Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Democratic Republic of Vietnam”
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1
Hoang Hai, Ha, i Dung Vu Thi. "Mobilizing American and Western support and sympathy for the Vietnamese Revolution through people’s diplomacy (1965-1973)". Journal of Science Social Science 66, nr 3 (sierpień 2021): 118–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2021-0054.
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The article investigates people's diplomacy of Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) from 1965 to1973, aiming to gain American and Western support and sympathy for the Vietnamese revolution. The resistance war against the US became more difficult and fiercer when the US government deployed more political and diplomatic activities to support its military campaigns in South Vietnam as well as negotiations at the Paris Conference. In addition, the Sino-Soviet split had been growing more tense, causing many difficulties for Vietnam’s anti-imperialist struggle. Therefore, the Labor Party of Vietnam and the Government of the DRV paid great attention to people’s diplomacy aiming to demonstrate Vietnam's position on American War, the legitimacy of the anti-American resistance war, thereby bringing popular pressure to bear on US government to sign the 1973 Paris Peace Accords and withdraw US military troops.
2
Hiep, Ho Duc, i Vu Hong Van. "The Similarities between the Political System of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and the Laos People’s Democratic Republic". Volume-1: Issue-9 (November, 2019) 1, nr 9 (7.12.2019): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.9.6.
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Vietnam and Laos relationship, timeless friendship is a common feeling that people of the two countries have witnessed over the years. The study of clarifying the political system of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and the Laos People’s Democratic Republic is of great significance in analyzing the organization and implementation of political power and power of the government, organization and operation of the Party, the State and socio-political organizations. At the same time, this is also a good source of references for teachers, learners and scholars interested in research, teaching and learning. Within the scope of this article, we focus on clarifying the political system in Vietnam and Laos at the following points: (i) The concept and characteristics of the political system of Vietnam and Laos; (ii) The political institutions of the political systems of Vietnam and Laos, from which comments and assessments of the political system model of the two countries.
3
Tran, Ben. "Ferdinand Oyono in Vietnamese: Translation after Socialism and Colonialism". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, nr 1 (styczeń 2013): 163–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.1.163.
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Of the fourteen translations of Ferdinand Oyono's une vie de boy published to date, the Vietnamese translation, Đới Làm bồi, dates last, despite Vietnam and Cameroon's shared past under French colonialism. Nguyễn Như đat, the novel's Vietnamese translator, had anticipated that his version, published in 1997, would not find much of a market. The translator's pessimism was warranted, since the Vietnam of the late 1990s drastically differed from the two Vietnams of 1956, when Oyono's novel was originally published. Partitioned after the 1954 Geneva Accords and fighting against each other in the Second Indochina War, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in the north and the Republic of Vietnam in the south were unified at the war's end, in 1975, under a socialist government. But since 1986 Vietnam has been engaged in the capitalist world market, albeit under the banner of socialism. Given this context of market socialism, the Vietnamese translation of Oyono's anticolonial novel seems to have lagged temporally: it was published at a time when literary translations in Vietnam began trending away from anticolonialism and toward, for example, Raymond Carver's minimalism, Haruki Murakami's surreal handling of alienation, and, more recently, Vladimir Nabokov's perversely defamiliarizing style.
4
Grossheim, Martin. "The Lao Động Party, Culture and the Campaign against “Modern Revisionism”". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 8, nr 1 (2012): 80–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2013.8.1.80.
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The article tries to make a contribution to the reassessment of the Second Indochina War and of the significance of culture in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam before and during the conflict. By making use of as-yet untapped sources from the German Democratic Republic archives, DRV periodicals and interviews with Vietnamese informants, I highlight the cultural dimension of the campaign against modern revisionism in 1964, and thus present the Lao Động leadership as an actor on the cultural front of the Vietnam conflict. Moreover, I show that even after the beginning of the war an anti-revisionist undercurrent in cultural policy persisted and that the anti-revisionist campaign in 1964 was closely related to the Anti-Party Revisionist Affair in 1967. The article also sheds light on the impact of the Sino-Soviet conflict on North Vietnam.
5
Sidel, Mark. "The Re-emergence of China Studies in Vietnam". China Quarterly 142 (czerwiec 1995): 521–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035049.
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After war, years of hostility and a long period of gradually improving Party and state relations, the study of China has begun to re-emerge in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Vietnam has had a sinological tradition for hundreds of years, linked to China by history, language, trade, a common border and in a myriad of other ways. From the mid-1950s until the early 1970s, thousands of Vietnamese students and officials studied in the People's Republic of China. Today the People's Republic remains Vietnam's key strategic threat. But the PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and overseas Chinese communities are also among Vietnam's key trade partners and a growing source of investment for its economic reforms.Given this close relationship – including the direct hostility in the late 1970s and early to mid–1980s, one of a series of conflicts going back hundreds of years – it is perhaps paradoxical that the study of China in Vietnam has remained relatively weak. During the war against the French which led to the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1945 and the victory at Dien Bien Phu, Vietnamese sinology was a field largely limited to one or two universities and institutes in Hanoi and some additional capacity in Hue and Saigon, with scholars trained in either the older Vietnamese or French tradition. The thousands of Vietnamese who studied in China in the 1950s and 1960s were trained largely for other fields, although Chinese studies did see some development during the 1949 to 1966 period.
6
Loicano, Martin. "The Role of Weapons in the Second Indochina War". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 8, nr 2 (2013): 37–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2013.8.2.37.
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This article examines attempts by the Second Republic of Vietnam (RVN) to call attention to perceived and real quantitative and qualitative disparities of weapons between their forces and those of their enemies. It also looks at the way Chinese, Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and US propaganda efforts complicated these attempts. Sài Gòn’s leaders tried and failed to gain additional military aid, to use weapons to improve their relations with the Southern Vietnamese public, and to redress what they saw as inaccurate information about their own military strength and that of their enemies.
7
Szalontai, Balázs. "The “Sole Legal Government of Vietnam”: The Bao Dai Factor and Soviet Attitudes toward Vietnam, 1947–1950". Journal of Cold War Studies 20, nr 3 (wrzesień 2018): 3–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00813.
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Earlier historical studies often suggested that the Soviet leader Iosif Stalin, distrustful as he was of Ho Chi Minh's policies and attributing little importance to Vietnam, remained unwilling to recognize the Democratic Republic of Vietnam until the Chinese Communist leaders threw their weight behind their Vietnamese comrades. On the basis of Soviet press articles, Hungarian archival documents, United Nations (UN) records, and other sources, this article shows that in fact Soviet interest in Vietnam significantly increased as early as 1948–1949, well before the proclamation of the People's Republic of China. This interest, expressed in growing press coverage and sporadic efforts to represent North Vietnam's cause in various UN organs, seems to have been linked to Moscow's strong disapproval of France's attempts to create an anti-Communist “puppet state.” From the outset, the USSR took the position that the Communist North was the sole legitimate representative of the Vietnamese nation and, hence, that the Bao Dai regime in the South was ipso facto illegitimate. The article concludes that Chinese support to Ho Chi Minh was only one of the three major factors that persuaded Stalin to recognize North Vietnam; the two others were the “Bao Dai factor” and Moscow's dissatisfaction with France's new European policy.
8
Kościelniak, Karol. "The Socialist Republic of Vietnam in Polish political and economic perspective". Reality of Politics 3, nr 1 (31.03.2012): 112–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201208.
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The history of bilateral relations between Poland and Vietnam reaches the year 1950 when countries of the Eastern Bloc, including Poland, acknowledged independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Since then, we have observed more or less intensive mutual contacts. We have cooperated in many fields. And today, watching moves of Polish and Vietnamese politicians and signed agreements, we can see that this cooperation is getting colors and like years ago, it covers various fields. The Socialist Republic of Vietnam in Polish political and economic perspective does not have a significant status. Despite the fact that with every year, the interest of the Polish as well as Vietnamese side is getting bigger. However the biggest problem is the adverse balance of trade between both countries. Time will show in which direction the Polish-Vietnamese cooperation will go. However, looking at expressive economic growth of Vietnam during the last few years and what is even more important, at further perspectives of this prosperity, Poland should maintain good relations with this economic partner, enlarging at the same time its export to this country. We can see in Vietnam an opportunity for Polish traders for exporting their products to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
9
Phương, Nguyễn Thụy. "A French School in North Vietnam". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 10, nr 3 (2015): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jvs.2015.10.3.1.
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The Lycée Albert-Sarraut, founded in Hà Nội in 1919, was a prestigious French school that had become popular among Vietnamese elites. After 1954, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam agreed to let the school operate under French supervision. For the French, the school was an excuse to keep an official delegation in Hà Nội. For the Vietnamese, it was a bargaining chip for negotiating with the Western bloc. This unusual experiment of a Western school in a communist country lasted ten years, during which the Vietnamese authorities progressively eliminated French influence in the school, until they closed it down in 1965.
10
Desiatnikov, Ivan. "United States-Vietnam relations in light of geopolitics of the usa in Asia-Pacific region in 1945-1975". Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, nr 27 (2020): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-96-106.
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The article focuses on the analysis of US-Vietnam relations during the period from 1945 to 1975. The aim of the article is to trace the changes that took place in the US-Vietnam relationship over that period, to identify the factors that influenced them, as well as the approaches used by the heads of the countries to tackle their foreign policy objectives in the region. The author traces the evolution of US policy in Vietnam pursued by Presidents H. Truman, D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nixon. The United States had diametrically opposed position on relations with the Vietnamese governments, namely, confrontation and military conflict with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and cooperation, military and economic aid to the Republic of Vietnam. The author concludes that the US attitude towards Vietnam was determined by the international situation at that time, including the beginning of the Cold War. The policies of Presidents D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy were to restrain the expansion of the Communist bloc's sphere of influence. The direct involvement of the US military in the Vietnam conflict, initiated by L. Johnson, pursued the goal of enhancing the prestige of the United States in the global confrontation with the USSR. The split between the Soviet Union and China was used by the US to get out of the Vietnam War and mend relations with China as a counterweight to the Soviet Union in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead, the Republic of Vietnam, which had been the "junior partner" of the United States, was left to its fate.
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Cherry, Haydon. "Digging Up the Past: Prehistory and the Weight of the Present in Vietnam". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 4, nr 1 (2009): 84–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2009.4.1.84.
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This essay argues that prehistory in Vietnam has been powerfully shaped by the contemporary social and political circumstances in which it has been produced, both during the French colonial period and in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. It argues that in both periods the degree of professionalism in the field and the prevailing political ideology shaped the kind of prehistory produced. The discussion focuses particularly on the Bronze Age culture of Đông Sỏn and its link to the Hùng kings and their kingdom of Văn Lang.
12
Asselin, Pierre. "The Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the 1954 Geneva Conference: A revisionist critique". Cold War History 11, nr 2 (15.10.2010): 155–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682740903244934.
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Dror, Olga. "Education and Politics in Wartime: School Systems in North and South Vietnam, 1965–1975". Journal of Cold War Studies 20, nr 3 (wrzesień 2018): 57–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00819.
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From the late 1950s until 1975, the war between North and South Vietnam had both domestic and international consequences. Unlike the Cold War divide between the United States and the Soviet Union, the war between the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV, the Communist North) and the Republic of Vietnam (RVN, the non-Communist South) was an armed conflict between two polities that both identified themselves as Vietnamese. In this twenty-year-long struggle, the fates of the DRV and the RVN were tied to their success in producing new generations who would subscribe to their respective agendas. This was done through many venues, of which education was one of the most important. Relying on archival materials and published documents, this article compares the educational systems at the primary and secondary school levels in the DRV and RVN after the division of the country, with a special focus on the period 1965–1975.
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Donato, Celeste M., Sarah Thomas, Sokoveti Covea, Felisita T Ratu, Aalisha Sahu Khan, Eric Rafai i Julie E. Bines. "Rotavirus surveillance informs diarrhoea disease burden in the WHO Western-Pacific region". Microbiology Australia 42, nr 4 (2021): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma21046.
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The surveillance of enteric pathogens is critical in assessing the burden of diarrhoeal disease and informing vaccine programs. Surveillance supported by the World Health Organization in Fiji, Vietnam, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, and the Philippines previously focussed on rotavirus. There is potential to expand surveillance to encompass a variety of enteric pathogens to inform vaccine development for norovirus, enterotoxigenic Escherichia coli and Shigella.
15
Guillemot, François. "Autopsy of a Massacre On a Political Purge in the Early Days of the Indochina War (Nam Bo 1947)". European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, nr 2 (2010): 225–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x548757.
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AbstractThis paper examines the history of an unknown “mass murder” perpetrated in 1947 in Southern Vietnam by the Viet Minh forces. It was organized in the outskirts of Saigon, mainly against Cao Dai and Hoa Hao religious forces that were portrayed as “reactionary” during their political revolutionary trials. Before presenting and analyzing the data of nearly 900 victims, the paper briefly presents the social, political and military conquest and context of French Cochinchina, as well as explains the political and military ambitions of the Viet Minh forces after the advent of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in Hanoi on September 2, 1945. The focal point of this article is the review of the data related to the massacre and its uses, i.e.what they can reveal about the course of the massacre, its actors and victims. Finally, the paper's last section assesses the official historiography of the massacre, which has been recognized by the current regime in a 'soft' mea culpa. In conclusion, this article discusses the issue of violence in Southern Vietnam and its consequences for the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in a more long term perspective.
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Maclean, Ken. "Manifest Socialism: The Labor of Representation in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (1956––1959)". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 2, nr 1 (1.02.2007): 27–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2007.2.1.27.
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A close examination of archival documents and other materials from the state-controlled press reveals there to have been at least five competing modes for organizing labor on public works projects in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam during the mid to late 1950s. Each of these modes is examined to illustrate how ideological concerns and bureaucratic struggles shaped not only the postwar reconstruction of infrastructure but also efforts to "build socialism" following the land reforms. The materials discussed indicate that disruptions, false starts, and counterproductive policy modifications, including fierce competition between different state agencies, were the norm rather than the exception.
17
Grossheim, Martin. "‘Revisionism’ in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam: New Evidence from the East German Archives". Cold War History 5, nr 4 (listopad 2005): 451–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682740500284804.
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Nguyen, Uyen. "Guerillas in the City". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 17, nr 1 (2022): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2022.17.1.1.
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This article examines the administrative takeover of Hà Nội as a Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) state-making project in the immediate postwar period (1954–1960). This administrative takeover happened in two stages. First, the DRV “grafted” onto the existing structure to ensure that public administration continued to function. Later, the system was slowly transformed as Associated State of Vietnam (ASV) state employees were sidelined and replaced by the DRV’s own personnel. This article argues that the establishment of the DRV administration in Hà Nội, like other state-making projects that took place throughout the northern territory during the 1950s, was a complicated process that required deliberation, adjustment, and coercion.
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OLIVER, KENDRICK. "TOWARDS A NEW MORAL HISTORY OF THE VIETNAM WAR?" Historical Journal 47, nr 3 (wrzesień 2004): 757–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003942.
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Intellectual developments since the mid-1960s have served to assist the efforts of those responsible for American policy in the Vietnam war subsequently to empty the history of that conflict of ethical critique. This article argues for the necessity of ethically informed historical enquiry and, with respect to Vietnam, proposes that there now exists the best opportunity for a generation for scholars to construct a fresh and credible moral history of the war. Increasingly, we have access to the perspectives of the ‘other side/s’: the revolution in the south, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam regime in Hanoi, the People's Republic of China, and the USSR. An examination of the motivations and interactions of these parties, combined with the continuing exegesis of American policy debates, makes clear just how critical concerns (and failures) of ethics were to the development of the conflict. In particular, it clarifies the manner in which US leaders abdicated responsibility in exaggerating the relatively limited strategic challenge that they faced in south-east Asia. Vietnam was not a ‘necessary war’; nor can the decision to fight it – given its predictable consequences for south Vietnamese civilians and American soldiers alike – simply be explained away through the discourse of the honest ‘mistake’.
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Vo, Alex-Thai D. "Nguyễn Thị Năm and the Land Reform in North Vietnam, 1953". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 10, nr 1 (2015): 1–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2015.10.1.1.
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New scholarship has challenged conventional portrayals of the Vietnamese revolution and its leader, Hồ Chí Minh. However, little has been said about Hồ Chí Minh’s role in the social-political and economic revolution known as the land reform. This paper looks at the life and trial of landowner Nguyễn Thị Năm to illuminate Hồ Chí Minh’s role in the decision to execute Nguyễn Thị Năm. It also examines the execution as part of the broader history of the land reform and of the consolidation of communist power in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.
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Sailo, Lalawmawia, Lawmsangzuala Chhangte, Rochamliana Aineh i H. Lalthanzara. "Sightings of chestnut-flanked white-eye Zosterops erythropleurus: First report from Mizoram, India". Science Vision 18, nr 2 (30.06.2018): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33493/scivis.18.02.06.
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In this paper we report the first confirmed sighting of chestnut-flanked white-eye Zosterops erythropleurus (Swinhoe, 1863) from Mizoram and first photographic report from India. chestnut-flanked white-eye belongs to the family Zosteropidae and is a resident of Cambodia, China, Hongkong, Korea, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Laos, Myanmar, Russia, Thailand and Vietnam. In the Indian Sub-continent this is the only sighting report for this species and details of sightings and habitat are discussed.
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Spoor, Max. "Finance in a socialist transition: The case of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (1955–1964)". Journal of Contemporary Asia 17, nr 3 (styczeń 1987): 339–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472338780000231.
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Pike, Douglas, i Andrew Vickerman. "The Fate of the Peasantry: Premature `Transition to Socialism' in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam." Pacific Affairs 60, nr 4 (1987): 700. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759222.
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Tran, Tien Nam. "On the Western scholars' perspective on “power vacuum” and the “opportunity-seizing” capacity of Vietnam revolutionary forces in the 1945 August Revolution". Science and Technology Development Journal 19, nr 4 (31.12.2016): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v19i4.734.
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The 1945 August Revolution successfully overthrew colonialism, feudalism and led to the birth of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam – the new revolutionary state in Vietnam. The 1945 August Revolution was a significantly historical victory in the cause of national construction and defense of the Vietnamese people. The victory resulted from promoting national strength up from that of the time, in which the national strength under the leadership of the Indochinese Communist Party and leader Ho Chi Minh played a decisive role. However, many Western scholars have different points of view in doing research and studies on this historical event. Many Western scholars believe that there was a “power vacuum” in Vietnam; thereby, Vietnam revolutionary forces moved quickly to fill the power vacuum, launching the August Revolution and won by luck not by their own strength. The paper focuses on assessing the view-points of Western scholars on “power vacuum” at its true worth, while confirming the important role of Vietnam revolutionary forces in “seizing the opportunity” to get hold of power in the 1945 August Revolution.
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Lüthi, Lorenz M. "Beyond Betrayal: Beijing, Moscow, and the Paris Negotiations, 1971–1973". Journal of Cold War Studies 11, nr 1 (styczeń 2009): 57–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.57.
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Contrary to later Vietnamese allegations, China did not “sell out” the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) during the last two years of the Paris negotiations (1971–1973). North Vietnamese, Chinese, Soviet, East European, and American sources show that Hanoi could have gotten from Washington an agreement similar to the final Paris Agreement (January 1973) as early as the spring of 1971. Sino-American rapprochement did not help the United States in the negotiations, as claimed by the North Vietnamese, because the Chinese side made no concessions at all on Vietnam. In fact, China increased military aid to the DRV. Similarly, U.S.-Soviet detente did not damage the North Vietnamese effort, although Moscow unsuccessfully tried to mediate between Hanoi and Washington. In the end, U.S. success in rebuffing the DRV's Easter Offensive and Hanoi's miscalculations about U.S. domestic developments in 1972 prolonged the Vietnam War unnecessarily.
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KELLY, ELAINE. "Music for International Solidarity: Performances of Race and Otherness in the German Democratic Republic". Twentieth-Century Music 16, nr 1 (luty 2019): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572219000124.
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AbstractCentral to the official identity of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the state's positioning of itself as the antifascist and anti-colonial other to West Germany. This claim was supported by the GDR's extensive programme of international solidarity, which was targeted at causes such as the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. A paradox existed, however, between the vision of a universal proletariat that underpinned the discourse of solidarity and the decidedly more exclusive construct of socialist identity that was fostered in the GDR itself. In this article, I explore some of the processes of othering that were embedded in solidarity narratives by focusing on two quite contrasting musical outputs that were produced in the name of solidarity: the LP Kämpfendes Vietnam, which was released on the Amiga record label in 1967, and the Deutsche Staatsoper's 1973 production of Ernst Hermann Meyer's anti-apartheid opera, Reiter der Nacht.
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Dibley, Michael J., Upul Senarath i Kingsley E. Agho. "Infant and young child feeding indicators across nine East and Southeast Asian countries: an analysis of National Survey Data 2000–2005". Public Health Nutrition 13, nr 9 (4.05.2010): 1296–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980010000844.
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AbstractObjectiveTo compare infant and young child feeding practices in children aged 0–23 months across nine East and Southeast Asian countries.DesignSecondary analyses of cross-sectional data from available Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS; Indonesia, Philippines, Timor-Leste, Cambodia and Vietnam), Multiple Indicator Country Surveys (Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) and Myanmar) and national nutrition surveys (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPR Korea) and Mongolia) conducted between 2000 and 2005.SettingSeven countries from Southeast Asia and two from East Asia.SubjectsChildren aged 0–23 months with samples ranging from 826 to 5610 for DHS, and from 477 to 5860 for non-DHS data.ResultsMore than 93 % of infants were ever breast-fed, and over 75 % were currently breast-fed except in the Philippines. Timely initiation of breast-feeding varied from 32 % in Indonesia to 46 % in Timor-Leste. Exclusive breast-feeding (EBF) rate in infants under 6 months of age ranged from 11 % in Myanmar to 60 % in Cambodia. EBF rates were also low in Vietnam (15·5 %) and Lao PDR (23 %), and varied between 30 % and 40 % in Indonesia, Philippines and Timor-Leste. The proportion of infants under 6 months of age who were given breast milk with non-milk liquids was high except in Indonesia and Timor-Leste. Bottle-feeding rates were lower in DPR Korea (3 %), Lao PDR (6 %) and Myanmar (6 %) and higher in the Philippines (49 %) and Mongolia (31 %). Timely complementary-feeding rate varied widely across countries (6–99 %).ConclusionsAll the countries studied should make greater efforts to improve timely initiation of breast-feeding and EBF for 6 months. Measures should be taken to reduce high bottle-feeding rate in the Philippines, Mongolia, Indonesia and Vietnam, and improve complementary-feeding rate in Lao PDR, Myanmar, DPR Korea and Philippines.
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Thi Nhuong, Le. "Military cooperation between the United States of America and the Republic of Vietnam (1969-1973)". Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 4, nr 4 (14.02.2021): first. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v4i4.633.
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President M. Richard Nixon took office in the context that the United States was being crisis and deeply divided by the Vietnam war. Ending the war became the new administration's top priority. The top priority of the new government was to get the American out of the war. But if the American got out of the war and the Republic of Vietnam (RVN) fell, the honor and and prestige of the U.S will be effected. Nixon government wanted to conclude American involvement honorably. It means that the U.S forces could be returned to the U.S, but still maintaining the RVN government in South Vietnam. To accomplish this goal, Nixon government implemented linkage diplomacy, negotiated with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) in Paris and implemented "Vietnamization" strategy. The aim of the Vietnamization was to train and provide equipments for the RVN's military forces that gradually replace the U.S. troops, take responsibility in self-guarantee for their own security. By analyzing the military cooperation between the United States and the RVN in the implementation of "Vietnamization", the paper aims to clarify the nature of the "allied relationship" between the U.S and the RVN. It also proves that the goal of Nixon's Vietnamization was not to help the RVN "reach to a strong government with a wealthy economy, a powerful internal security and military forces", served the policy of withdrawing American troops from the war that the U.S could not win militarily, solving internal problems but still preserving the honor of the United States.
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Le Hien, Chuong. "From the Order 45\SL of President Ho Chi Minh in 1945 to the Decree 276-ND of the National Ministry of Education in 1951: historical issues on the forming of Hanoi National University of Education". Journal of Science Educational Science 66, nr 4D (październik 2021): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1075.2021-0135.
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After the 1945 August Revolution, the higher education system in Vietnam was gradually reorganized, including institutions regarded asas precursors to Hanoi National University of Education, the first teacher training institution of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. From Faculty of Literature in 1945 to Higher School of Education (1951 - 1954), it was a step-by-step formation of Hanoi National University of Education, with the establishment and operation of high school teacher training institutions of different sizes and forms. Based on primary historical sources including archives and recollections of witnesses, this paper attempts to systematically reconstruct the process from the first precursor to the establishment of Hanoi National University of Education, and is also part of the history of university system in Vietnam from the August Revolution in 1945 to the final years of the resistance war against the French colonialists. The content of the paper provides some new unexploited documents, and at the same time presents some new perspectives and points of view.
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Steinman, Jessica Hoai Thuong. "From North-South to East-West: The Demarcation and Reunification of the Vietnamese Migrant Community in Berlin". Journal of Migration History 7, nr 2 (23.08.2021): 111–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00702002.
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Abstract In 1989, the Berlin Wall fell, marking the breakdown of the East-West demarcation and the reunification of the German Democratic Republic (gdr) and Federal Republic of Germany (frg). Consequently, thousands of predominantly Northern Vietnamese contract workers, who came to East Berlin under the bilateral agreement between the gdr and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (srv), stayed in the reunified Germany alongside thousands of Vietnamese thuyền nhân from South Vietnam, who were settled in West Berlin by the frg. Therefore, Berlin became the host of two Vietnamese communities. To this day, significant tension exists between the two Vietnamese communities in Berlin due to the geographical and ideological divisions linked to the deterritorialisation and consequently reterritorialisation of the imagined homeland and host-land within the diaspora. This tension is further exacerbated by the socioeconomic segregation in the Vietnamese diaspora due to the differences in settlement policies and reception by the host land. This article focuses on the migration paths, policies, and subsequent development of the Vietnamese diaspora in Berlin. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Berlin from 2016 to 2018, I argue that the differences in policies before and after reunification regarding two different groups of Vietnamese migrants ultimately shape the experiences and reinforce the pre-existing cleavages between them.
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Luong, Thi Hong. "The repatriation of Japanese in Vietnam from 1954 to 1960". Ministry of Science and Technology, Vietnam 64, nr 3 (20.12.2022): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31276/vmostjossh.64(3).96-104.
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The Japanese military presence in Vietnam during the Second World War is well known among academia and has left traces in the history of Vietnam, however, the impacts of the remaining Japanese in Vietnam since the war ended has been somewhat forgotten on an individual and collective level. It is a common thought that there was only a Chinese presence in Vietnam during the 1950s and 1960s, but the real picture was immensely more complex than that. During the First Indochina War, many Japanese and Westerners (German, Austrian, French, Greek, etc.) defected and stood in the same line with the Vietnamese people during the struggle against the French invaders. These people became known as “new Vietnamese citizens” and joined hands with the Vietnamese people to build and defend the newly established Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV). After the end of the First Indochina War in 1954, according to the wishes of these Japanese, the Vietnamese government created policies for favourable conditions for them to be repatriated to their fatherland. Drawing on untapped documents at the Vietnamese National Archives Center III, this article contributes to clarifying the history of the Japanese soldiers that remained in Vietnam after the end of the Second World War.
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Ivanov, V. V. "MILITARY INTERVENTION OF THE USA AND SOUTH VIETNAM IN LAOS IN JANUARY-APRIL 1971 ACCORDING TO THE MEMOIRS OF THE VIETNAM AND AMERICAN PARTICIPANTS OF THE WAR". History: facts and symbols, nr 3 (14.09.2021): 130–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2021-28-3-130-140.
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The article is devoted to the history of the planning and making of intervention of USA and South Vietnam into Laos in February-April 1971. The operation was named «Lam Son 719». The invasion group was to destroy the infrastructure of material support of People‟s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) – «Ho Chi Minh Trail». The work is built with the assistance of a memoir – translations memories combatants in Laos, soldiers and commanders of Army of United States America, South Vietnam and Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The materials housed in the monographs of American and Vietnam researchers of the Indochina conflict, 1960–1970-s.In 1971 amid the withdrawal of US troops from Indochina, American administration made a decision to invade Laos. The main target of the intervention was destroying the objects of «Ho Chi Minh Trail» in the southeastern regions of the kingdom. With a success of ARVN in Laos, the PAVNs combat effectiveness is seriously reduced. This operation was critical test of Vietnamization. «Lam Son 719» had to demonstrate high combat capability of ARVN. The victory was supposed to strengthen international credibility of USA. In 8 February 1971, Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) invaded into kingdom. The command of PAVN, having guessed the enemy's plan, pulled together large forces in Lower Laos. Supported by U.S. artillery, helicopters, fightersbombers and B-52s, South Vietnamese troops advanced fought heavy battles with the enemy. The author paid attention to some military and political aspects of intervention into Laos. The article deals with the problems of South Vietnamese troops. Special attention is paid by the author to the analysis of the morale and combat effectiveness units of ARVN during invasion into Laos. The author concluded, that the intervention of ARVN and U.S. Army ended in complete failure. The main objectives of the invasion were not achieved.
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Goscha, Christopher E. "Courting Diplomatic Disaster? The Difficult Integration of Vietnam into the Internationalist Communist Movement (1945––1950)". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 1, nr 1-2 (1.02.2006): 59–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2006.1.1-2.59.
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This article argues that the diplomacy of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam came closer to failure than we have thought. Between 1945 and 1950, Vietnamese communists had a remarkably hard time joining the internationalist communist movement. Stalin, above all, was wary of Hôô Chíí Minh, whom he considered untrustworthy for having "dissolved" the Indochinese Communist Party in 1945. This article concludes that, thanks to Chinese communist pressure, Stalin agreed to recognize the DRV. Had he not done so, Vietnamese communists would have found themselves almost completely isolated at a crucial point in their struggle for national independence.
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Rasoulinezhad, Ehsan, Farhad Taghizadeh-Hesary i Naoyuki Yoshino. "Assessment of the Trade Integration Pattern Between the Russian Federation and East/Southeast Asian Economies Using the Panel Gravity Framework". Asian Economic Papers 19, nr 1 (kwiecień 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00745.
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This study is the first attempt to investigate the patterns of imports and exports between the Russian Federation and East/Southeast Asian economies, namely, the People's Republic of China; Hong Kong, China; Macau, China; Japan; the Republic of Korea; Mongolia; Cambodia; Lao People's Democratic Republic; Brunei; Indonesia; Malaysia; Myanmar; the Philippines; Singapore; Thailand; and Vietnam. To this end, a panel gravity trade model with series from 2001 to 2017 is provided to estimate the gravity variables in our models. The results reveal that GDP and income are more important in the export pattern from the Russian Federation to the East Asian region, meaning that the economic size and the income of the population in East Asian economies are more important in this pattern than other variables. Moreover, Russia's export pattern with the East Asian region follows the Heckscher–Ohlin hypothesis, while Russia's import pattern with this region is in line with the Linder hypothesis.
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Rabush, Taisiya V. "Position of some Southeast Asia Countries to the Afghan Armed Conflict of 1979-1989". South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, nr 3 (48) (2020): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-3-48-271-281.
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The article analyzed the official position of some states of Southeast Asia to the «Afghan war» 1979–1989. In the first part the author examines the position of Thailand and Democratic Kampuchea, in the second part – the position of Vietnam, Laos and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. The main conclusion is the example of the position of the Southeast Asia countries to the Afghan conflict, the contradictions of the Cold War were especially pronounced, since the countries of the region were clearly divided in relation to this issue depending on bilateral relations with the USSR and the political orientation of each state.
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Lentz, Christian C. "Making the Northwest Vietnamese". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 6, nr 2 (2011): 68–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2011.6.2.68.
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This paper revisits Lai Châu in late 1953 when the Thái Federation's collapse signaled the rise of a hegemonic Democratic Republic of Vietnam. I use this moment to analyze processes of legitimating and remaking forms of rule and ruling. I illustrate both how a militarized political project configured and articulated itself, as state, and how this self-proclaimed "state" attempted to recruit local people by casting them in a new community, as nation. Making nation and state together produced enduring, and contested, spatial and communal boundaries structuring relations of rule in an emergent "Northwest" region and knowledge of its peoples.
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Howell, Jude. "The End of an Era: the Rise and Fall of G.D.R. Aid". Journal of Modern African Studies 32, nr 2 (czerwiec 1994): 305–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012775.
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The reunification of Germany on 3 October 1990 marked the end not only of a socialist experiment but also of an alternative source of aid to developing countries as far apart as Vietnam, Cuba, and Mozambique. Whilst the Soviet Union was the major socialist provider of assistance, the former German Democratic Republic (G.D.R.) played a not insignificant rôle. Yet how great was the loss to the developing world when the G.D.R. rapidly disintegrated? What was distinctive about its aid compared with that of capitalist donors? What happened to the projects, experts, overseas students, and foreign workers once Germany reunified?
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Tan, Er-Win, Geetha Govindasamy i Chang Kyoo Park. "The Potential Role of South-East Asia in North Korea’s Economic Reforms: The Cases of ASEAN, Vietnam and Singapore". Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, nr 2 (27.07.2016): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615570952.
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The process of engaging the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea stands at a crossroads that presents challenges as well as opportunities. We believe that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can indirectly help to facilitate North Korean reforms in three ways: (i) Political: via ASEAN’s ability to function as a neutral facilitator of dialogue; (ii) Economic: as models of economic reform for North Korea (particularly based on the experiences of Singapore and Vietnam); (iii) Social: the Choson Exchange based in Singapore is an ideal location for enabling North Koreans to study abroad and thus gain a greater understanding of other countries.
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PHAM, Lan Phuong. "The Procuracy as a Subject of Constitutional Debate: Controversial and Unresolved Issues". Asian Journal of Comparative Law 11, nr 2 (29.11.2016): 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2016.25.
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AbstractThe people’s procuracy is a transplanted Soviet-style institution in Vietnam, which currently exercises the public prosecution function along with the supervision of judicial activities. Debates about the procuracy’s role and function started as early as when the 1992 Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (1992 Constitution) was drafted and they were facilitated by the judicial reform policies. In the process of revising the 1992 Constitution, heated debates on the procuracy continued. The subject of these debates included almost every fundamental aspect of the procuracy such as its institutional location, functions, duties, organization, and operation. This article reviews the constitutional debates concerning the procuracy between 2011 and 2013. It analyzes and compares the developments of the debates in this period with those that had occurred in the past, highlighting, in particular, key issues that remain unresolved. It argues that the controversy surrounding the procuracy reflects the legal and political complexities in Vietnam, especially the lack of agreement on institutional issues such as the rule of law, socialist legality, and control of powers.
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Tambiki, Junior. "SOCIAL SURVEY ON COMMUNITY RESPONSE TO ROAD TRAFFIC NOISE IN KINSHASA, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO". Akustika 32 (1.03.2019): 45–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36336/akustika20193245.
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Kinshasa, capital of Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo), is facing serious noise problems caused by the expansion of transportation and the increase of traffic volume without any regulation or policy introduced. This social survey conducted in September 2017, is the first survey ever performed on road traffic noise in Kinshasa. Four sites along major roads were selected. Questionnaire survey was carried out by face to face interview and 235 samples were collected. A 24-hour noise measurement was conducted at a representative point of each road and the noise indices such as Lden were calculated. The Lden of the four sites were from 73 to 79 dB. The percentages of highly annoyed and highly sleep disturbed were from 30% to 41% and 38% to 52%, respectively. The higher percentages were observed in sites with the higher noise level. A logistic regression analyses were applied to plot the dose-response relationship for general annoyance. The result was close to EU curve and higher than that in Vietnam.
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Kirichenko, Yu V., i Tran Thien Ngo Quy. "Prospects for development of Vietnam underwater springs". Mining Industry Journal (Gornay Promishlennost), nr 4/2021 (25.08.2021): 140–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30686/1609-9192-2021-4-140-144.
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The issues of the relevance of exploration and development of seabed deposits are considered. The article provides information on the history and composition of studies of solid mineral deposits carried out in the South China Sea by scientists of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The oceanographic and geological characteristics of the Pacific coast of Vietnam, its shelf and continental slope are given. The conditions that form placer deposits in the exclusive economic zone of Vietnam are given, and their brief description is given. Examples of various placers in the shelf zone, their features are given, and schematic diagrams of occurrence are given. The dependence of the littoral width on the height of the tidal wave and the angle of inclination of the shelf is analyzed. Proposals are given on the possibility of developing alluvial deposits in the littoral zone using dry drilling equipment, the advantages and disadvantages of this technology are stated. The features of the influence of climatic conditions of the Pacific coast of Vietnam on the use of hydromechanized technologies in the development of underwater placers are noted. Emphasis is placed on maintaining the ecological balance in the fields of development and the continuation of further research in the South China Sea.
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The Editors. "Notes from the Editors, May 2015". Monthly Review 67, nr 1 (30.04.2015): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-01-2015-05_0.
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<div class="buynow"><a title="Back issue of Monthly Review, May 2015 (Volume 67, Number 1)" href="http://monthlyreview.org/back-issues/mr-067-01-2015-05/">buy this issue</a></div>As we write these notes in March 2015, the Pentagon's official Vietnam War Commemoration, conducted in cooperation with the U.S. media, is highlighting the fiftieth anniversary of the beginning of the U.S. ground war in Vietnam, marked by the arrival of two Marine battalions in De Nang on March 8, 1965. This date, however, was far from constituting the beginning of the war. The first American to die of military causes in Vietnam, killed in 1945, was a member of the Office of Strategic Services (a precursor of the CIA). U.S. intelligence officers were there in support of the French war to recolonize Vietnam, following the end of the Japanese occupation in the Second World War and Vietnam's declaration of national independence as the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The French recolonization effort is sometimes called the First Indochina War in order to distinguish it from the Second Indochina War, initiated by the United States. In reality, it was all one war against the Viet Minh (Vietnamese Independence League). By the time that the Vietnamese defeated the French at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, the United States was paying for 80–90 percent of the cost of the war.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-1" title="Vol. 67, No. 1: May 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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Tran, Tuan Phong. "Ho Chi Minh thought on solidarity and the social sustainable development in Vietnam". E3S Web of Conferences 164 (2020): 12004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202016412004.
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The very humanistic thought is the foundation for Ho Chi Minh develops his thought on great solidarity. Great solidarity is to be built on the humanistic basis is the solidarity oriented to build a social life where the dignity of man is respected, a life without oppression, exploitation and discrimination. Thus, Ho Chi Minh's thought on solidarity serves as the basis to unite all the Vietnamese together in the fight to regain independence for the nation, bring freedom to all Vietnamese and open opportunities for all people to pursuit happy life. Following Ho Chi Minh on solidarity, we would like to argue in this paper that there exists an intimate relation between solidarity and social sustainability or social sustainable development, because the goal of building a Republic mastered by the people is the same as the goal of the cause of construction of a socialist society, which is a socially sustainable society. In other words, the goal of building and developing a socialist republic in Vietnam not only consists in creating a foundation for a wide solidarity of all strata of the people of Vietnam but also serves as a driving force encouraging all the people to participate and contribute to the national cause of development in order to achieve the noble goal of “the rich people, the strong country, the democratic, just, civilized society”. In this way, we can see the relation between social solidarity and social sustainable development in Vietnam.
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ÂÂn, Lại Nguyêên, i Alec Holcombe. "The Heart and Mind of the Poet Xuâân Diệu: 1954––1958". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 5, nr 2 (2010): 1–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2010.5.2.1.
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During the years 1954––1958, the Vietnamese Workers' Party, in a series of advances and retreats, asserted control over all forms of intellectual and cultural expression in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. This essay looks at how one of Vietnam's greatest poets, Xuâân Diệu (1916––1985), navigated his way through these turbulent years. When the storm finally abated in the latter half of 1958, some of the regime's most important intellectuals found themselves marooned in far-away labor camps with their reputations in ruins and their careers sunk. Not so with Xuâân Diệu——he had been buffeted about in the rough waters but ultimately was able to sail on with his career intact. He fared well in his personal life, too, since the party leadership allowed him to continue sharing an elegant, state-owned French villa with his sister, Ngôô Xuâân Như, and her husband, Huy Cận——Xuâân Diệu's homosexual partner. How did Xuâân Diệu do it?
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Ngọc, Nguyen Thi Bich, i Marina A. SHPAKOVSKAYA. "HO CHI MINH'S WORLDVIEW AND VIETNAM'S FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE RENEWAL PERIOD". Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, nr 4(57) (2022): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-57-281-300.
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The article discusses the process of formation of the worldview of Ho Chi Minh, the leader of the liberation movement of the Vietnamese people, the first president of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The authors draw attention to the fact that the main provisions of Ho Chi Minh's worldview were formed during more than half a century of his activity, in the conditions of a complex and lengthy struggle for the independence of Vietnam. Living and working for thirty years in various European countries, as well as in Soviet Russia, Ho Chi Minh got acquainted with various teachings of contemporary international relations and world politics. The article emphasizes that the formation of his ideology was determined by his acquaintance with the Marxist-Leninist theory, first of all, with the ideas of V.I. Lenin on national and colonial issues at the second congress of the Comintern in 1920, which laid the theoretical foundation for the development of the concept of the liberation movement in Vietnam. The worldview of Ho Chi Minh was embodied in the foreign policy of Vietnam not only in the era of the struggle for independence and reunification of the country, but also in modern Vietnamese diplomacy and went down in history as the "ideology of Ho Chi Minh."
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Zinoman, Peter. "Nhân Văn—Giai Phẩm and Vietnamese “Reform Communism” in the 1950s: A Revisionist Interpretation". Journal of Cold War Studies 13, nr 1 (styczeń 2011): 60–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00071.
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This article reexamines Nhân Văn–Giai Phẩm (NVGP), a political protest movement led by intellectuals that coalesced in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1956. The article reassesses the development of the movement and the internal composition of its leadership. Through a close reading of the major publications produced by NVGP, the article takes issue with the conventional view, which characterizes the movement as a robust grouping of political dissidents against the party-state. The article shows that NVGP should in fact be seen as a relatively timid strain of the “revisionist” or “reform Communist” movements that emerged throughout the Communist world in the wake of Iosif Stalin's death.
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ĐIỂU, NGUYỄN THỊ. "‘A Day in the Life’: Nation-building the Republic of Ngô Đình Diệm, 26 October 1956, symbolically". Modern Asian Studies 53, nr 2 (11.12.2018): 718–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000452.
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AbstractMost studies of Vietnam under the Diệm regime conceive it as a stepping stone of American nation-building efforts, citing Diệm's political approach as being influenced by modern, Western, and specifically American democratic concepts and by his associations with American advisers. Such studies assumed that the regime existed within this bubble, isolated from the past and from the society that it aimed to rule and shape. By contrast, this study contends that the regime was more deeply rooted in the enduring Vietnamese pre- and colonial history and in the post-1954 socio-political milieus, the defining components of which were intrinsically woven into the fabric of the Ngô nation. In its early years, the Republic of Vietnam (1955–63), led by the Ngô family and supporters, attempted to define itself as a nation incontestably heir to its pre-colonial past, while being increasingly conditioned by anti-communist and pro-Catholic patrimonialism. The 1956 commemoration of its 26 October National Day, the focus of the present analysis, provides insights into the values that essentially defined the Ngô’s nation—an entity far different from what its American godfathers had envisioned.
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LENTZ, CHRISTIAN C. "Cultivating Subjects: Opium and rule in post-colonial Vietnam". Modern Asian Studies 51, nr 4 (22.06.2017): 879–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000402.
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AbstractSwidden cultivators in the Southeast Asian highlands may work far from lowland centres, but certain crops attract powerful interests. During the First Indochina War (1946–54), French and Vietnamese political actors climbed the hills in pursuit of the Black River region's opium production and trade. Even after combat formally ended, opium contests continued into an independent Vietnam, intersecting with larger struggles over ethnic difference, state resource claims, and market organization. Using upland cultivators to examine post-colonial statemaking, this article tells a new story about opium's tangled relationship with socialist rule in Vietnam. Drawing on French and Vietnamese archival records, it traces the operation of successive opium regimes through war and into restive peace. Based on evidence of opium tax and purchase operations conducted by the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) from 1951 to 1960, it argues that regulating the commodity sensitized cultivators to their long, fraught relations with state power. Far from passive, cultivating subjects animated revolutionary ideals, engaged smuggling networks, negotiated resource rights, and mounted an oppositional social movement. Peaking in 1957, the movement and subsequent crackdown illustrate tensions embedded in post-colonial relations of exchange and rule.
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Ivanov, V. V. "ACTIONS OF THE US AND SOUTH VIETNAM SPECIAL DIVISIONS ON THE "HO CHI MINA TRAIL" IN 1961-1967. BASED ON THE MEMOIRS OF AMERICAN WAR PARTICIPANTS". History: facts and symbols, nr 4 (8.12.2021): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2021-29-4-152-161.
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The article devoted to the analysis of the actions of special forces of US and South Vietnam during 1961–1967. One of the main tasks of these units during Vietnam war – destruction main objects of «Ho Chi Minh Trail» in South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. The work is built with the assistance of a memoir – translations memories combatants in South Vietnam and Laos, soldiers and commanders of Army of US, South Vietnam and Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV). The materials housed in the monographs of American and Vietnam researchers of the Indochina conflict, 1960–1970-s.In the early 1960s, in the setting of active infiltration teams of PAVN from DRV administration of USA adopted decision to send to Indochina units of special forces (Green Berets). Many of the military personnel who served in Vietnam belonged to 5th and 7th Special Forces Groups. Some Green Berets were assigned to the U.S. Military Assistance Command’s Studies and Observation Group (SOG) for making top secret intelligence operations and helped train the South Vietnamese special forces (LLDB). The most Green Berets defended South Vietnam’s border from infiltration from DRV. Apart from Green Berets, special units of the US NAVY were also active in South Vietnam. The main task of the special forces of the NAVY was the blockade of all waterways supplying partisans from North Vietnam and Cambodia by means of ambushes, sabotage, laying of mines and raids on bases of PAVN. In 1965-1967s mixed teams of Green Berets and LLDB conducted long-range reconnaissance missions into Laos and directed air strikes against the «Ho Chi Minh Trail». The U.S. aircraft bombed the «Ho Chi Minh Trail» daily, targeting areas based on electronic detection devices and intelligence gained by covert teams that infiltrated the area. However, these efforts could not slow down the movement of troops of PAVN, supplies southward along the «Ho Chi Minh Trail». The author paid attention to the creation units of special forces as part of army units of US Army situated in South Vietnam during 1965–1967. Special attention is paid by the author to the analysis secret operations of Green Berets against «Ho Chi Minh Trail». The author concluded that the special forces of USA and South Vietnam failed to achieve the set goals.
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TAPLEY, BENJAMIN, LUAN THANH NGUYEN i MANH VAN LE. "A description of the tadpole of Megophrys "Brachytarsophrys" intermedia (Smith, 1921)". Zootaxa 4845, nr 1 (1.09.2020): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4845.1.2.
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Megophrys Kuhl and Van Hasselt are an Asian radiation of terrestrial frogs which are usually associated with montane forest (Mahony et al. 2017). The Annam horned frog (Megophrys intermedia) is reported from montane evergreen forest in Vietnam and Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Stuart 2005; Hendrix et al. 2008; Nguyen et al. 2009; Tran 2013; Orlov et al. 2015; IUCN 2017; Mahony et al. 2017). The IUCN Red List assessment for the species reports an elevational range of 782–1500 m asl (IUCN 2017) although the type locality was reported to be above 1500 m asl (Smith 1921), and Tran (2013) collected a specimen at 1515 m asl. Megophrys intermedia is assessed as Least Concern (IUCN 2017) and little is known about the reproductive behaviour and life history of the species. In Lam Dong Province (Vietnam), male M. intermedia call in March (Tran 2013); on the Langbian Plateau (Vietnam), male specimens are reported to call by day and by night from March to May and specimens called from within deep crevices between boulders in streams (Smith 1921); in Xe Kong Province (Laos), males call or guard egg clutches that are laid in water in July (Stuart 2005).