2.
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During the civil war in Russia in 1918–1921, the liberation efforts of the Cossacks of Don, Kuban, and Terek were unsuccessful, and their lands were incorporated into the USSR. Their representatives emigrating from their homeland found themselves in difficult material conditions. While in exile, many of them cooperated with Polish and German authorities. Interwar Poland was interested in the use of the Cossacks in the fight against the USSR. The General Staff of the Polish Armed Forces showed particular interest in the Free Cossack movement, as Don, Kuban, and Terek areas were the main places where the Red Army cavalry was formed.The Cossacks who stayed in their homeland experienced tragic times. The introduction of Soviet power also brought with it the elimination of the Cossacks through hunger, repressions, and deportations. However, at the end of the 1930s, the Soviet authorities introduced a new course of policy towards the Cossacks, thereby recognizing the advantages of Cossack military formations in the Red Army. At the beginning of the German-Soviet War in August 1941, the Soviet authorities formed sixteen Cossack cavalry divisions, six of which were immediately sent to the front.During World War II tens of thousands of the Cossacks also fought in German formations on the territory of the USSR. They were used mainly for anti-partisan actions. Due to the support of the Germans, the so-called Cossack State consisting of tens of thousands of Cossacks was created for the refugees from Don. They fought against partisans in Belarus, Poland, Yugoslavia, and Italy. After the capitulation of the Third Reich, the Cossack State, as well as other Cossack formations, found itself on the territory of Austria, and the Cossacks were taken into British captivity. As a result of the British-Soviet agreement, they were turned over to the Soviet authorities, from whose hands death or at best deportation to the camps awaited them.In addition, Cossack military formations were formed in the Far East with the support of Japan, which used them to fight against the USSR.
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Vogt, Peter K. "From Viruses to Genes to Cells". Annual Review of Virology 6, nr 1 (29.09.2019): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-virology-092818-015828.
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I always loved biology and to do experiments. This passion and a great deal of good fortune and serendipity landed me in the field of retrovirology at the time when it opened to experimental analysis. I became involved in viral replication, genetics, and viral oncogenes. In more recent years, I have applied what I learned in tumor virology to human cancer. The early years of my personal life were marked by displacements and migration: deportation into East Germany, escape to the West, and emigration to the United States. As a young man I faced heartbreaking personal tragedies but attained a peaceful and steady course in the second half of my life. I am fortunate to have found my home in Southern California and to continue in cancer research.
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Nemchaninov, Daniil G. "The United States and the Deportation of the German Population from Poland and the Former Lands of East Germany in 1945–1948". New Past, nr 2 (1.01.2023): 134–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2500-3224-2023-2-134-150.
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Ermakov, A. M. "Желтая звезда: нацистская верхушка, немцы и стигматизация евреев в сентябре 1941 г." Вестник гуманитарного образования, nr 3(23) (9.12.2021): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.21.036.
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The article, based on official documents and sources of personal origin, identifies the reasons for the introduction of a special identification mark for German Jews, shows the role of individual Nazi hierarchs in deciding to wear a yellow star, characterizes the main propaganda cliches that accompanied the stigmatization of German Jews, shows the reaction of the "Aryan" population to the visualization of Jews. It has been established that the introduction of the yellow star was a continuation of a series of measures by the Nazi leadership aimed at stigmatizing Jews, inciting hatred towards them by the Germans and thereby facilitating their deportation to the East for the purpose of physical extermination. It is shown that one of the ways to isolate Jews from German society was their visualization, the apogee of which was the wearing of an identification mark on clothes. It is stated that the incentive to discuss the introduction of the sign for Jews was the all German Jewish pogrom of November 1938, accompanied by the "Aryanization" of property, and a positive decision was made by Hitler in the conditions of a racial and ideological war against the Soviet Union. The initiators of the introduction of the yellow star were radical anti-Semites Heydrich, Goering and Goebbels. They successfully overcame the weak resistance of the ministerial bureaucracy and persuaded Hitler to their side. For Goeb bels, visualizing German Jews was a palliative measure caused by the impossibility of their immediate deportation outside Germany. The results obtained can be applied in the study of anti-Semitic ideology, policies and propaganda of Hitler's Germany, Nazi crimes, the mood of the Germans in the first months of the aggression of the Third Reich against the Soviet Union. В статье на основании официальных документов и источников личного происхождения выявлены причины введения специального опознавательного знака для немецких евреев, показана роль отдельных нацистских иерархов в принятии решения о ношении желтой звезды, дана характеристика основных пропагандистских клише, сопровождавших стигматизацию немецких евреев, показана реакция «арийского» населения на визуализацию евреев. Установлено, что введение желтой звезды было продолжением серии мероприятий нацистского руководства, направленных на стигматизацию евреев, разжигание ненависти к ним немцев и тем самым облегчило депортацию их на Восток с целью физического истребления. Показано, что одним из способов изоляции евреев от немецкого общества являлась их визуализация, апогеем которой стало ношение опознавательного знака на одежде. Констатируется, что стимулом к обсуждению введения знака для евреев стал общегерманский еврейский погром ноября 1938 г., сопровождавшийся «ариизацией» собственности, а положительное решение было принято Гитлером в условиях расовой и мировоззренческой войны против Советского Союза. Инициаторами введения желтой звезды были радикальные антисемиты Гейдрих, Геринг и Геббельс. Они успешно преодолели слабое сопротивление министерской бюрократии и склонили Гитлера на свою сторону. Для Геббельса визуализация немецких евреев была паллиативной мерой, вызванной невозможностью их немедленной депортации за пределы Германии. Полученные результаты могут быть применены при изучении антисемитской идеологии, политики и пропаганды гитлеровской Германии, нацистских преступлений, настроений немцев в первые месяцы агрессии Третьего рейха против Советского Союза.
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Cattaruzza, Marina. "Endstation Vertreibung: Minderheitenfrage und Zwangs - migrationen in Ostmitteleuropa, 1919–1949". Journal of Modern European History 6, nr 1 (marzec 2008): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2008_1_5.
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Final Destination: The Question of Minorities: Expulsion and Enforced Migration in Central and East Europe, 1919–1949 This article seeks to give a bird's-eye view of the phenomenon of large-scale enforced migration, expulsion, or mass deportation, in eastern Europe at different moments in time, by linking it to the ‹nationalities› question from the start of the twentieth century and to the ‹minorities› question of the inter-war period. It argues that the collective expulsion of ethnic minorities from the former ‹master nations› (Lewis B. Namier's phrase) cannot be understood merely as the product of nationstatism. Instead it portrays mass migrations as the result of factors that trans - cended the nation-state question, such as the defeat of the ‹revisionist› states in the First World War, the perception of minorities as ‹trouble-makers›, and the Soviet Union's strategy of expansion in East Central Europe. Particular attention is paid to the special circumstances of nation-creation in the territories of the Habsburg Empire, Tsarist Russia and the eastern border regions of imperial Germany. It was there that the political mobilisation of significant parts of the population led to militant nationalism among certain sections of society. The foundation of the Habsburg Empire's successor states brought radical changes among the political elites. This led, on the one hand, to revanchist sentiments among the dispossessed groups; and on the other, to the displacement of supranational elites as part of the ‹nation building› process in the new states that followed in the wake of societal modernisation and the expansion of political participation.
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Zhankadamova, G., B. Atantayeva, R. Akhmetova i A. Karibayeva. "The history of the deportation of Germans to Kazakhstan in the memoirs of descendants". Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 141, nr 4 (2022): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-141-4-37-49.
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This article is concerned with the oral memories of the descendants of Kazakhstani Germans living in the East Kazakhstan, about the deportation of 1941 and its consequences. The study analyzes the policy of the Soviet state towards the German population within the framework of the deportation policy. The content of the article is based on interviews of three descendants of the deportees, as well as materials from their family archives. The article introduces into science new factual material from sources of personal origin. The information obtained during the interview, as well as sources from the family archives of the interviewee, systematize and enrich knowledge about the tragic events of the mid-twentieth century, including the forced resettlement of entire peoples, and detail many facts of national history. In the study the problem of the dynamics of self-identification of Germans is studied in the context of historical memory, which includes ideas about the lifestyle and standard of living in various periods of the existence of an ethnic group, confessional memory in ethnic consciousness, and memory of interethnic communication culture, using historical and anthropological methods.
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Kaunas, Domas. "Lithuanian Postcard in the struggle against Imperial Russia". Knygotyra 79 (30.12.2022): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2022.79.121.
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The article is devoted to a peculiar episode of the struggle of Lithuanians against the policy of persecution based on nationality which was pursued by Imperial Russia between 1864 and 1904. Its participants were representatives of the parts of the Lithuanian nation separated by the border between Germany and the Russian Empire – Martynas Jankus (1858–1946), a German citizen, a Lithuanian of East Prussia, the owner of a printing office in Tilsit (Lith. Tilžė, currently Sovetsk, a town in Kaliningrad Oblast, the Russian Federation) and a group of Lithuanian young people who were operating illegally, a group of citizens of the Russian Empire. The time under discussion is the 1890s. During that period, the Lithuanian national movement was rapidly developing and strengthening while striving to bring together both parts of the nation and the USA-based Lithuanian diaspora community. One of the most important measures of the common struggle was the distribution of publications printed in Latin characters in the Lithuanian language which were banned to be published in the territory of Russia but were legally printed in East Prussia and smuggled across the border into Lithuania. From there, the publications were sent to Lithuanian communities all over the Russian Empire. This struggle resulted in victory: the ban was lifted by Order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Russia issued in 1904.
To strengthen the political opposition, Lithuanian intellectuals printed not only books, brochures and newspapers but also various minor publications – political leaflets. Students of Russian universities and Lithuanian intellectuals graduates of these higher education institutions prepared texts and sent funds intended for their publication to the printing offices of Lithuanians and Germans in East Prussia. The number of such leaflets surviving to the present day is very small. One of these publications was an anonymous card of the size of a standard German postcard (95 x 140 mm). Thus far, three of them have been found in Lithuanian libraries and archives, and one has been discovered in the National Library of Russia in Saint Petersburg. A composition of two illustrations is printed on one side of the card: a Lithuanian countrywoman and a Cossack standing in front of her with a raised whip and a bottle of vodka as a gift for obedience. This symbolised a spread of orthodoxy and the deportation of Lithuanians from their native land. The following exclamation of the Cossack is printed: Are you a Lithuanian? Go to Russia! The explanation of the content of the illustration and the encouragement (first of all, to Catholic believers) to oppose the plans of the authorities are printed in small characters. They are related to the colonisation of Siberia. The statements are well-grounded, the exposition of the subject is logical and written in the correct Lithuanian language. Most probably, it was created by the graduate of the Faculty of Law of the University of Moscow Vladas Mačys (1867–1936).
Vaclovas Biržiška, Professor of Law at the University of Lithuania in Kaunas and Director of the University Library, was the first to describe this publication bibliographically. The author regarded this publication as a postcard, attributed it to Martynas Jankus’ printing office and dated it ‘1892’. A more precise description was publicised in the fundamental work of Lithuanian national bibliography Lietuvos TSR bibliografija. Serija A: Knygos lietuvių kalba (Bibliography of the Lithuanian SSR. Series A: Books in the Lithuanian Language; vol. 2: 1862–1904. Book 2 (Vilnius, 1988, p. 401, No. 4065). It was compiled in the Soviet era, and the only available copy stored in Mikhail J. Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library (currently renamed the Russian National Library in Sankt Petersburg) served as the basis for it. The present author amended the publication date of the postcard (1891) and specified the circumstances of its distribution, while also ascertaining that the artist of the illustrations was the lithographer of Tilsit Johann Mai.
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Grams, Grant W. "The Story of Josef Lainck: From German Emigrant to Alien Convict and Deported Criminal to Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp Inmate". Border Crossing 10, nr 2 (28.10.2020): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v10i2.1129.
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Josef Lainck, a German national emigrated to Canada in July 1927. He arrived in Quebec City and travelled west to Edmonton, Alberta where he became a burglar and shot a police officer. Lainck was arrested in November 1927 and deported to Germany in 1938, upon arrival he was arrested and interned in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp until April 1945. This article will examine Lainck’s emigration to Canada, arrest and deportation to Nazi Germany. Lainck’s case is illuminating as it reveals information on deportations from Canada and the Third Reich’s return migration program and how undesirables were treated within Germany. The Third Reich’s return migration plan encouraged returnees to seek their deportations as a method of return. Canadian extradition procedures cared little for the fate of foreign nationals expatriated to the country of their birth regardless of the form of government or the turmoil that plagued the nation. This work will compare Canadian to American deportation rates as an illustration of Canada’s harsh deportation criterion. In this article, the policies and practices of immigration and deportation are discussed within a framework of insecurity as a key driver for human mobility in the first half of the 20th century.
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Solonari, Vladimir. "“Model Province”: Explaining the Holocaust of Bessarabian and Bukovinian Jewry". Nationalities Papers 34, nr 4 (wrzesień 2006): 471–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600842106.
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Romanian war-time policy towards Jews presents a paradox. In the summer and fall of 1941 Romanian military and police were killing the Jews of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina indiscriminately. In late fall of the same year, those Jews who survived the first wave of killings were forcibly deported further to the east—this time not only from Bessarabia and the northern part of Bukovina but from the whole of the latter's province. In the late fall of 1941, Jews from Odessa were once again murdered en masse and any survivors deported from the city. At this time, i.e. in the summer and fall of 1941, Romanian policy was at least as radical and brutal as the Germans', perhaps surpassing it in its brutality, a fact that elicited Hitler's delight and commendation. But then Romanian policy underwent a gradual but more and more pronounced change. Though Romanian authorities took part in the preparations for the deportation of Romanian Jews to the Nazi concentration camps in the summer and early fall 1942, in October of that year the Romanians abruptly terminated their participation in all preparations. In 1943 and 1944 the Romanian government even took measures to protect Romanian Jewish citizens residing in the German-ruled territories by demanding that those Jews were exempt from deportation to concentration camps and facilitated Jewish emigration to Palestine from Romania. Inside Romania, Jews were still heavily discriminated against, exposed to various vexations and harsh confiscatory taxation, but the majority of them survived the war.
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Struth, Thomas. "Photographs from Germany, East". October 64 (1993): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/778713.
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Birzniece, Eva. "Construction of Resistance Discourse in Latvian Post-Soviet Literature about Deportations and Imprisonments". Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 4, nr 2 (15.12.2012): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v4i2_9.
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During the Soviet era there were no publicly available published literary representations of the Soviet deportations and imprisonment of civilians and Latvian Army officers to Siberia and the Far East. If there were any, these were very scarce and available to very few people. Deportations and imprisonments were marginalized and silenced themes in all possible respects – politically, socially and culturally. Many narratives (in books published in state publishing houses) emerged only in the beginning of the 1990ies when the Soviet Union collapsed and Latvia regained its independence. Those narratives were written secretly during the Soviet time, as the authors were or could be repressed for talking about forbidden topics. The female experience was not only totally silenced but it was also different from men’s experience of imprisonments and deportations as men and women with children were separated – men were sent to forced labour camps and women to places of settlement. Even when writing about deportations was dangerous, the narratives of that experience construct strong resistance to the Soviet repressions against Latvia and its people. Many female narratives about these experiences emerged later adding to the testimonials studies of archives and historical documents thus making resistance discourse more pointed and stronger.
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Atantayeva, B. Zh, i T. A. Kamaljanova. "Deportation Everyday Life: sources and materials (in case of East Kazakhstan)". BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 133, nr 4 (2020): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-133-4-42-62.
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Based on the studied documentary sources of the Central State Archives and the Archives of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan (Almaty), regional archives of the East Kazakhstan (Ust-Kamenogorsk, Semey, Ayaguz), where is a whole layer of documents on the topic under consideration, an objective picture of everyday life peoples deported to the territory of the East Kazakhstan: Germans, Chechens, Ingush, etc. are recreated. In the late 1930s, the deported peoples were sent to remote areas for special settlements (hence the name «special settlers», «special settlers»). Kazakhstan was also included among such territories. Whole peoples forcibly evicted from their homes formally retained the status of full-fledged Soviet citizens but were deprived of the right of movement and free choice of residence.The documents contained in the archives make it possible to reveal various aspects of the topic under consideration, showing the daily life of the special settlers: the difficulties and problems they encountered during resettlement and placement in a new place. The systematization of the identified sources made it possible to determine the number and resettlement of the special settlers, their household and labor structure. Analysis of the documents showed that the placement of the special settlers in the new place was difficult, which led to negative social and demographic consequences. The situation of the deported peoples, despite the measures taken for the household and labor arrangement, was difficult. The deportation of peoples led to irreparable damage to the material and spiritual culture of ethnic groups, doomed people to a low social status and standard of living. However, thanks to the support of the local population, people were able not only to survive, but also by adapting to new conditions, to contribute to the economic development of the region at this difficult time. The article provides a thorough and detailed analysis of the sources of the regional archive, which made it possible to solve the tasks, set in the work and draw appropriate conclusions based on the analysis.
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Rodden, John. "Report Card from East Germany". Society 47, nr 4 (3.06.2010): 343–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-010-9339-x.
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Levin, Dov. "Arrests and Deportations of Latvian Jews by the USSR During the Second World WAR". Nationalities Papers 16, nr 1 (1988): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408068.
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Mass deportations of native populations (Jews included) from territories annexed by the USSR in 1939–40 in amicable division of spoils with Nazi Germany and its allies had everywhere the same historical background and followed roughly the same procedure. Territories in question included the states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in their entirety, parts of Finland, nearly one-half of pre-1939 Poland, and the formerly Romanian regions of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina.
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Lebedeva, Nataliia. "Deportations from Poland and the Baltic States to the Ussr in 1939–1941: Common Features and Specific Traits". Lithuanian Historical Studies 7, nr 1 (30.11.2002): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00701005.
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The aim of this article is to compare repression policies of the Stalinist regime on the territories annexed by the Soviet Union in September 1939 and June–August 1940. The planning and implementation of deportations from the west of Ukraine and Belorussia, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia had much in common. All the deportations were prepared and carried out on the basis of decisions carefully worked out by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist (Bolshevik) Party and was an important element of the sovietization policy on these territories. Deportation was a part of measures designed to destroy political, judicial, social, economic, national, cultural and moral fundamentals and to impose the Soviet order in the annexed territories. Methods of their organization and implementation were absolutely identical. All these deportations were crimes against humanity. At the same time there were certain differences. The planned capture of armies did not take place at the time of the Soviet invasion of the Baltic states. There were no such mass shootings of officers, policemen and jail inmates as in case of Poland. The scale of deportation was not as large as on territories of eastern Poland. This could be explained by the fact that the peoples of the Baltic states considered Sovietization as national humiliation to much larger extent than the peoples who had suffered under Polish or Romanian yoke. It forced the Stalinist ruling elite of the USSR at first to demonstrate a certain respect towards local customs, carry out nationalization of industry and banking slowly and more cautiously, to refrain from collectivization and not carry out mass deportation until the very eve of war between the Soviet Union and Hitler’s Germany.
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Tuffs, Annette. "West Germany: Visitors from the east". Lancet 335, nr 8699 (maj 1990): 1209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(90)92717-v.
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Bryant, Michael. "“Only the National Socialist”: Postwar US and West German Approaches to Nazi “Euthanasia” Crimes, 1946–1953". Nationalities Papers 37, nr 6 (listopad 2009): 861–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230793.
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In Western historical consciousness, National Socialist mass murder has become permanently identified with the Jewish Holocaust, Adolf Hitler's maniacal project to annihilate European Jewry. From its earliest days, the Nazi Party sought to exclude Jews from German public life, and when the Nazis came to power in January 1933, their anti-Jewish animus became official policy. What followed was legal disemancipation of German Jews, physical attacks on their persons, ghettoization, deportation, and physical extermination in the East. The story of the Holocaust is well known and generally accepted. Yet two years before German Jewish policy swerved from persecution and harassment to genocide, the Nazis were already involved in state-organized killing of another disfavored minority. Unlike the destruction of European Jews, the murder of this group—the mentally disabled—occurred within the Reich's own borders. Launched with the signing of a “Hitler decree” in October 1939 (backdated to 1 September), the centrally organized program targeted so-called “incurable” patients, whose lives were to be ended by a doctor-administered “mercy death” (Gnadentod). The Nazis attached the term “euthanasia” to their program of destruction, bolstering their rationale for it with humanitarian arguments and cost-based justifications, the latter legitimizing euthanasia as a means to free up scarce resources for use by “valuable” Germans. Over time, the restrictive use of euthanasia just for incurable patients ended; thereafter, the Nazis extended the killing program to healthier patients, sick concentration camp inmates, Jewish patients, and a variety of “asocials” (juvenile delinquents, beggars, tramps, prostitutes). The technology of murder developed in the “euthanasia” program—carbon monoxide asphyxiation in gas chambers camouflaged as shower rooms—would become the model for the first death camps in Poland. Many of the “euthanasia” personnel were likewise transferred to the Polish extermination centers, where they applied the techniques of mass death—refined in murdering the disabled—to the murder of the European Jews.
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Aron, Hadas. "Postcommunist Germany". German Politics and Society 41, nr 4 (1.12.2023): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410406.
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Abstract This article situates Germany within postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) to explain current political outcomes, particularly, the disproportionate success of the AfD in eastern Germany. Similar to CEE, politics in eastern Germany is fragmented and volatile compared to western Germany; the political system in the east reflects conservative social values; and east German patterns of discontent are similar to CEE. However, in CEE, party systems were new and thus volatile and susceptible to populist mobilization from both mainstream and radical parties. Conversely, East Germany integrated into the developed West German party system and adopted its traditional parties, lowering the east's potential for volatility and polarization. Moreover, since the east is a minority within Germany, its relative volatility has limited impact on the German system.
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Zhankadamova, G., R. Akhmetova i G. Abenova. "Deported peoples of East Kazakhstan under the conditions of the special settlement regime". Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 144, nr 3 (2023): 138–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2023-144-3-138-152.
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Studying the issues of forced resettlement of peoples in the USSR in the 1940s, using the example of the German and Chechen populations, their habitation in special settlement areas in the territory of Eastern Kazakhstan, and the legal status of the deported peoples, represents a pertinent historical task. The aim of the article is to elucidate the process of deportation and the living conditions of the deported ethnic groups during the wartime and post-war periods in the eastern region of Kazakhstan. Special attention is given to the analysis of the resettlement and living conditions of the special settlers, as well as the issue of their material provision. The formation of a so-called "labor army" from the special settlers is examined, where they were treated as prisoners and utilized by the state during wartime as a mobile and inexpensive workforce. The implementation of human rights and freedoms within the context of the special settlement population is analyzed. The authors have examined documents from the Documentation Center of the modern history of the Abai region and the State Archive of the East Kazakhstan Region, which has allowed for the expansion of the research aspects related to the lives of the deported population within the special settlement system.
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Betthäuser, Bastian A. "The Effect of the Post-Socialist Transition on Inequality of Educational Opportunity: Evidence from German Unification". European Sociological Review 35, nr 4 (1.04.2019): 461–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz012.
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Abstract In 1990, German unification led to an abrupt and extensive restructuring of the educational system and economy of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) as the latter was reintegrated into the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). However, the consequences of this large-scale institutional change for the educational inequality between children from different social class backgrounds in East Germany continue to be poorly understood. This article seeks to shed new light on this question by using a quasi-experimental approach to examine the difference in educational inequality between East and West Germany before and after German unification. We compare changes in the class gradient in the attainment of comparable school and university qualifications in East and West Germany across six birth cohorts, including three cohorts of individuals who completed their schooling after unification. We find that before unification, inequality of educational opportunity at the mid-secondary, upper-secondary and tertiary level was substantially lower in East Germany than in West Germany and that unification led to a substantial and sustained convergence of the level of inequality of educational opportunity in East Germany towards that of West Germany.
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Kirchner, Stefan. "Between East and West? East Germany’s Employment System in a Dynamic Comparison". ILR Review 73, nr 5 (13.02.2019): 1046–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793919831694.
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This article investigates how working conditions in East Germany differ from those in West Germany as well as from those among its Central and Eastern European (CEE) neighbors (Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland). Building on repeated International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) survey data (1989, 1997, 2005, and 2015), the author compares key elements of East Germany’s employment system with West Germany and its CEE neighbors over time. The results show that, initially, East Germany’s conditions resembled a logic reflecting the need for economic survival that was distinct from West Germany and from the emerging general patterns of its CEE neighbors. By 2015, East and West German working conditions nearly converge. This article develops and extends the employment system approach to address situations of transformation and substantial institutional change, and contributes to the ongoing debate on regional diversity in Germany’s economy.
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Günther, Jutta. "Innovation cooperation: experiences from East and West Germany". Science and Public Policy 31, nr 2 (1.04.2004): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3152/147154304781780073.
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Dueck, Cheryl. "Zooming out from East Germany Re-imaging DEFA". Studies in Eastern European Cinema 9, nr 3 (2.09.2018): 278–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2040350x.2018.1493413.
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Dorothée Lange, Carolin. "After They Left: Looted Jewish Apartments and the Private Perception of the Holocaust". Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, nr 3 (2020): 431–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa042.
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Abstract This study of the afterlife of “abandoned” Jewish property in National Socialist Germany analyzes the emotional impact on Jewish families of the loss of personal belongings, and those belongings’ emotional impact on the Gentile families that acquired them. This property could be movable and intimate: jewelry, furniture, porcelain, and the like; as well as immovable: apartments and houses illegitimately wrested from their residents or owners. The author asks how Gentiles’ behavior changed in relation to the escalating Holocaust of the Jews. She argues that the reactions of both ordinary Germans and government authorities changed when the mass deportations started, indicating that non-Jewish Germans were very much aware of the experience of their Jewish neighbors.
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Koch, Ido. "Mass Deportations – To and From the Levant during the Age of Empires in the Ancient Near East". Hebrew Bible and Ancient Israel 11, nr 5 (2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/hebai-2022-0010.
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Lehman, Brittany. "West German-Moroccan Relations and Politics of Labour Migration, 1958–1972". Journal of Migration History 5, nr 1 (25.04.2019): 103–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00501001.
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In 1962, the Federal Republic of Germany (frg) agreed to negotiate a guestworker agreement with Morocco in order to create guidelines for handling 4,000 so-called illegal Moroccan migrants, most of whom lived in North Rhine-Westphalia. Unlike other guestworker agreements, this one was not about recruitment, but rather it was designed to restrict migration from Morocco, legalise the stay of Moroccans already in the country, and establish guidelines for future deportations. Looking at the history of the West German-Moroccan Agreement from its start until its termination in 1973, this article provides a discussion of Moroccan labourers access to and legal status in West Germany, demonstrating how international and economic interests as well as cultural stereotypes of both Moroccans and Arabs shaped West German migration policies. In so doing, the article emphasises the West German federal and the North Rhine-Westphalian state governments’ different goals, revealing that the West German government was not a monolithic entity; it was in fact defined by multiple, sometimes contradictory, viewpoints and pressures.
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Pavlov, Nikolay. "Germany in the Middle East: from Bismarck to Hitler". ISTORIYA 12, nr 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019238-0.
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Germany has always been interested in expanding its influence in the Middle East where the strategic interests of the main imperialist powers competing among one another met. For a long time this region was for Germany a territory that provided access to sea, played the role of the military and political bridgehead, was a source of raw materials and a market for German goods. Having embarked on the path of colonial conquests much later than Great Britain and France, Germany was forced not to conquer but to win back its share of the “colonial pie”. Nevertheless, Germany managed to take a leading place in relations with the countries of the Middle East, which considered it as a central European power capable of becoming a conductor of their interests in Europe. However, Germany’s defeat in two world wars led to the fact that it lost its positions in the region and two new German states needed one decade to start a new dialogue with the countries of the region in the conditions of Cold war and bloc confrontation.
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Campbell, Ross. "Germany United?" German Politics and Society 41, nr 1 (1.03.2023): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410101.
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Abstract In the aftermath of unification, studies consistently uncovered differences in trust between citizens of the east and west of Germany. This article examines if this remains the case. It evaluates the trends and individual-level drivers of trust from 1984 to 2018 using data from the German General Social Survey (allbus) showing, first, that Germans are cautiously trusting of institutions, trust is more extensive than at any point since unification, and the differences between the east and west have narrowed; and, second, that trust is shaped by factors that are broadly similar between the two parts of the country. Multivariate models and post-estimation analyses show that trust is steeped in a variety of phenomena, some of which provide it with resilience and durability. The study rejects suggestions that Germany is suffering from a legitimacy crisis and concludes that the project of national integration is more complete than has previously been thought.
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Lippmann, Quentin, Alexandre Georgieff i Claudia Senik. "Undoing Gender with Institutions: Lessons from the German Division and Reunification". Economic Journal 130, nr 629 (8.05.2020): 1445–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ej/uez057.
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Abstract Using the 41-year division of Germany as a natural experiment, we show that the German Democratic Republic’s gender-equal institutions created a culture that has undone the male breadwinner norm and its consequences. Since reunification, East Germany still differs from West Germany not only because of its higher female contribution to household income, but also because East German women can earn more than their husbands without having to increase their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk or withdraw from the labour market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income, and its consequences, are still prevalent in West Germany.
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Rohrschneider, Robert. "Report from the Laboratory: The Influence of Institutions on Political Elites' Democratic Values in Germany". American Political Science Review 88, nr 4 (grudzień 1994): 927–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082717.
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The unification of Germany revives several questions about the future of Germany's democracy. Given the socialist-authoritarian background, how supportive are East Germany's elites of liberal democratic rights? Has the socialist-democratic experience instilled into elites a social egalitarian conception of democracies? In what ways, if at all, do elites support direct democracy procedures? I examine political elites' conceptions of democracies in the united Germany in 1991, using a survey of 168 parliamentarians from the united parliament in Berlin. I find that the socialist and parliamentary institutions in the East and the West, respectively, have substantially influenced elites' conceptions of democracies in Germany, leading to a value divergence across the East-West boundary. Yet the findings also suggest that a partial value convergence in terms of liberal democratic rights among postwar elites has taken place. The results support an institutional learning theory, but they also suggest that support for liberal democratic values has been diffused into East Germany.
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Hesse, Kurt R. "Cross-Border Mass Communication from West to East Germany". European Journal of Communication 5, nr 2 (czerwiec 1990): 355–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323190005002011.
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Ziegler, Ute, Martin H. Groschup, Patrick Wysocki, Franziska Press, Bernd Gehrmann, Christine Fast, Wolfgang Gaede, Dorothee E. Scheuch i Martin Eiden. "Seroprevalance of Batai virus in ruminants from East Germany". Veterinary Microbiology 227 (grudzień 2018): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.vetmic.2018.10.029.
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Pohl, Rüdiger. "The transition from communism to capitalism in east Germany". Society 33, nr 4 (maj 1996): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02700310.
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Feldmann, Horst. "Labour Market Policies in Transition: Lessons from East Germany". Post-Communist Economies 14, nr 1 (marzec 2002): 47–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631370120116699.
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Pfestorfa, R., i H. Utschickb. "Bomb calorimetry—contributions of the 1960s from East Germany". Thermochimica Acta 229 (grudzień 1993): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0040-6031(93)80319-6.
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Pugh, Emily. "From “National Style” to “Rationalized Construction”". Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, nr 1 (1.03.2015): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.1.87.
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From “National Style” to “Rationalized Construction”: Mass-Produced Housing, Style, and Architectural Discourse in the East German Journal Deutsche Architektur, 1956–1964 examines architectural critique of housing and style as it unfolded in the East German journal Deutsche Architektur (German architecture) from the late 1950s to the mid-1960s. Through an analysis of articles published in the journal as well as primary source documents, Emily Pugh investigates the reception of newly built housing developments in East Germany by a group of influential socialist architects, historians, and critics who were then writing for Deutsche Architektur. Pugh highlights individual architects’ attempts to subvert or resist the control of state and party authorities and considers how these individuals’ efforts might have influenced the development of the East German building economy. She also argues that these architects’ understanding of architectural modernism differed from that of their counterparts in the Cold War West, having been influenced by political and economic circumstances specific to East Germany.
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Bechtel, Delphine. "Remembrance tourism in former multicultural Galicia: The revival of the Polish–Ukrainian borderlands". Tourism and Hospitality Research 16, nr 3 (6.06.2016): 206–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1467358415620464.
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The historical region of Galicia was appropriated successively by the Habsburg Imperium, Independent Poland, the USSR, Hitler Germany, and Communist Poland and the USSR. It is presently divided in to two by the border between Poland and Ukraine, the EU and the belt of post-Soviet states. Its multicultural past has been eradicated through genocide, ethnic cleansing, and deportations by Hitler and Stalin as well as various interethnic conflicts between Polish and Ukrainian nationalists. From 1989 on, pilgrims, survivors, root tourists, and also religious, political, and community activists have started to rediscover it. Poles, Ukrainians, Jews, as well as Russian and Western travelers cross the borders to remember their childhood places, the locus of their deportation or survival, or the cradle of the family history, or just a province lost. Their expectations are partly met, or sometimes ignored, by municipal and regional authorities, travel agencies, private businesses, and locals, who all contribute to form a network of touristic infrastructures. The memory of WW2 and of the subsequent deportations looms large in the personal agendas of tourists and community activists. However, Poland and Ukraine envision local, historical, and identity tourism in the region variously. While Western Ukraine tries to convey a strongly nationalistic and monoethnic image of the region, Poland, under the influence of EU guidelines and subsidies, has opened to a more multicultural and postmodern concept. Transnational tourism across the border participates in the reassertion of conflicting national identities.
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Redding, Stephen J., i Daniel M. Sturm. "The Costs of Remoteness: Evidence from German Division and Reunification". American Economic Review 98, nr 5 (1.11.2008): 1766–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.98.5.1766.
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This paper exploits the division of Germany after the Second World War and the reunification of East and West Germany in 1990 as a natural experiment to provide evidence for the importance of market access for economic development. In line with a standard new economic geography model, we find that, following division, cities in West Germany close to the East-West German border experienced a substantial decline in population growth relative to other West German cities. We show that the model can account for the quantitative magnitude of our findings and provide additional evidence against alternative possible explanations. (JEL F15, N94, R12, R23)
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Drozd, Roman. "Greek Catholic and Orthodox shrines in the Polish People’s Republic as examples of destroying and saving the cultural heritage of the frontier". Muzeológia a kultúrne dedičstvo 9, nr 4 (2021): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.46284/mkd.2021.9.4.6.
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The shrine constituting the centre of spirituality was inseparable from the religious life of the Ukrainian people. The deportations of Ukrainians from the south-east of Poland in 1944–1947 exposed their churches to intentional and unintentional devastation. The communist authorities aimed to erase the traces of Ukrainian people in that area therefore they were not interested in preserving the abandoned Greek Catholic shrines. What is more, they even encouraged their demolition. One way to save them was allowing them to be taken over by the Roman Catholic Church. However, it often involved a change to their interior décor. The best solution was allowing them to be taken over by the Orthodox Catholic Church, or transferring them to open-air museums as museum objects.
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Ebner, Christian, Michael Kühhirt i Philipp Lersch. "Cohort Changes in the Level and Dispersion of Gender Ideology after German Reunification: Results from a Natural Experiment". European Sociological Review 36, nr 5 (26.04.2020): 814–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcaa015.
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Abstract Modernization theorists’ ‘rising tide hypothesis’ predicted the continuous spread of egalitarian gender ideologies across the globe. We revisit this assumption by studying reunified Germany, a country that did not follow a strict modernization pathway. The socialist German Democratic Republic (GDR) actively fostered female employment and systematically promoted egalitarian ideologies before reunification with West Germany and the resulting incorporation into a conservative welfare state and market economy. Based on nationally representative, pooled cross-sectional data from the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) from 1991 to 2016, we apply variance function regression to examine the impact of German reunification—akin to a natural experiment—on the average levels and dispersion of gender ideology. The results show: (i) East German cohorts socialized after reunification hold less egalitarian ideologies than cohorts socialized in the GDR, disrupting the rising tide. (ii) East German cohorts hold more egalitarian ideologies than West German cohorts, but the East-West gap is less pronounced for post-reunification cohorts. (iii) Cohorts in East Germany show higher conformity with gender ideology than their counterparts in West Germany; yet conformity did not change after reunification. (iv) Younger cohorts in West Germany show higher conformity with gender ideology than older cohorts.
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Althöfer, Ingo. "Computer Chess and Chess Computers in East Germany". ICGA Journal 42, nr 2-3 (10.11.2020): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/icg-200163.
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After World War II, Germany was split into four occupation zones, from which two states arose in 1949: West Germany (officially called FRG) and East Germany (officially GDR). East Germany was under Soviet control until 1989. In both states, computer chess and chess computers followed interesting, but rather different paths. We give an overview of East German developments: on commercial chess computers, problem chess programs, the book of 1987, the Serfling tournaments, and correspondence chess pioneer Heinrich Burger. There exist important interrelations between topics. The starting point is a short description of the Cold War situation with its harsh economic consequences for the socialist states, including East Germany.
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Harrison, Hope M. "The Berlin Wall after Fifty Years: Introduction". German Politics and Society 29, nr 2 (1.06.2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2011.290201.
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Fifty years ago on 13 August 1961, the East Germans sealed the east-westborder in Berlin, beginning to build what would become known as theBerlin Wall. Located 110 miles/177 kilometers from the border with WestGermany and deep inside of East Germany, West Berlin had remained the“last loophole” for East Germans to escape from the communist GermanDemocratic Republic (GDR) to the western Federal Republic of Germany(FRG, West Germany). West Berlin was an island of capitalism and democracywithin the GDR, and it enticed increasing numbers of dissatisfied EastGermans to flee to the West. This was particularly the case after the borderbetween the GDR and FRG was closed in 1952, leaving Berlin as the onlyplace in Germany where people could move freely between east and west.By the summer of 1961, over 1,000 East Germans were fleeing westwardsevery day, threatening to bring down the GDR. To put a stop to this, EastGermany’s leaders, with backing from their Soviet ally, slammed shut this“escape hatch.”
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Burchardi, Konrad B., i Tarek A. Hassan. "The Economic Impact of Social Ties: Evidence from German Reunification*". Quarterly Journal of Economics 128, nr 3 (4.07.2013): 1219–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjt009.
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Abstract We use the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 to show that personal relationships which individuals maintain for noneconomic reasons can be an important determinant of regional economic growth. We show that West German households who had social ties to East Germany in 1989 experienced a persistent rise in their personal incomes after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Moreover, the presence of these households significantly affects economic performance at the regional level: it increases the returns to entrepreneurial activity, the share of households who become entrepreneurs, and the likelihood that firms based within a given West German region invest in East Germany. As a result, West German regions that (for idiosyncratic reasons) have a high concentration of households with social ties to the East exhibit substantially higher growth in income per capita in the early 1990s. A one standard deviation rise in the share of households with social ties to East Germany in 1989 is associated with a 4.7 percentage point rise in income per capita over six years. We interpret our findings as evidence of a causal link between social ties and regional economic development.
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Busch, Ulrich. "Abstieg West durch Aufbau Ost?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 34, nr 135 (1.06.2004): 321–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v34i135.636.
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14 years after the German unification East Germany is one of the largest European problem areas. Loss of population, economic stagnation and the dependence on transfers from the West determine the situation. With the expansion of the EU, East Germany can become the German mezzogiorno. In this situation a group of experts demands radical measures form the federal government. But these measures will worsen the living conditions in East Germany, which are already very different to those in West Germany.
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Ageeva, Valentina A., Marina I. Zhbannikova i Nikolay A. Trapsh. "Насильственное перемещение этнических калмыков г. Таганрога на принудительные работы в Третий рейх: опыт микроисторической эвристики". Oriental studies 16, nr 6 (29.12.2023): 1513–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2023-70-6-1513-1522.
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Introduction. The article deals with one interesting pattern of research heuristics tackled to create a unified empirical database on forced labor relocations of Rostov Oblast-based Soviet citizens to Nazi Germany. Goals. The source study primarily attempts a consistent reconstruction of individual elements to the ethnic stratification among the O starbeiter (‘Eastern workers’) from the selected region, the former to be facilitated by the current identification of ethnic Kalmyks among such displaced individuals. This specific epistemological perspective has never been addressed by the preceding historiographic tradition, which makes the research practice relevant enough. Materials and methods. The integrated use of traditional archival search methods at the Taganrog Office of Rostov Oblast Archive (Russia) and the City Archive of Lüdenscheid (Germany) made it possible to identify an approximate circle of Kalmyk Soviet citizens forcibly displaced from Taganrog. Results. The paper contributes to a consistent understanding of how Nazi Germany’s forced labor civilian deportations from occupied territories took place, and outlines the phenomenon’s dynamics. The undertaken reconstruction of the ethnic stratification among forcibly displaced Soviet citizens clearly illustrates the rigid universalism of the occupation authorities that were seeking to gain ‘living space’ for ‘true Aryans’. The integrated object for Nazi repressive actions was civilian populations of occupied regions viewed as inferior communities, with no special privileges for any certain ethnic group. A particularly valuable result is that the study has yielded preliminary verifications for a number of ethnic Kalmyks that experienced such forced labor relocations to Nazi Germany.
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Quack, S., i F. Maier. "From State Socialism to Market Economy—Women's Employment in East Germany". Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 26, nr 8 (sierpień 1994): 1257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a261257.
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The transformation from a centrally planned economy to a market economy involves a wide-ranging redistribution of paid employment, income, and individual opportunities. Men and women in the former East Germany (GDR)—who before reunification had equal roles of participation in paid labour—have been affected in different ways by the restructuring of the East German economy. Women are now more often unemployed, and for longer periods, and face greater difficulties in finding a job. In order to explain these differences between men and women, the authors investigate the economic, social, and political dimensions of the transformation process. The main argument is that economic and social disadvantages affecting East German women are not just related to the economic and political transformation as such. Rather, they are rooted in a traditional gender division of paid work in the former GDR which was reinforced by the paternalistic family and social policy developed by the East German state. At the same time, however, East German women's experiences of being fully integrated into employment, and enjoying greater economic independence, make it unlikely that they will easily accept the West German model of partial labour-market integration.
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Stang, Andreas, Freddie Bray, Klaus-Peter Dieckmann, Joannie Lortet-Tieulent i Carsten Rusner. "Mortality of Testicular Cancer in East and West Germany 20 Years after Reunification: A Gap Not Closed Yet". Urologia Internationalis 95, nr 2 (2015): 160–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000381883.
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Background: The decline of testicular cancer mortality in East Germany began in the 1980s, about 10 years later than that recorded in West Germany. We aimed at providing up-to-date time trends of testicular cancer mortality rates in Germany. Material and Methods: Mortality data from East Germany (1971-2010) and West Germany (1954-2010) were provided by the Federal Bureau of Statistics. We estimated age-specific and age-standardized mortality rates using the World Standard Population. Results: Despite the declining trend in the 2000s, the mortality rates of testicular cancer remained higher in East than in West Germany. These rates were 5.5 and 2.6 per million person-years in 2010, respectively. Age-specific mortality trends by period and birth cohort showed that the mortality decline was larger among younger (15-44 years) than elderly men. Conclusion: The mortality of testicular cancer is still higher in East than West Germany. Despite very similar densities of hospital beds, urologists and oncologist per million male population in both parts of Germany, we hypothesized that a paucity of centers of expertise for treating testicular cancers in the East could account for this particular pattern.