Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Démocratie du Maroc”
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 29 najlepszych rozpraw doktorskich naukowych na temat „Démocratie du Maroc”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj rozprawy doktorskie z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
El, Hailouch Rachid. "Les garanties pénales de la démocratie au Maroc". Perpignan, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PERP0517.
Pełny tekst źródłaDarhbar, Abdelkébir. "Islam et démocratie dans la conception de la monarchie marocaine". Paris 5, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA05H005.
Pełny tekst źródłaOujjate, Abdeljalil. "La problématique de la démocratisation au Maroc depuis l'indépendance". Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020099.
Pełny tekst źródłaSince the independence of Morocco (May 2nd, 1956), monarchy will succeed in establishing an absolute system of divine right. In concomitance, it will initiate several processes which aim, according to him, to democratize the political institutions of the Kingdom. The King Hassan II, successor and elder son of the King Mohammed V, will help with the assertion of this absolute monarchy. This consolidation will appear in the Constitution of 1962, then from the institutional practices which give the impression that everything works according to the order given by the monarchical institution or by the king/Emir of the believers. The introduction of the state of exception in 1965, after a short constitutional experiment, will plunge Morocco in a dictatorship which degrade the relationship between the State/Makhzen and the people. At the conclusion of the national consensus around the Western Sahara, the King starts a limited opening process that will not change the political balances of the country and which was largely splashed by the electoral special effects. However, several factors of internal and international order will urge the system to liberalize - and not inevitably to become more democratic - as from the years 1990. The arrival of King Mohammed VI will give a new breath to this politics of liberalization. However, no reduction in the powers of the King was carried out, until July 1st 2011 after the adoption of the new Constitution of the Kingdom
El, Achouri Mohammed Fouad. "La notion de démocratie au Maroc : essai d'analyse des discours du Trône, 1962-1995". Toulouse 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998TOU10044.
Pełny tekst źródłaEl, Hajri Mohammed. "Administration et gestion de la politique énergétique au Maroc : institutions, diagnostic et développement". Tours, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995TOUR1003.
Pełny tekst źródłaParadoxically enough, the period of the french protectorate in Morocco, in itself a colonial era was marked, among other things, by the introduction of the first legislation on sources of energy, the use of electricity and the exploitation of more traditional sources of energy, such as coal and oil, together with their specific institution. Moreover, the french protectorate introduced an independent administrative law, distinct from private law, since muslim law, which prevailed before colonisation, includes no administrative law conceived as granting independence to and limiting the power of the state. This administrative law naturally confered great privileges to the colonial administration. As far as energy was concerned, and with a view to carrying out "general interest" activities, it entrusted private persons with certain tasks it would normally have carried out itself (concerning the search for and exploitation of mineral energy sources). In 1956, when Morocco became independent, this institutional and technical heritage was passed on to the moroccan monarchy. At first, as they wanted to undertake vast reforms adapted to the new postcolonial situation, the new authorities showed-at least apparently- willing to endow administrative law with its most advanced characteristics : a balance between authority and freedom, an affirmation of the superiority of public interest over private ones. In other words, a law to be grounded on the idea of justice expressed in the principle of equality. Have these ideas of justice and equality which prevail in french law been solemnly established in the constitutional texts which govern the laws of the moroccan monarchy at large and in the administrative law, concerning more particularly energy and its institutions ? It is therefore legitimate to ponder over the development given to the technical and institutional contributions which the protectorate left to the monarchy. Has this legacy been modified ? Do moroccan authorities content themselves with administering the space marked out by the colonial legislation or did they include other new spaces ? The analysis of the present situation reveals an inadequate energy policy -or rather an absence of policy- which was limited to administering and maintaining the colonial legacy. Any improvement of this policy requires that a new energy policy be worked out and implemented within a more general strategy of development fulfilling the basic needs of human beings in the fields of education, housing, health
EL, Alaoui Saïd. "L' alternance et la problématique de la transition démocratique au Maroc". Perpignan, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PERP0984.
Pełny tekst źródłaOn the appointment of alternative government in Morocco in March 1998, political debate has developed among intellectuals, on the country’s democratic transition. If for some Moroccan and foreign observers, said the appointment was a government index of democratic transition, for some others it is not the case. The democratic transition in know that with the new reign of Mohammed VI. In our opinion, this latter current simple sin of pessimism exorbitant. At the theoretical level, this current is the victim of a confusion of concepts, such «democracy» and «democratic transition», them there in a large dissimilarity between the two. On a practical level, said current failed in his study of alternation Moroccan experience in finding a policy that is in compliance with all reforms, « the specificity of the Moroccan political system ». That is to say that is not necessary to see a photo alternating Moroccan consistent with the alternation as it is practiced in western countries. This work aims to demonstrate that the appointment of alternative government has constituted it self a factor in the democratic transition. That is to say, the life of Hassan II. The Moroccan political experience has largely responded to the general rules of rotation, with some minor differences attributable to the nature of power in Morocco. In fact, we can a "alternate government" and not an "alternation of power". In addition, to illustrate the actions taken to promote democratization by that government under the reign of King again, have established a process to strengthen a transition has already begun
Fassi, Ayoub el. "L'Union socialiste des forces populaires, parti d'opposition marocaine et les limites du "processus de démocratisation" : 1972-1984". Montpellier 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994MON10043.
Pełny tekst źródłaMorocco is characterized by the assets that is has at its disposal but also by the obstacles that weight heavy on its will to reach independence. Its assets come with the social conflict that developped in the 1970s and that is fed by the political claims of the middle classes. The socialist party (usfp) has expressed these expectations by promoting democratic ideas. The period that follows is distinguished by the bigger role played by the opposition parties such as the usfp. However the background of this mode towards democracy is not a close look at the political history of the usfp reveals how difficult this process is
Madani, Mohammed. "Processus politique et processus social au Maroc : contribution à la connaissance d'un dispositif non-démocratique". Montpellier 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993MON10002.
Pełny tekst źródłaOukssisse, Mohamed. "Anomie institutionelle et politique au Maroc : un essai d'interpretation socio-politique". Paris 5, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA05H032.
Pełny tekst źródłaBel, Cadi Miloud. "Le mot démocratie dans le discours électoral de 1977 au Maroc : analyse des réseaux sémantiques". Paris 3, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA030111.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn Morocco, the word "democracy" in the political leaders' speeches has been the keyword of their campaign. The one point the leaders agree on is the unanimous conviction they share about the historical role that the democracy plays or will play in thin the Morocco society. This democracy which benefits from of such a consensus is then seen, though the semantic fields we have analyzed, on an alike and manifold way, since each leader includes his own view in this term and uses it for his own aims. We have noticed that, thanks to the semantic fields and their comparisons, it is the very political and social play included in the speech technique which is to be understood. The word "democracy» has been the keyword in the speech structure, a word on which everyone agreed, as well as the word symbolizing the linguistic contradictions, but never a word on which to fight. This research has shown that the semantic field of the word "democracy" is affective, since it is by playing with sentiments that the leaders have had their message understood and convincing
Rbii, Hamid. "Environnement international et protection des droits de l'homme au Maroc : essai sur l'édification d'un État de droit (1990-1996)". Toulouse 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997TOU10070.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe aim of this study is the human rights situation in morocco. Indeed, in the 1990th a deep change and substantial improvement in human rights protection have been recorded in this country. This reality can be explained by two important factors. The first one is the international context post second world war, which became more favourable to individual freedom's and right's. The international law and relationships between states base oneself on reciprocal respect of the human rights. The important actors: United States, European Union, France and Amnesty International have played a great part. The second one is the national context which was ready to receive international environment's pressures and to give effect. The monarchy's will and ngo's implacable role have run onto considerable normative recasting. Two constitutional reviews, the family's right reform, penal procedure amendment, the ratification of several international agreements in human rights matter are the signs of this improvement. The establishment of the right's state has been accompanied by putting into place of several organizations: human rights office, CCDH, CNJA, Constitutional Council, administrative courts. Our approach doesn't limit oneself on the analysis of texts but confront the daily (everyday’s) reality
Saidi, Azbeg Hynd. "Processus de démocratisation et monarchie constitutionnelle au Maroc". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0352/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe political freedom in Morocco has become possible due to some factors that can be either internal or external. However, this latter cannot be disassociated from the willing of the monarchy to engage the country in a process of democratization to reinforce the rule of law.Being aware of the imperative democratization of the constitutional monarchy, Morocco seems to afford more priority to democratic principles. If Morocco has long been in the darkness of an absolute autoritarism, the different reforms engaged in these last decades have, at least, improved the quality of the local regime. However, certain resistance let us think more about the process of democracy, knowing that this latter is confronted to a disfunctioning of the system and mainly to the defects of the past. In this case, some challenges are mandatory.The present thesis, then, tend to answer the question if the democratic construction of the moroccan regime is possible in front of a political system which is based on the supremacy of the monarchy and on tradition.This problematic will be dealt with according to the mutation of the constitutional monarchy of the local regime. In addition to this, the present thesis estimates that Morocco is with no doughty in the right track of democracy even if still much effort is to be done. I t also considers that this process of democratization consists to conciliate the universality of democracy and the specificity of the democratic practice in Morocco
Brakez, Mustapha. "La gestion des déchets au Maroc : une approche par le développement territorial durable". Littoral, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007DUNK0189.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis studies the household waste management in the Moroccan cities. It explores the subject, identifies some anomalies and offers some cures. It is structured in three big parts. The first one is a global approach and it analyses the social and environmental deficits of Morocco today. It underlines the lack of the household waste management. This critical analysis of these two dimensions of “sustainable development” finds its deepening in the second part (territorial approaches) which approach is both empirical and territorial. Two large territories, those of Rabat, the capital of the Kingdom, and Agadir, South Morocco metropolis are analyzed with empirical inquiries and observations. The approach adopted aims at identifying better the failures of the local public policies in waste collection and processing, as well as the modes of reactions of the actors with respect to their social environment. This research wants to be close to the actors and the territories. It highlights the importance of the peculiarities of each site, because the future reforms and projects must be based on them. This is the only way to obtain a better adhesion of the actors concerned : the inhabitants, the local communities, the entrepreneurs and the associations. This form of participative governance is the center of the demonstration. The third part (theoretical approaches) deepens the theories of the territory and of the site. And it reinforces the scientific relevance of the empirical demonstration proposed
Sidi, Hida Bouchra. "Mouvements sociaux et logiques d'acteurs : les ONG de développement face à la mondialisation et à l'Etat au Maroc : l'altermondialisme marocain". Université catholique de Louvain, 2007. http://edoc.bib.ucl.ac.be:81/ETD-db/collection/available/BelnUcetd-02212007-125504/.
Pełny tekst źródłaMazih, Benboucetta Bouchra. "Les émissions culturelles à la Télévision Marocaine : quel statut dans une démocratie en devenir ?" Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA030023.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis paper primarily seeks to verify whether the status of culture on Moroccan national television could be an indicator of the implementation of a democratic process in Morocco. Audiovisual reform is a pretext for observing the scope of reformist discourse, especially when such discourse is delivered by authoritarian regimes. As we intend to examine a specific aspect of policy in a given sector, it would be interesting to place it in the broader context in which it evolves. We shall take a close look at the country's colonial past to better understand the foundations of the Moroccan regime and the relations that it nurtures with the various stakeholders in the political landscape.We will use the relations between the monarchy and religion, politics and the media, and the Moroccan people to present the problematic of how authoritarian regimes now use reforms as a new way of reasserting their authority. The 2011 elections brought Islamists into the government. In the audiovisual sector, we can expect a confrontation between the true holders of power in this field and the ministry in charge of the sector when it comes to drafting the terms of reference for public radios and televisions. We shall examine how political stakes influence the decisions of the various professionals through the conditions for implementing these texts; for we wish to participate in viewing from a different angle, the modernization processes of a country such as Morocco
Fadil, Mohamed. "Un groupe religieux à l'épreuve du parti politique : sécularisation de l'islamisme au Maroc, mouvement de l'unicité et de la réforme-Parti de la justice et du développement (1996-2011)". Paris, EPHE, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EPHE5014.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe evolution of many Islamist organizations into political parties that actively participate in the public life of their countries would indicate that these organizations are undergoing a process of secularization motivated by a sincere conversion to democracy. Islamism's hypothetical tendency towards secularization are conversion to democracy seems reminescent of a remarkably similar experience in the Christian West, namely the theoretical and organizational evolution of political Christianity, which gave birth to what is kwown today as "Christian democracy", in response to a long series of intellectual revisions. Might moderate Islamism be secularized and converted into into democracy in a mode similar to what gave a birth to Christian Democrat parties in the West ? In this thesis, the aforementioned hypothesis is verified in a very specific context. The scope of the study is limited to examining a particular group within the Moroccan Islamist landscape - the parti de la justice et du développement (PJD), as well as its sister outfit devoted to religious predication, the Mouvement de l'unicité et de la réforme (MUR). This period under consideration ranges from the birth of the PJD in 1996 to its coming to power in 2011. The study asks very specific questions concerning the fate of the religious movement in response to the challenges of the political party. Further still, it examines the challenging relation of religion and politics in the group's actual modes of thinking and acting. Its analytical corpus is the product of fieldwork research being done during numerous trips to Morocco from 2008 to 2014
El, Mahfoudi Mohamed Amine. "Réseaux sociaux et dématérialisation du traitement des revendications de masse pour un renforcement de la démocratie dans le monde arabe : Cas du Maroc : vers un CiRM à l'échelle de l'État". Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AZUR2015.
Pełny tekst źródłaOur research was established as part of the Interdisciplinary Research Program on Languages, Objects, Territories and Hospitality (LOTH). It has tried to confirm that only social networks can not constitute a single support for managing local democracy and satisfying collective demands. The researcher proposed a rather mixed approach (CiRM) integrating all the essential components to modernize and fundamentally improve the client's functioning of the state (physical, human, virtual and technological). This approach was supported by a series of field surveys that will demonstrate the deficit suffered by the Moroccan state despite high (but untidy) technological investments in ICT. It is to these questions that this thesis provides answers and analytical tools in order to present a new way to establish governance: any elected government will be essentially evaluated on the rate of satisfaction of the expectations of citizens and To its action plan announced via a weighting logic and through publicly known "indicators" of performance (known by all) and identified in advance (To avoid falling into the trap of distortion of information between the Citizen and the State)
Dadi, Soumaya. "La Constitution marocaine du 29 juillet 2011 : rénovation institutionnelle et promotion des libertés". Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D003.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn an unprecedented scope in the Maghreb and Arab neighborhood, at a crucial moment in the evolution of the Arab-Muslim world, the comprehensive constitutional reforms announced by HM King Mohammed VI to the nation on 9 March 2011, is the culmination of a process of economic reforms, political and social begun since the late 90s. Fruit unprecedented participatory approach in the history of Morocco, the constitution adopted by referendum three years ago laid the foundations of a new phase in the process of consolidation of a Moroccan democratic model. This approach was welcomed by the entire international community, considering an important step in policy development underway in Morocco, and a significant proof of the commitment of all forces of the nation to the project company carried by the new constitution. The new constitution is based on several major foundations, which concern the separation des powers, consolidating the rule of law, expanding the scope of individual and collective freedoms, strengthening the system of human rights. It enshrines for the first time, the recognition of the Amazigh cultural component, the desire to build justice in an independent power. It also provides for strengthening the status of the Prime Minister is head of government, the establishment and entrenchment of bodies responsible for promoting human rights and good governance. Apart from these major issues, the new law is rich with several provisions affecting the foundations of Moroccan society and its insertion in the concert of modern and democratic country. It opens new perspectives, and goes beyond the aspirations expressed; it is a revolution in the political life of the country and a starting point of a new era. This work aims to show that this reform is not cyclical or due to a single factor, great burst of reform is hardly a matter of fact, now called the Arab Spring. This constitutional change that is part of the regime's stability seems to show political maturity through his choice to implement new mechanisms. It is therefore a new institutional context but essential objective to consolidate all the democratic gains that have been materialized throughout the modern history of Morocco and we propose to study. The new law confirms once again the exception of the Moroccan model and its singular character that revolves around a particularly active and dynamic political scene, drawing its strength from a constitutional monarchy, centuries old. His exception is actually a particularism, a singularity due to the nature of the monarchical regime and the specificities of the Kingdom, which make the change does not take place through the same channels and is not expressed in the same way
El, Azzouzi Mohamed. "L’Effectivité de l’État de droit dans la Constitution marocaine de 2011". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulon, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021TOUL0138.
Pełny tekst źródłaMorocco is in a decidedly modern perspective. This observation brings us back to the relevance of this theme in a country with a strong constitutional identity, driven by a remarkable extension of the foundations of its rights and freedoms.The new Constitution created in 2011 in Morocco is a founding act that crystallizes the legitimate aspirations of citizens. It constitutes through its provisions, the revaluation of human rights, justice and freedom. Thus, constitutional justice, a new concept created by the current Constitution, is an essential element in the rooting of democracy. This project aims to establish an institutional revival, which confirms the irreversible choice of the democratic state in which Morocco asserts itself.This thesis focuses on the evolution of the state governed by law in Morocco since the adoption of its new Constitution. This theme immediately appears paradoxical because of the existence of nuances between theories and practises. Throughout our research, we have tried to understand this evolution in its response to the requirements for the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. Furthermore, following the entry into force of this Constitution we have seen the successive apparition of other mechanisms, such as the interlocutory question of constitutionality. Therefore, it is a certain fact that today Morocco seems to be oriented towards a constitutional approach of justice, where the new Court is henceforth the guarantor of the supremacy of the Constitution through a posteriory oversight.These elements led Morocco to adopt its new Constitution, which is a turning point for the country inclined to a transformation of the notion of the state in its traditional concept, towards a modern state, where the state is subject to the law. This is the direction that Marocco has chosen in order to make of the law the supreme point of reference. Morocco therefore continues to change its constitutional system through many mechanisms which reflect the rise of modern democracy
El, Mnasfi Mustapha. "Les dispositifs institutionnels dans les politiques de lutte contre l’exclusion urbaine - Le cas des dispositifs participatifs dans le PNRU en France et dans l’INDH en milieu urbain au Maroc : Approche comparative entre deux métropoles françaises (Lille et Amiens) et deux métropoles marocaines (Rabat et Casablanca)". Thesis, Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015VERS016S/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe objective of the present work is to understand the impact of participative mechanisms at the level of relationship between representatives of public authorities and representatives of the civil society mobilized around the procedures set up within the framework of the « National Urban Renewal Program » (NURP) in France and of the « National Initiative for Human Development » (NIHD) in urban areas in Morocco. This will enable us to elucidate the convergences and divergences between the two cases.The data of this research is based on 70 semi-structured interviews. They were conducted with public actors and members of the civil society involved in the « NURP » in France and the « NIHD in urban areas » in Morocco.In this dissertation I argue that the participative mechanisms implemented within the framework of the NURP and the NIHD in urban areas contribute to the transformation of the relationship between representatives of the public authorities and the association’s representatives. These mechanisms gave rise to the emergence of "professionals" of participation. The survey also argues that authorities use the associative resources to produce public action in working class districts. In this context, the associative actors carry out actions which should have been accomplished by public agents
Mouhib, Leila. "Les politiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie: une analyse des rôles du Parlement et de la Commission dans les cas tunisien et marocain, 2006-2012". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209503.
Pełny tekst źródłaL’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).
La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Benhlal, Mohamed. "Réformes économiques et transition démocratique : cas du Maroc". Perpignan, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PERP0544.
Pełny tekst źródłaBadri, Karim. "Légitimité religieuse et transition démocratique : le cas du Maroc". Nantes, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012NANT4015.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe Moroccan political system is characterized by its complexity and specificity. It is a system that tries to reconcile, on the one hand, religious legitimacy and, on the other hand, modern institutions. Hassan II, dedicated craftsman of a democracy Moroccan-style, used this specificity to refute the accusations of international organizations and Western countries about violations of human rights, considering that a universal system of Government would only be possible if men and morals were similar the world over. At the end of the 1980s, pressed by internal social movements on the one hand and an international environment conducive to a democratic opening and respect for human rights on the other hand, the monarchy had undertaken an institutional and constitutional opening while still attempting to manage the design and the consequences of this process. These controlled openings finally resulted in the undermining of the Moroccan political class. Under the pressure of the protest of February 20, 2011, spurred by the Arab spring, King Mohamed VI launched a new constitutional reform. This initiative raised high hopes of a true democratic transition but disappointment was great when considering the advances and stumbling blocks which it carried with it. Indeed, the new Constitution endorsed, as usual, the primacy of the institution of the Monarchy in the Moroccan political system. Mohamed VI’s Morocco has certainly evolved toward a less authoritarian system, nevertheless, it is far from a constitutional, democratic, parliamentary or social monarchy
Alhaj, Embarak Husam. "La séparation des pouvoirs dans le monde arabe : étude comparative des expériences du Maroc, de l'Algérie, la Tunisie, la Libye et l'Égypte : "Un principe à l'épreuve du pouvoir exécutif"". Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100015/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe principle of separation of powers is one of the most important principles on which the idea of modern democracy is governed by the rule of law. It is a fundamental pillar of the structure of a democratic political system based on cooperation and balance between powers. This principle was expressed by Plato, Aristotle, John Locke, Montesquieu, and Rousseau. In the wake of the American and French revolutions, and their applications has become the most important guarantee to prevent the domination and tyranny of rulers as well as respect for human rights and freedoms and justice.This research aims at enlightening those interested in studying the law in its importance and prestige in the constitutional rules of the state. (Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Libya, and Morocco) and its impact on their constitutions, to determine whether the separation of powers is theoretical or practical, and to examine the specificity of these countries in applying this principle
Prat, Olivier. "Marc Sangnier et la Paix : Bierville et les Congrès démocratiques (1921-1932)". Paris 4, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA040054.
Pełny tekst źródłaFrom 1921 to 1932, Marc Sangnier, the president of the Young Republic, animated twelve international democratic congresses for peace. As all the idealistic democrats, Christian or free thinkers were welcome, this Democratic International aimed at Franco-German reconciliation promoting the yielding of hatred and a new world based on peoples' cooperation. Alone during the French "bloc national", those active pacifists approved the collective security policy. In 1926, the Bierville great meeting, in Sangnier's castle, was seen as the popular pacifism Locarno. Hitler's access to power marked the end of Democratic congresses but Sangnier, until the Second World War, fought for peace again through his newspaper: l'Eveil des Peuples. Considering their militants, their ideas, and their echo, we will evaluate the importance of Democratic congresses in the history of pacifism and Franco-German relationships in the twenties. Placing this analysis on a larger scale, from 1899 to 1939, we will follow Sangnier's evolution on the paths of peace from a war to the next one
Abel, Gilles. "La communauté de recherche favorise-t-elle l'émergence de l'expérience démocratique en philosophie pour enfants?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61325.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaHerman, Barbara. "Vie associative et participation politique des personnes issues de l'immigration: le cas des populations d'origine marocaine, turque et congolaise à Bruxelles". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209053.
Pełny tekst źródłaCe travail s’articule autour de deux questionnements de recherche. Le premier a pour objectif d’apporter des éléments nouveaux quant aux théories existantes portant sur la participation politique et l’engagement civique (capital social) des populations ethniques minoritaires. Il s’agit d’examiner, d’une part, la nature de la relation entre participation associative et politique et, d’autre part, certains processus explicatifs sous-jacents. Le second questionnement vise à fournir de nouvelles informations à propos de différentes populations d’origine étrangère dont la vie associative et politique aura été investiguée. Celles qui ont été choisies dans le cadre de cette thèse relèvent des immigrations, hors Union européenne, les plus nombreuses à Bruxelles. Il s’agit, en l’occurrence, des populations d’origine marocaine, turque et congolaise.
A partir de données quantitatives récoltées en 2009 auprès d’échantillons représentatifs de personnes issues de l’immigration marocaine, turque et congolaise à Bruxelles ainsi que d’un groupe contrôle non-issu de l’immigration, cette thèse apporte des éléments originaux à la fois au niveau théorique et empirique.
D’abord, nous avons pu confirmer le fait que le capital social est un facteur essentiel favorisant le développement de la participation politique, à la fois au niveau agrégé et individuel. De plus, nos résultats montrent également, en particulier au niveau individuel, que le capital social ethnique est un facteur plus important que le capital social multiethnique pour expliquer la participation politique des personnes issues de l’immigration. Contrairement à ce qui est parfois admis, le regroupement communautaire ne pousserait pas à l’institutionnalisation du repli ethnique mais, au contraire, lorsqu’il est organisé sous une forme associative, constituerait un tremplin vers la participation à la vie démocratique du pays d’accueil, offrant ainsi des opportunités civiques remarquables aux personnes qui en font partie.
Ensuite, malgré le large consensus au plan théorique qui existe à propos du rôle médiateur des confiances sociale et politique pour expliquer la relation entre le capital social et la participation politique, nos résultats sont loin d’étayer cette hypothèse :l’accumulation du capital social ne permet pas d’expliquer l’effet mobilisateur des associations bénévoles. Les aspects "non-normatifs" du capital social, tels que l’accès aux informations (politiques) ou aux compétences civiques, par exemple, pourraient être de meilleurs prédicteurs du comportement politique. De plus, pour les personnes issues de l’immigration, peu importe leur origine, leur participation associative est négativement associée à la confiance politique qui, elle, montre un lien négatif avec la participation politique. Cette constatation jette un nouvel éclairage quant au débat relatif aux causes et conséquences des faibles niveaux de confiance politique et étaye les études montrant que la confiance politique n’est pas systématiquement associée à une plus grande participation politique. En l’occurrence, un faible niveau de confiance pourrait augmenter la participation politique dans certaines situations à travers une nouvelle génération dite de "citoyens critiques".
Enfin, bien que nos résultats aient mis en évidence de nombreuses similitudes entre les populations étudiées, nous avons identifié diverses particularités liées aux origines nationales en interaction avec le contexte institutionnel et politique bruxellois, rejoignant ainsi la littérature liée à l’impact des structures d’opportunités politiques ainsi qu’aux spécificités des groupes de migrants pris en considération.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Boujrada, Karim. "Le Maroc à la lumière de l'enjeu démocratique". Mémoire, 2008. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/1319/1/M10402.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaFadil, Mohamed. "Un groupe religieux à l’épreuve du parti politique Sécularisation de l’islamisme au Maroc : mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme-Parti de la justice et du développement (1996-2011)". Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11437.
Pełny tekst źródłaÀ travers le monde islamique, une famille de partis politiques que l’on appelle à tort ou à raison « les partis islamistes modérés » enregistre des résultats électoraux exceptionnels chaque fois qu’un de ses membres participe à un scrutin qui comporte un minimum de transparence, notamment en Turquie, au Maroc et en Palestine. Les premières participations des islamistes aux élections des pays du Printemps arabe confirment davantage cette règle, comme l’illustrent les cas de l’Égypte et de la Tunisie. Sur le plan académique, ce contexte laisse émerger une importante hypothèse. L’évolution de bon nombre d’organisations islamistes en partis politiques qui participent activement à la vie publique de leurs pays serait l’indice d’une sécularisation de ces organisations, animée par une sincère conversion à la démocratie. Cette hypothétique tendance à la sécularisation et la conversion à la démocratie de l’islamisme ferait penser à une expérience remarquablement similaire, que l’on trouve dans le monde chrétien occidental, soit, l’évolution théorique et organisationnelle du christianisme politique qui a donné naissance, en réponse à un long parcours de révisions intellectuelles, à ce que l’on appelle aujourd’hui « la démocratie chrétienne ». L’islamisme modéré serait-il en train d’évoluer vers une sécularisation et une conversion à la démocratie selon un mode similaire à celui qui a donné naissance aux partis démocrates-chrétiens en Occident? Il est question dans cette thèse, préparée en cotutelle entre l’Université de Montréal au Canada et l’École Pratique des hautes études Paris-Sorbonne en France, de vérifier l’hypothèse susmentionnée dans un contexte bien précis. Notre recherche se limite ainsi à l’étude d’un groupe déterminé du paysage islamiste du Maroc (Parti de la justice et du développement [PJD] et son mouvement de prédication religieuse Mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme [MUR]). Cette recherche s’étend de 1996, date de naissance du PJD à 2011, date de son accession au pouvoir au Maroc. Par ailleurs, la reconstitution et l’analyse sociohistorique proposées dans cette recherche remontent en 1969, date de naissance du Mouvement de la jeunesse islamique qui incarne la matrice du groupe à l’étude. La recherche pose des questions bien précises portant très particulièrement sur le devenir du groupe religieux à l’épreuve du parti politique et, par-delà, celle du devenir du religieux à l’épreuve du politique au sein des modes de penser et d’agir de ce groupe. Pour ce faire, notre recherche adopte un cadre interdisciplinaire conjuguant des approches émanant de la sociologie politique et religieuse et d’autres sciences sociales comme l’histoire et les sciences politiques. Son corpus d’analyse est le fruit d’un travail de terrain effectué lors de plusieurs séjours de recherche effectués au Maroc entre 2008 et 2014. Séjours qui nous ont permis de reconstituer la trame des évènements, d’amasser la documentation nécessaire au sein du PJD/MUR, de rencontrer et de mener des entretiens avec des leaders et des idéologues les plus influents de son parcours idéologique et organisationnel.
Throughout the Islamic world, a political family composed of what are rightly or wrongly named “moderate Islamist parties” obtains exceptional results whenever one of its members participates in an election that is minimally transparent (for instance in Turkey, Morocco, Palestine and Egypt). This rule is confirmed by the initial involvements of Islamists in the Arab Spring (in Egypt and Tunisia for example). Academically, in this context an important hypothesis emerges according to which the evolution of many Islamist organizations into political parties that actively participate in the public life of their countries would indicate that these organizations are undergoing a process of secularization motivated by a sincere conversion to democracy. Islamism’s hypothetical tendency towards secularization and conversion to democracy seems reminiscent of a remarkably similar experience in the Christian West, namely the theoretical and organizational evolution of political Christianity, which gave birth to what is known today as “Christian democracy”, in response to a long series of intellectual revisions. Might moderate Islamism be secularized and converted into democracy in a mode similar to that which gave birth to Christian Democrat parties in the West? In this thesis, prepared under joint supervision between the University of Montreal in Canada and the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes Paris-Sorbonne in France, the aforementioned hypothesis is verified in a very specific context. The scope of the study is limited to examining a particular group within the Moroccan Islamist landscape—the Parti de la justice et du développement (PJD), as well as its sister outfit devoted to religious predication, the Mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme (MUR). This period under consideration ranges from the birth of the PJD in 1996 to its coming to power in 2011. Moreover, the reconstitution and the socio-historical analysis proposed in this study begin in 1969 with the birth of the Mouvement de la jeunesse islamique, from which the group being examined evolved. The study asks very specific questions concerning the fate of the religious movement in response to the challenges of the political party. Further still, it examines the challenging relation of religion and politics in the group’s actual modes of thinking and acting. With this purpose in mind, the study adopts an interdisciplinary framework combining approaches that stem from political and religious sociology as well as other social sciences, such as history and political science. Its analytical corpus is the product of fieldwork research being done during numerous trips to Morocco from 2008 to 2014. These trips made it possible to reconstitute a timeline of events and to gather necessary documentation from the PJD/MUR. It also provided the opportunity to meet and interview leaders and ideologues that are most influential in the ideological and organizational evolution of the movement.
على امتداد العالم الإسلامي، ما فتئت هذه العائلة من الأحزاب التي ندعوها عن خطئ أو عن صواب بالأحزاب الإسلامية المعتدلة تحقق، فيما يشبه القاعدة، نتائج مميزة متى ما شارك أحد ممثليها في انتخابات تضمن الحد الأدنى من النزاهة و الشفافية (حالة تركيا، المغرب، الأردن، فلسطين، مصر…). هذه القاعدة ستؤكدها المشاركات الانتخابية الأولى لإسلاميي بلدان الربيع العربي (حالتا تونس و مصر). على المستوى الأكاديمي سيسمح سياق اكتساح الأحزاب الإسلامية للانتخابات البرلمانية في بلدان العالم الإسلامي بانبثاق فرضية مهمة يتجلى مضمونها في كون إعادة انتظام عدد كبير من التنظيمات الإسلامية في أحزاب سياسية تشارك بفاعلية كبيرة في العملية السياسية ببلدانها ربما يشكل مؤشرا على خضوع هذه التنظيمات لعملية دهرنة (sécularisation) معززة باعتناق حقيقي للديمقراطية. فرضية دهرنة الحركة الإسلامية و اعتناقها للديمقراطية هذه تدعو لاستحضار تجربة مماثلة على نحو كبير لولا أن أطوارها جرت بالعالم المسيحي الغربي. يتعلق الأمر بالتطور النظري و التنظيمي لعدد من تيارات المسيحية السياسية، تطور سمح بعد مسار طويل من المراجعات الفكرية بتشكل ما نسميه اليوم بتيار الديمقراطية المسيحية بالغرب. هل تكون إذن أحزاب الحركة الإسلامية المعتدلة بصدد تكرار نفس المسار الدي سمح بتشكل الأحزاب الديمقراطية المسيحية بالغرب، لكن بدار الإسلام هذه المرة؟ تسعى هذه الاطروحة المعدة وفق برنامج مشترك (cotutelle) بين جامعة مونتريال بكندا و المدرسة التطبيقية للدراسات العليا باريس-السوربون بفرنسا إلى اختبار الفرضية المذكورة في سياق محدد للغاية إذ تكتفي بدراسة تنظيم إسلامي محدد من ضمن المجال الواسع للحركة الإسلامية بالمغرب (حزب العدالة و التنمية و حركته الدعوية و الدينية حركة التوحيد و الإصلاح) في فترة محددة تتراوح ما بين لحظة ميلاد الحزب سنة 1996 و لحظة وصوله للمسؤولية الحكومية سنة 2011 وفق عمق تاريخي يمتد لسنة 1969 التي تشكل لحظة ميلاد حركة الشبيبة الإسلامية باعتبارها الحركة الأم للتنظيم المدروس. في إطار هذه الدراسة، تثير الأطروحة أسئلة محددة تتعلق بمستقبل الحركة الدينية أمام اختبار الحزب السياسي و بالتالي بمستقبل الديني في مواجهة اكتساح السياسي على مستوى خطاب و ممارسة الحزب و الحركة. لتحقيق هذا الهدف تتبنى هذه الدراسة إطارا بين-مناهجيا (interdisciplinaire) يدمج مقاربات تنتمي لعلم الاجتماع الديني و السياسي بالإضافة لعلوم اجتماعية أخرى كالتاريخ و العلوم السياسية. يتشكل المتن البحثي لهذه الأطروحة من نتائج دراسات ميدانية قمنا بإنجازها بين سنتي 2008 و 2012 بالمغرب. من خلال هذه الدراسات الميدانية، قمنا بإعادة تجميع و تركيب تاريخ و أدبيات التنظيم المدروس و لقاء و محاورة القادة و المنظرين الأكثر تأثيرا في مساره النظري و التنظيمي. كلمات مفاتيح: إسلام، حركات إسلامية، إسلام سياسي، ما بعد الإسلام السياسي، ديمقراطية مسيحية، دهرنة، مغرب، شبيبة إسلامية، توحيد و إصلاح، عدالة و تنمية، ملكية، دولة إسلامية، ديمقراطية.