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1
Klein, Ana Maria. ""Escola e democracia: um estudo sobre a representação de alunos e alunas do ensino médio"". Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-31032006-151616/.
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Trata-se de trabalho de investigação que se insere na área de estudos da psicologia e da educação moral. Buscou investigar que representações têm, sobre democracia e escola democrática, sujeitos que concluem o Ensino Médio. Seu desenvolvimento teórico sobre democracia repousa na conquista de direitos e nos valores que os inspiraram na consolidação deste modelo político. Adotando uma perspectiva histórica, são apresentados os direitos civis, políticos e sociais que possibilitaram o alargamento democrático. A discussão sobre valores democráticos alia-se à conquista dos direitos, atribuindo significado aos mesmos. Os Direitos Humanos ganham destaque na análise, na medida em que o respeito aos mesmos implica na realização do processo democrático. A escola democrática é discutida a partir do acesso universal e das suas práticas pedagógicas. O acesso universal à escola e ao conhecimento produzido socialmente está embasado em Comparato, Azanha e Carvalho. A escola democrática, enquanto prática pedagógica, discute os valores e práticas desenvolvidas no interior da instituição que contribuem para o processo formativo do indivíduo/cidadão autônomo. Os referenciais utilizados para discutir a escola democrática, enquanto prática pedagógica, estão embasados em Dewey e Teixeira e em autores contemporâneos como Puig e Araújo. Através das representações sociais (Moscovicci) buscamos a visão de democracia do sujeito que a vivencia em suas experiências cotidianas. A amostra do estudo foi composta por 80 sujeitos, 40 do sexo feminino e 40 do sexo masculino, alunos e alunas das redes pública e particular da cidade de São Paulo. O instrumento utilizado para a coleta de dados consistiu em um questionário sobre sociedade, escola e relações interpessoais democráticas, que incitava o sujeito a pensar sobre os temas colocando-se como foco central, ou seja, buscando suas próprias concepções. Os resultados encontrados revelam que os sujeitos valorizam prioritariamente os direitos de participação e expressão como práticas imprescindíveis à realização quer seja de uma sociedade, de uma escola ou de relações cotidianas democráticas. As variáveis consideradas neste estudo foram gênero e rede de ensino. Em relação à primeira não encontramos diferenças significativas. Em relação à segunda observamos diferenças, entre os grupos, apenas em suas representações sobre sociedade democrática. Os valores e práticas destacados pelos sujeitos nos fornecem elementos para uma reflexão sobre como a democracia é vivenciada pelos sujeitos, enquanto cidadãos, enquanto alunos (escola) e nas relações interpessoais.This investigation work is inserted in the study area about the psychology and the moral education. It investigated what representation about democracy and democratic school have finishing secondary education subjects. Its theoretical support about democracy lies in the democratic rights and values that consolidated this political model. Its theoretical support about democratic school lies in the work of Dewey and Teixeira and contemporary work of Puig and Araújo. The study sample composed of eighty subjects, forty girls and forty boys. The students from public school and private school from Sao Paulo city. The instrument used to reap the data was a questionnaire about democratic society, school and relationship. The subjects thought the questions as himself central focus. The results achieved reveal that these subjects value involvement and expression rights as essential practice for democratic society, school or relationship. The study variables were gender and school system (public and private school). Specific differences in the gender were not observed. Taking into account the school system, observed differences in the democratic society representation.
2
Olsson, David. "Perpetual Peace through Democratic Aid? : Does Democratic Aid Significantly Contribute to Democratic Development among Semi-Democratic States?" Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-4253.
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The first purpose of this study is to examine if democratic aid is a statistically and/or substantially significant determinant of democratic development among semi-democratic states. The second purpose is to discuss the effects of democratic aid in light of the theory of ‘democratic peace’, and the debate on whether exogenous or endogenous factors are primary for democratic development. The research question is: how much, if at all, has democratic aid contributed to democratic development among semi-democratic states from 2000 to 2004? The thesis is delimited to observing the total population of states that were semi-democratic in the year 1999, i.e. 56 countries. Moreover, it only detects the potential impact of democratic aid over one five-year period, namely 2000-2004. Data from the Freedom House Index (FHI) has been used to distinguish states with semi-democratic regimes from states with other regime-types, and, moreover, to construct two indicators of the dependent variable. The utilized dataset on democratic aid is provided by the Creditor Reporting System (CRS), issued by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Furthermore, in order to assess the effects of democratic aid, a multiple regression model is employed that controls for nine other variables which have been found to have significant impacts on democratic development in relevant previous research. The conclusion is that democratic aid neither had a statistically nor a substantially significant impact on democratic development of semi-democratic states from 2000 to 2004. Thus, it does not strengthen the ‘exogenous standpoint’ for democratic development, and it does not appear to contribute to an expansion of ‘democratic peace’. However, due to a number of factors, it is acknowledged that more research is required in order to assess the effects of democratic aid more adequately.
3
Vidmar, Jure. "Democratic transition and democratic consolidation in slovenia". Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York Oxford Wien Lang, 2006. http://d-nb.info/98819371X/04.
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Vidmar, Jure. "Democratic transition and democratic consolidation in slovenia /". Frankfurt, M. ;Berlin ;Bern ;Bruxelles ;New York ;Oxford ;Wien : Lang, 2008. http://d-nb.info/98819371X/04.
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Baer, Kenneth. "Reinventing Democrats : the Democratic Leadership Council and the attempt to change the public philosophy of the Democratic Party, 1981-1996". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243444.
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Wallerstein, Shlomit. "Permissible self-defence, democratic states and anti-democratic ideologies". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f00255a3-6367-45d1-930e-9f15ee6c8abf.
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Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi minister of propaganda, once said that '... it [will] probably always remain one of the best jokes of democracy, that it provided its own mortal enemies with the means by which it was destroyed'. Was Goebbels right? Does democracy provide its enemies with the means to destroy it? Is democracy defenceless against anti-democratic ideologies? The assassination of the Israeli Prime Minister, the late Yitzchak Rabin, on 4 November 1995 triggered a public debate in Israel about the ability of the state to deal with anti-democratic agents endeavouring to alter a democratic system in the service of an antidemocratic ideology. Almost everyone who took part in the debate assumed that the state has a right to defend itself against such ideologies and those acting in the name of such ideologies. The debate focused on the limitations of this right, offering various boundaries to the permission given to the state to use coercive measures, and more specifically, criminal law. In this thesis I confront Goebbels's proposition and tackle the counter-presumption that the state has a right to defend itself against anti-democratic ideologies. I seek to find a moral source for the state's right to self-defence against internal anti-democratic ideologies.
7
Gianoli, Alberto. "Local democratic governance". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271860.
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Miner, Amy Baird. "Democratic Inclusive Educators". DigitalCommons@USU, 2013. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/1469.
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Educating for democracy has long been established as a central purpose for schooling in America and continues to be included in the ongoing discourses on educational policy and programs. While educating for democracy has been defined in many ways, it is commonly agreed that it is the knowledge, skills, and experiences that members of a democracy should possess in order to be contributing citizens of a global society. Nested within the context of democratic education, inclusion as advocated by Iris Marion Young provided the framework for this study. Young suggested that inclusive democracy enables the participation and voice for all those affected by problems and their proposed solutions. Within the context of education, democratic inclusive education is established for the purpose of creating learning environments in which multiple perspectives are included in the community building and decision-making efforts of the classroom. This study explored the perceptions and experiences of three elementary teachers that incorporated aspects of democratic inclusion into their teaching practice.
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Mujani, Saiful. "Religious democrats: democratic culture and Muslim political participation in post-Suharto Indonesia". The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1054572222.
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Majani, Saiful. "Religious democrats: democratic culture and Muslim political participation in post-Suharto Indonesia". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054572222.
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Ahn, Julie Soo Jung. "Turkey's Unraveling Democracy: Reversing Course from Democratic Consolidation to Democratic Backsliding". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/852.
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The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) promised a new and democratic Turkey in the 2002 general elections, and it succeeded in winning the elections of 2002, 2007, and 2011. Everyone lauded the democratization process in Turkey under the AKP, calling it the “Turkish model.” Yet, with the prolonging rule of the AKP, cracks in the Turkish democracy gradually appeared, ranging from politicized trials to media repression. The situation in Turkey continued to worsen at an increasing pace under Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, leading to the major Gezi Park protests last summer. The erosion of the AKP’s commitment to Turkish democracy is evident, as is Turkey’s democratic backsliding.
The purpose of this paper is to provide a comprehensive landscape of domestic events in Turkey that demonstrate democratic backsliding by identifying major issue areas where this trend is most prominent. These key issues where democratic backsliding becomes most apparent in Turkey are divided into five categories: media freedoms, the judiciary, corruption and graft, the nature of the opposition, and civil liberties. These five categories will be examined through narratives, which provide crucial insight into the strategies used by the AKP to undermine the consolidation of liberal democracy in Turkey. The findings from the critical case study of Turkey can be instrumental in preventing the trend of democratic backsliding in other developing countries.
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Ikhwan, Hakimul. "Democratic Islamism : Islamists' engagement with democratic politics in post-Suharto Indonesia". Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701969.
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There has long been a perceived binary opposition between democracy and Islamism, whereby a number of influential scholars suggest that the presence of the former threatens the latter and vice versa. Based on indepth fieldwork in Cianjur, Indonesia, from 2011-2012, I found that the development of democracy in post- Suharto Indonesia from 1998-2013 was simultaneous with a growth in Islamism as manifest in the expansion of various Islamist political parties and civic associations. Islamism and democratic politics had come to work in conjunction whereby Islamism was not always in conflict or constantly supportive of the democratic processes. The development of democracy and democratisation in post-Suharto Cianjur brought an enhanced spirit to revitalise the local religious/transcendental identity that was contingent with the percieved threats of modernisation to local cultures, traditions, and religious values. My thesis argues that the employment of Islamist symbolism reflected in the shariatisation of local policies i.e. the Gerbang Marhamah and the zakat policy, was a manifestation of the 'discursive tradition' of Islam as well as a product of local democratic politics. I found that contestation and compromise over sharia-associated policies did not eliminate the spiritual and transcendental dimension of the policies. Rather, the policies were rooted in the current Islamists' practice and interpretations related to shariatisation and knowledge over religious texts (Quran, Hadith, and Islamic jurisprudence) and traditions based in the classical era of Islam. Sharia-associated policies were, in addition, a product of democratic processes in which the Islamists and the nationalists took part in contestation and compromise over the open-ended processes. In this regard, Islamists engagement with democratic politics in Cianjur had indeed developed into a form of 'democratic Islamism' whereby neither democracy nor Islamism were fixed but, through ongoing contestation and compromise within and between the Islamists and the nationalists, came to take on multiple and dynamic forms that puts into question many influential assumptions about the incompatability of Islam and democracy.
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Drake, Anna Marie. "Constructing democratic space : inclusion, efficacy, and protest in deliberative democratic theory". Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/1592.
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Boesten, Jan. "Between democratic security and democratic legality : discursive institutionalism and Colombia’s Constitutional Court". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/57045.
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This dissertation seeks to explain why the Colombian Constitutional Court disallowed a referendum to extend presidential terms in 2010, when it allowed a similar reform in 2005. There are three elements to this decision that make it remarkable for institutional theory and comparative politics: 1) The sitting president, Álvaro Uribe, was an extremely popular and powerful president, who used his transformative capacities to initiate a far-reaching reform agenda; 2) the Court’s authority appreciably increased between 2005 and 2010; 3) the jurisprudence of the Court involved a doctrine that is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution, but a re-interpretation of the norms outlining judicial review of constitutional reforms.
This dissertation inserts the 2010 decision in the historical and political context and asks three questions that guide each chapter: 1) Does the 1991 Constitution amount to a critical juncture in Colombia’s political history? 2) Does the post-genesis evolution of Colombia’s constitutional jurisprudence follow a path-dependent logic? 3) Did judges follow strategic incentives when they developed and applied the substitution doctrine, which struck down Uribe’s reform to extent the number of terms in the presidential office?
Building on the Colliers’ critical juncture framework, I show that the 1991 constituent process was a contingent event marked by genuine communicative action that incorporated sections from society previously marginalized, negotiated with important public input, and entirely restructured the meaning of the organizational imperatives of the polity. Contrary to expectations from the discontinuous change model, post-genesis development cannot be fully captured by path dependence, but involves incremental changes of institutional learning inside the judiciary. The investigation into the re-election decisions will show that institutional learning depends on carefully administered spaces of deliberation inside the Court that buttress the cohesion of legal reasoning. Altogether, this leads me to view institutions not as structured expectations in a game between rational actors or regularized patterns of conducts, but discursive structures, in which actors negotiate the meaning and significance of norms with reference to a constitutional text and the intention of the constituents that drafted the charter in the first place. The constitutional judge is a deliberative judge.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
15
Larsson, Helena. "The democratic arms export". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341405.
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Arms export research has largely focused on the behaviour of superpowers or major powers, while arms export behaviour of small democracies has received little attention. By using a quantitative method, this paper explored whether democracy had any impact on the arms export behaviour of small democracies. The argument was that a good international social reputation, as responsible global actors, would cause indirect pressure on small democratic states to follow democratic norms, and therefore make them avoid arms export to autocracies. The findings did not support the argument of democratic norms to have a negative relation to arms export to autocratic regimes. Additionally, the findings indicate that economic wealth is positively correlated to arms export to autocratic regimes.
16
Suksi, Aara Lauren. "Odysseus in democratic Athens". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0021/NQ45661.pdf.
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Cohen, Joshua. ""A More Democratic Liberalism"". Michigan Law Review, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/5450.
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Browne, Lesley Ann. "Contexts for democratic education". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270025.
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Mulindahabi, Charline. "Democratic decentralisation in Rwanda". University of the Western Cape, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7887.
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Masters in Public Administration - MPARwandan local government system is currently making an important turning point with the introduction of democratic decentralisation. This study was carried out in order to find out the prospects and challenges of democratic decentralisation in Rwandan context. From Rwanda's independence in 1962 up to the 1999 administrative reforms, local governments, namely communes, have largely failed in their mission of being basic development units. Democratic decentralisation was then introduced to bridge gaps and correct weaknesses that undemined local governance in the past. There are some challenges like generalised poverty in the country, the nonparticipation, and dependence syndrome among citizens that need to be overcome. However, there are also opportunities that ought to be taken advantage if democratic decentralisation is to really take root in Rwanda. The main opportunity is commitment to to democracy and decentralisation by all stakeholders, the national leadership, local authorities and citizens in general. However, democratic decentralisation cannot be attained quickly. It is achieved gradually depending on citizens' understanding and to the availability of the resources. authorities and citizens in general
20
Carter, Kelly A. "Foucault's Foundationless Democratic Theory". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5475/.
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I examine a key shift in Michel Foucault's political philosophy from a position in which he was a staunch anti-humanist, to a final position in which he advocated not only the ability of the subject to influence his political condition, but also the individual freedoms assured by a democratic form of government. I begin by summarizing his overall critique of the post-Enlightenment West, and then explain how his observation of the Iranian Revolution served as a key turning point concerning his attitude towards the subject. Next, I elaborate on the direction of Foucault's late writings and examine how his new conceptualization of the subject leads him to embrace a democratic political system albeit free from Enlightenment philosophical foundations. I conclude by critiquing Foucault's foundationless democratic theory on the basis that it would ultimately undermine the individual freedoms and aesthetic development that he seeks to protect.
21
Thomson, Stuart William James. "The social democratic dilemma". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1998. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU115282.
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The social democratic dilemma lies in the fact that to gain (or regain) office, parties of the social democratic left are having to abandon many of their ideals, and adapt to a changed globalised, advanced market capitalist system. This in itself provides a further dilemma, how to achieve egalitarian policies in an environment which thrives on inequality. It is the contention of this thesis that the version of social democracy presented to the electorate in Western Europe today adheres to a neo-liberal agenda. In the past, social democracy in Western Europe has been viewed as a single entity, but this was inaccurate. A fuller understanding can be gained by distinguishing between a Northern European and Southern European model, each with its own characteristics. Yet, these are now converging upon a 'new' social democracy which abandons the central values of the past and embraces neo-liberalism. An examination of the theories suggested to explain the problems facing social democracy show that many of them revolve around difficulties with the economic agenda. A number of Western European parties are examined in light of this to illustrate the development of social democracy. A fuller analysis of the British New Labour Party is forwarded as it is the most advanced in the direction of 'new' social democracy. This helps to highlight a number of historic reversals for social democratic parties and to confirm that the parties are following an agenda which is incongruent with their theoretical values.
22
Kemnitz, Alexander, i Martin Roessler. "Economic Development, Democratic Institutions, and Repression in Non-democratic Regimes: Theory and Evidence". Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-221345.
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This paper analyzes the utilization of repression and democratic institutions by a non-democratic government striving for political power and private rents. We find that economic development has different impacts on policy choices, depending on whether it appears in the form of rises in income or in education: A higher income level reduces democracy, whereas more education leads to both more democracy and more repression. These theoretical findings are corroborated by panel data regressions.
23
Fagundes, Junior Sergio José. "Política de democratização da rede pública de ensino do Municipio de Bragança Paulista (2006/2009) = caminhos e descaminhos". [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/251170.
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Orientador: Pedro GanzeliDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T16:39:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FagundesJunior_SergioJose_M.pdf: 46506805 bytes, checksum: e41c42acad29901f63551fc252e3e67d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: A gestão democrática da escola pública é de fundamental importância para a construção de uma sociedade igualitária e justa. O envolvimento de toda a comunidade escolar nos processos de decisão, tanto nos aspectos pedagógicos como nos administrativos, apresenta-se como um fator necessário para a gestão democrática na escola. Assim, este trabalho busca analisar a implementação de uma política municipal de educação, na cidade de Bragança Paulista, no período de 2006 a 2009, a qual se propôs à construção da escola democrática. Utilizamos como procedimento metodológico a análise de um programa de gestão para a Rede Municipal de Educação que teve como objetivo implantar a gestão democrática. Nossa análise verificou a presença de incongruências entre o proclamado e a realidade observada.
Abstract: The democratic management of public schools is crucial to building an egalitarian and fair society. The involvement of the whole school community in the decision-making, both in teaching and administration aspects, is presented as a necessary factor for the democratic management at school, so this paper seeks to examine the implementation of a city policy of education, in the city of Bragança Paulista, in the period of 2006 through 2009 which proposed the construction of a democratic school. We used as a methodological procedure the analysis of a management program for the Municipal Education Network aimed to implement democratic management. Our analysis showed the presence of inconsistencies between the announced and observed reality.
Mestrado
Politicas, Administração e Sistemas Educacionais
Mestre em Educação
24
Stocco, Aaron B. "Predicting Democratic Peace (DP) Breakdown, a new game-theoretic model of democratic crisis behavior". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0023/MQ50575.pdf.
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Johnson, Graham. "Social democratic politics in Britain 1881-1911 : the Marxism of the Social Democratic Foundation". Thesis, University of Hull, 1988. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3494.
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Beeston, William. "Does participation make the architectural process more democratic - and should it be more democratic?" Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.564400.
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Persson, Stefan. "Adolescents' role in democratic "parenting" /". Örebro : Örebro University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-8737.
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Brookes, Michael A. "Perils of a democratic peace". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1997. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA341470.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, September 1997."September 1997." Thesis advisor(s): Bertrand M. Patenaude. Includes bibliography references (p. 179-192). Also available online.
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McCormick, Paul R. "Leadership in a Democratic School". Thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10603433.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the experiences of a democratic school leader and understand how his conception of leadership is congruent or incongruent with notions of democracy and democratic leadership. This small, participant-observer case study follows a democratic school leader and his staff for a year and examines those challenges and opportunities. Specifically, the research addresses how a school leader’s belief system impacts their approach to school governance. It also examines the tensions leaders in this context encounter and how those tensions are navigated. The data uncovers unique opportunities that similarly situated democratic school leaders encounter, and the best approaches for practitioners in the field.
The research traces the history of democratic schools and the diverse set of ideas that define the broad spectrum of these types of schools. This work also examines recurrent leadership themes in literature and pairs them with some of the defining characteristics of democratic schools. It then looks specifically at research aimed at understanding democratic school leadership. It creates a conceptual understanding of democratic schools based on an intimate and practitioner-based understanding of the research site: voice in decision-making, curriculum, and community.
The findings uncover a school leader who is pulled in many different directions, but one who remains committed to the democratic process of deliberation and listening. The findings also elucidate a tension with autonomous teaching and curriculum writing, as well as the process of terminating students from community. While revisiting existing research, this work explains some new understandings about leadership in a democratic school context and contains some practical suggestions for leaders in similar situations.
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Ozcan, Emre. "What constitutes a democratic people?" Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547788.
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Tian, Jie (TJ). "Collective responsibility and democratic practice". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/46508.
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Questions of responsibility lie at the very heart of most social and political controversies. Responsibility attribution becomes rather complicated when it comes to social activities, in which members of a group share agency in collective actions or practices, even though these members may not participate directly in the outcome of such actions and the contribution of any single member to that outcome is negligible. The general tendency to individualize and to psychologize human actions makes it difficult to understand how collectives, such as companies, families and nations, can or should take responsibility for their actions. Philosophical attempts have been made to make sense of the concept of collective responsibility. Following these philosophers, I intend to develop some guiding principles for investigating collective responsibility and to explain how these principles reshape our general understanding of responsibility and public life.
These principles of understanding collective responsibility have the potential to affect the practice of collective decisions making. Political decision-making by citizen participants in a democratic process is taken as a paradigm case of collective actions. I will defend a deliberative model of democratic practice as the most promising one in assisting citizen participants in recognizing that they will be invested with shared responsibility of the political community. A deliberative model not only helps citizen participants gain deliberative capacity and become more responsive to reasons, it also helps participants to see the shared nature of collective decisions.
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De, Souza P. R. "Leadership, participation and democratic theory". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375153.
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Viant, Rosemary. "School governorship as democratic participation". Thesis, University of Exeter, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333602.
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Lepoutre, Maxime Charles. "Democratic speech in divided times". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283602.
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Democratic theorists have influentially argued that inclusive deliberation, where citizens voice their concerns and exchange justifications, is crucial to democracy. However, this deliberative ideal has come under sustained attack for being excessively utopian. As a result, to make this ideal more relevant and action-guiding, the present thesis investigates what norms should govern deliberation in political settings marked by severe social divisions. After motivating this project (Chapter 1), I defend the following account of deliberation. Although the requirement that deliberators appeal to shared reasons is morally attractive, even the weakest variant of this norm risks excluding too many considerations from the public deliberation of divided societies. To offset these exclusionary tendencies, I argue that public deliberation should give a greater role to emotionally-charged forms of speech, such as narrative (Chapter 2). Now, this last suggestion might seem overly inclusive, by opening the door for intensely angry narratives and for narratives expressing degrading or disrespectful views. In response to this 'overinclusiveness' concern, I argue 1) that degrading or disrespectful public speech is best countered through state-backed counterspeech, rather than through coercive legal norms that forcibly eliminate it from public discourse (Chapter 3) and 2) that narratives expressing anger in fact have a crucial epistemic role to play in divided societies, by enhancing our understanding of persisting injustices (Chapter 4). The final two chapters address a pressing worry: that the deliberative norms I advance demand too much of actual citizens. One might think that if citizens distrust each other and are highly ignorant about politics, they will be unable to deliberate fruitfully. But these problems are not decisive against my account. Chapter 5 investigates how the kind of public dialogue I defend offers important resources for rebuilding trust and goodwill in divided societies. As for political ignorance, Chapter 6 demonstrates that it is equally problematic for other political systems, democratic and non-democratic. Since this ignorance threatens all accounts, the solution is not to abandon inclusive deliberation, but rather to tackle political ignorance itself.
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Hoekstra, Marike. "Artist teachers and democratic pedagogy". Thesis, University of Chester, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10034/621472.
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Combining artistic practice with teaching is not unusual for teachers in the visual arts. A dual professional practice, which can be found throughout the field of art education with art teachers in all levels of education, requires a negotiation of roles and positions on a personal level and has impact on pedagogy. However, the binary opposition of artist versus teacher fails to comprise the diversity of practices where art making and teaching are combined. Not only does identification with artist or teacher vary, so does the extent to which the two disciplines are fused, to the point where it can be called a hybrid practice when the distinction between art and teaching is no longer relevant. The democratic nature of contemporary visual art making further problematises a singular model of artist teacher practice. In order to do justice to the personal strategies artist teachers employ in balancing their dual professional roles, this thesis proposes a multifaceted concept of artist teacher practice. In this thesis, the notion of hybridity and diversity in artist teacher practice and the implications for democratic models of teaching and learning is subject to both theoretical, empirical, and artistic inquiry. The employment of different lenses enables a multi-layered approach to a complex practice. By focusing on the knowledge incorporated in the practice of two Dutch artist teachers this thesis informs how artist teacher practice relates to models of democratic teaching and learning. The miniature dioramas visually explore my own perception of democratic learning spaces and add an extra auto-ethnographic layer of understanding to artist teacher pedagogy. Central in this thesis is the notion of a pedagogical thirdspace. A spatial representation of social realities helps to create a critical understanding of human life. A thirdspace is a place in the margins between reality and ideals (Soja, 1999). When binary models of understanding are exchanged for real-life knowledge of the pedagogical practice of artist teachers an ambiguous open space emerges, where there is room for experiential learning, uncertainty, risk-taking, care, equality, inclusion, tacit experience, sensitivity, play, flexibility, and conflict. The engaged pedagogy (hooks, 1994) of artist teachers emancipates learners because of the fact that the duality of the artist teacher invites learners to join in a democratic, living model of artistic practice.
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Amani, Aslan. "Is democratic multiculturalism really possible?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/643/.
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This thesis is an examination of the interplay between democratic norms and principles defining philosophical multiculturalism. Its most general aim is to find an answer to the following question concerning the possibility of democratic multiculturalism; do democracies adopt multicultural policies at the expense of their democratic credentials or are the two compatible with each other? The argument emerges from the interaction of two strong threads that run through the thesis. First, the thesis engages with three prevalent views on how democracies should react to the facts of disagreement – count heads, turn difference into a positive resource, and design procedures to maximize traditional values lying in the triangle of freedom, equality, and fraternity. In response, I offer a fourth view of democracy that combines minimalism with normativity. Normative minimalist democracy (NMD) holds that these three views are unable to appreciate the respective normative weights of dissensus and consensus, both of which have an ineliminable place in the modern democratic practices and their normative underpinnings. The second thread responds to another trichotomy – the three supposedly democratic challenges that philosophers of multiculturalism have brought up over the last two decades (as well as to the corresponding liberal-egalitarian counter-responses), which respectively draw attention to the importance of recognition, self-rule, and inclusion. With respect to these challenges and counter-challenges, the dissertation argues that both supporters and opponents of multiculturalism have democratic aspirations; and democratic response to multiculturalism should not be overshadowed by either unfounded optimism about the prospects of a substantive consensus fair to all previously marginalized minorities, nor by pessimism about the relapse into the preEnlightenment world due to the so-called return of parochialism. In between these two positions lies a more democratic response to multiculturalism – one that neither celebrates the role of culture as a unique vehicle of human fulfilment, nor dismisses it as a remnant of the past. The argument for seeking a middle ground arises in part out of frustration with the two extremes. Supplementing this critical aspect of the argument is a more constructive strand that explores what the individualist core of democracy implies with respect to political diversity in the form of disagreeing groups. Although NMD leaves room for a theory of groups substantially thinner than the one its multiculturalist critiques require because it is more clearly constrained by democracy’s individualist commitments, it is still thicker than the one standard liberal egalitarianism allows.
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Bayefsky, Rachel. "Humiliation and liberal democratic politics". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b381b972-6838-401a-97a2-bffd2c1bcd6b.
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The concept of humiliation has not received much attention from political theorists, despite the fact that themes related to dignity, respect, and honour have become more prominent in recent years. Contributions to the literature in political theory and related disciplines that do focus on humiliation tend to cast humiliation in one particular mould: as a violation of human dignity or equality, or as the emotional response to such a violation. Writers who take this view of humiliation often conclude that liberal democratic states and other actors committed to liberal democratic principles should not engage in humiliation. In this thesis, I provide an in-depth examination of the concept of humiliation, clarifying certain features of humiliation that are presented ambiguously in the current literature. I emphasise the complexity of humiliation and the variety of forms it can take, beyond the violation of human dignity or equality. Humiliation can, for instance, consist of damage to the images of relatively powerful individuals or groups. I then argue that normative conclusions about the responsibilities of actors committed to liberal democratic principles vis-à-vis humiliation ought to be more nuanced than the conclusions found in much of the current literature. In some circumstances, these actors may legitimately engage in action that constitutes and/or leads to humiliation in order to uphold liberal democratic principles. But I also endorse certain concerns regarding this kind of action. Decisions about the proper approach to humiliation on the part of actors committed to liberal democratic principles should be made, I argue, with sensitivity to the particular political context.
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Hugh-Jones, David. "Papers on direct democratic institutions". Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.502177.
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Committee, Conference for A. Democratic Future (CDF) Organising. "Conference for a democratic future". African National Congress, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66502.
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This booklet is intended to serve as a report-back to those organisations which were party to the Conference for a Democratic Future (CDF) and to those who were unable to be present. It is also intended to act as a guide to action for 1990 and beyond. The CDF was a historic gathering of the forces for change represented by 4600 delegates from over 2100 organisations. These range form Bantustan parties on the one end of the political spectrum to ultra leftist groups on the other end. But perhaps the most significant presence was from organisations like Five Freedoms Forum, NAFCOC, the Hindu Seva Samaj, that of traditional leaders and the hundreds of other community organisations which are rapidly becoming an active component of the mass struggle for change. Also significant was the strong worker representation from a range of trade unions, including eight affiliates of NACTU whose leadership had turned down the invitation to be part of the Conference. The Conference for a Democratic Future was a major step in the overall process of building unity in action and maximising the isolation of the regime. It was, in this sense, not an isolated event. The year 1989 had taken unity in action to new heights with the Defiance Campaign and the mass marches. The process leading up to the CDF was intended td be more important then the Conference itself. Likewise, in the post-Conference period, the follow-up process should be given the importance it deserves. At the end of the day, it is this follow-up process which would determine the actual success or failure of the CDF exercise. The Declaration adopted at the Conference represents the strategic orientation of the broad forces for change. It calls for the intensification of the struggle and for the placing of the question of political power on the agenda of our united mass action. The Conference resolutions collectively contain the elements of a programme of action. Without exception, each resolution is a call to action. The task of all participants of the Conference is to translate these resolutions into Mass United Action. The adoption of the Harare Declaration should act as the starting point of a process which takes its content to the masses of our people in all comers of the country. The demand for the Constituent Assembly should become a popular demand of the people. By adopting the resolution on international pressure, the Conference sends an unambiguous signal to the world community on how the people of South Africa view their role in the struggle to end apartheid. The follow-up to the Conference should also be a continuing search for whatever common ground exists between the broad forces for change. This search must take place not only at a national level, but mere importantly at a regional and local level. Let us bear in mind the words of the Declaration: “The moral appeal of the Democratic Movement has never been greater”. by an MDM delegate on the CDF Convening Committee.Includes the Harare Declaration: declaration of the OAU Ad-hoc Committee on Southern Africa on the Question of South Africa (Harare, Zimbabwe, August 21, 1989)
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Mullins, Jr Ricky Dale. "Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education". Diss., Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/89091.
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This dissertation is comprised of three manuscripts that coalesce around the topics of Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education. Each manuscript is formatted for publication and the dissertation itself is prefaced by information that explains my background and how it connects to my current research. As such, the work contained in this dissertation is a product of my experiences as a social studies teacher, special educator, and administrator. Henceforth, my work focuses on Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education. My research interests culminate in a three-article dissertation. The first paper is entitled, "Using Dewey to Problematize the Notion of Disability in Public Education." A version of this paper is currently under review for publication. In this paper I situate Dewey's theoretical underpinnings in the conversation around special education. Previous scholars of Dewey and disability have examined the ways in which his work speaks to educational growth and educational opportunity; my work adds to this body of research. However, my work is unique in that not only do I discuss pluralistic, communicative, participatory democracy as it pertains to students with disabilities, I also examine how Deweyan democracy can take shape, specifically within the context of an Individualized Education Plan (IEP) meeting. I conclude by arguing that Deweyan democracy is not only ideal, but realistic, attainable, and necessary, especially in the lives of students with disabilities.
In my second paper, I use the Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) dataset in a paper entitled, "Can We Meet Our Mission? Examining the Professional Development of Social Studies Teachers to Support Students with Disabilities and Emergent Bilingual Learners." A version of this paper has been accepted for publication in The Journal of Social Studies Research. In this work, I first examine the social studies scholarship looking at students with disabilities and emergent bilingual learners, as well as research about the nature of professional development within the social studies. I then analyze the number of students with disabilities and emergent bilingual learners that we support in the social studies to provide a portrait of the field. Next, I examine the extent to which social studies teachers receive professional development to support those student groups, as well as the extent to which the social studies teachers found the professional development to be useful. My findings indicate that social studies teachers do not receive substantial professional development to support the learning of all students, as evidenced by the limited amount of professional development received focusing on students with disabilities and emergent bilingual learners.
In my third paper, I build on previous research examining the possibilities and benefits of participating in informal learning spaces such as Twitter in a paper entitled, "'So I Feel Like We Were Theoretical, Whereas They Actually Do It': Navigating Twitter Chats For Teacher Education." A version of this paper is also under review for publication. In this paper, specifically, I examine the experiences and perceptions of pre-service social studies teachers who particip¬¬¬¬ated in a discipline specific Twitter chat known as #sschat. My findings indicate that pre-service teachers found value in the chat when they were able to share resources with practicing teachers and build professional learning networks. However, there were instances when the pre-service teachers felt like they contributed little because they did not have direct experience with teaching. Additionally, the pre-service teachers expressed dissatisfaction with using Twitter as a platform for professional chats. However, I still contend and conclude that the utility of such chats outweighs the negatives. Therefore, this study sheds light on the potentiality and necessity of utilizing Twitter chats as a space to provide ongoing and systematic support to pre-service teachers to help not only them, but the field of social studies education move forward. These papers when considered together form a foundation of scholarship and further inquiry focused on Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education, on which I plan to build in the years to come.Doctor of Philosophy
When I completed my undergraduate social studies teaching program, the job market appeared bleak in the coalfields of southwest Virginia. Coal, no longer king, had driven the economy for years. With its decline, my community barely managed to survive. My advisor at the time, honest and plain-spoken, told me that unless I obtained a license in special education, I would most likely not obtain a teaching job. Unlike many other areas of the country, in my hometown unless you could do other things like coach or drive a bus, a license to teach social studies was of little value. There was not much money and a new hire had to be willing to do many different jobs to prove his or her worth. Luckily, I had gotten my Commercial Driver License (CDLs) through a training program offered by the county school board, and I was consequently able to obtain a position, although not as a social studies teacher. I started my career in education as a special educator and substitute school bus driver. In this position I worked in an alternative education setting and taught vocational skills to secondary students with significant disabilities (in the institutional meaning of the word). From the start of my career, I aspired to become an administrator, so I enrolled in and completed a degree in Administration and Supervision. As I was working on that degree, I moved to the general education high school level, where I held a position teaching social studies and special education in an inclusive setting. Shortly thereafter, I obtained a job as an assistant principal. The part I enjoyed most about this position was working with and thinking about how to help teachers become better at their craft. At this point is when I decided to pursue a PhD in social studies education, so I could develop my interest into a body of research and eventually a career. Two years into my PhD program I was still grappling with who I was as a scholar. As I familiarized myself with social studies scholarship, I discovered that in my first position as an alternative education special educator, I was essentially preparing my students for the responsibilities of citizenship, which is the mission of the field of social studies (NCSS, 2013). Nevertheless, it was not until I started reading the work of John Dewey that I truly realized the complexity of what I experienced when I taught in the alternative education setting. That position allowed me to examine an element that I otherwise, would not have had the privilege to see; the complexity and intellect required for physical labor (Rose, 2004) and the inter-workings of true, vibrant, Deweyan democracy. Dewey’s work sparked a new interest in me and I started developing a deep-seated curiosity about how his theoretical underpinnings related to disability and democratic education. My interest in disability then caused me to ask other questions about social studies in relation to special education, which made me reflect on my prior experiences as a social studies educator. Although I had a license in special education, there were many instances in which I felt unprepared and unsupported in addressing the needs of all students in my classes which included general education students, students with disabilities (SWDs), and emergent bilingual learners (EBLs). I began to wonder if my feelings of unpreparedness and lack of support were in isolation. As I parsed the literature, I found that there was not a significant amount of research focused specifically on the extent to which social studies teachers felt they were prepared and supported to address the needs of all learners in their classroom. Additionally, my experience in both public education and teacher education gave me insight to realize that school systems do not have funding to provide specialized professional development and similarly, teacher education is under financial constraints as well. Therefore, I began examining what informal spaces such as Twitter offer educators in terms of professional support and development. My interests and curiosity fueled my scholarly work and eventually culminated into three distinct, but interconnected manuscripts. The three manuscripts that follow coalesce around my interests in Dewey, Disability, and Democratic Education.
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Klipfel, Kevin Michael. "Luck Egalitarianism and Democratic Equality". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42799.
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Luck egalitarianism is the view that justice requires that we hold people accountable for the choices that they make but not the circumstances that they find themselves in. My aim in this thesis is to reject luck egalitarianism. My argument builds on the recent critique of luck egalitarianism by Elizabeth Anderson. Anderson rejects luck egalitarianism in favor of a view she calls â democratic equality.â The aim of democratic equality is to create a community in which citizens relate to one another as equals. This requires, among other things, that we provide citizens with the necessary capabilities and functionings needed in order for them to function as free and equal citizens. In this thesis I argue that Andersonâ s critique of luck egalitarianism, although successful against the standard luck egalitarian view, does not undermine a weaker version of luck egalitarianism. This position â which I call moderate luck egalitarianism â claims that we ought to apply the choice/circumstance distinction always and only when doing so does not compromise the aims of democratic equality. This is because it is always unfair, according to luck egalitarians, when some people are worse off than others through no fault of their own. Since Andersonâ s view does not correct for this, we need to combine the aims of democratic equality and luck egalitarianism in the name of fairness. I argue, however, that this is not necessary. Not all inequalities that are the result of peopleâ s unchosen circumstances are unfair or unjust; inequalities in income and wealth are unfair only to the extent that they inhibit the ability of individuals to function as free and equal citizens. Thus, luck egalitarians have given us no reason to conjoin the aims of democratic equality and luck egalitarianism: democratic equality suffices.Master of Arts
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Dempster, Wesley. "Pragmatism, Growth, and Democratic Citizenship". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1457718237.
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Rennick, Stephanie (Stephanie Lisa) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Political education and democratic citizenship". Ottawa, 1993.
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Pate, Amy. "Ethnic rebellion in democratic experiments". College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/7668.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Maloney, Steven Douglas. "Abortion escorts and democratic participation". College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8070.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Altman, Micah Kousser J. Morgan. "Districting principles and democratic representation /". Diss., Pasadena, Calif. : California Institute of Technology, 1998. http://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechETD:etd-05192004-142452.
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McDaniel, Bonnie Lyon. "Autonomy, gender and democratic education /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7728.
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Bolt, Julie Elizabeth. "Border pedagogy for democratic practice". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289996.
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Border Pedagogy for Democratic Practice articulates a pedagogy that awakens a more nuanced political consciousness, a sense of empathy and agency about social justice, and an increased comfort with ambiguities, for both student and teacher. By combining a theory of border pedagogy (developed by Henry Giroux, Peter McLaren, Renato Rosaldo and others), with tenets from cultural studies, postcolonial literary theory and critical pedagogy/literacy, I argue for a new understanding in the way we teach diverse texts, an understanding that can be applied to the ongoing shifts in history and culture, and local and global politics. The first section historicizes, explores and synthesizes the major theorists and questions from which my framework arises. In the second chapter I analyze the border texts of Sherman Alexie, Rigoberta Menchu, and Guillermo Gomez-Pena, which I find useful in classroom exploration of border theory. In the final section, I offer models of courses each designed with the intent of facilitating an environment for critical literacy, political agency and "border thought," including the courses "Contemporary American Indian Literature," "Critical Thinking" and "The Arts in Society." My hope is that border pedagogy for democratic practice will encourage active citizenship in the interest of social justice.
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Gioia, Sandler B. (Bruno). "Freedom-based education:rethinking democratic schools". Bachelor's thesis, University of Oulu, 2018. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201811203076.
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The goal of this literature review based bachelor’s thesis is to offer a deeper understanding of the concept of freedom in the educational context and the application of such idea in democratic schools. In order to conceptualize the idea of freedom in education, a philosophical approach is taken to introduce the topic. The study continues with discussion of the work of the main three authors that are object of this thesis: Rebeca Wild, A.S. Neill and Daniel Greenberg, who use the concept of freedom in the educational context in their work and their schools. Elements such as respect, autonomy, trust, existence of limits and democracy are common values in the understanding of freedom by these authors and are important components of their educational philosophies.
After outlining the understanding of the concept of freedom in the educational context, the focus turns to defining democratic education and introducing the concept of democratic schools as educational initiatives that follow the principles of democratic education. In addition to having freedom, equality and respect as a driving force, democratic way of managing the school and self-directed learning are core values to this way of understanding education. A deeper understanding is offered by showing examples of real-life practices where the idea of freedom is applied in these schools. After examining of some of the characteristics of these schools, certain gaps are found and a main critique is raised.
In this thesis I am proposing the use of the term freedom-based education as an alternative to the democratic education one. The reason behind this proposal is to open a discussion about the shape of the democratic model that is applied in this type of schools and which alternatives could be used. By proposing the term of freedom-based education I aim to collaborate on improving the concept of democratic education and making it more accessible to a greater number of people. Understanding the goal of this type of education as a transformative one makes it pose itself as an alternative to the mainstream educational model and offers a possible change in the educational paradigm.
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Jotia, Agreement Lathi. "THE QUEST FOR DEEP DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION: SCHOOLS AS DEMOCRATIC SPACES IN THE POST – COLONIAL BOTSWANA". Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1147360469.
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