Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Democratic Republic of Vietnam”
Kliknij ten link, aby zobaczyć inne rodzaje publikacji na ten temat: Democratic Republic of Vietnam.
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 50 najlepszych rozpraw doktorskich naukowych na temat „Democratic Republic of Vietnam”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj rozprawy doktorskie z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
1
Davis, Ginger. ""Being Vietnamese": The Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the United States during the Early Cold War". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/214107.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation examines the early U.S.-D.R.V. relationship by analyzing related myths and exploring Viet Minh policies. I go beyond the previous literature to examine the Viet Minh government's modernization and anti-imperialist projects, both of which proved critical to D.R.V. policy evolution and the evolution of a new national identity. During the French era, as Vietnamese thinkers rethought the meaning of "being Vietnamese," groups like the Viet Minh determined that modernization was the essential to Vietnam's independence and that imperialist states like the U.S. posed a serious threat to their revolution and their independence. I argue that D.R.V. officials dismissed all possibility of a real alliance with the U.S. long before 1950. Soviet and Chinese mentors later provided development aid to Hanoi, while the D.R.V. maintained its autonomy and avoided becoming a client state by seeking alliances with other decolonizing countries. In doing so, Vietnamese leaders gained their own chances to mentor others and improve their status on the world stage. After Geneva, Hanoi continued to advance modernization in the North using a variety of methods, but its officials also heightened their complaints against the U.S. In particular, the D.R.V. denounced America's invasion of South Vietnam and its "puppet" government in Saigon as evidence of an imperialist plot. In advocating an anti-imperialist line and modernized future, D.R.V. leaders elaborated a new national identity, tying modernization and anti-imperialism inextricably to "being Vietnamese." Yet modernization presented serious challenges and Hanoi's faith in anti-imperialism had its drawbacks, limiting their ability to critique and evaluate the U.S. threat fully.
Temple University--Theses
2
Schoenberger, Laura. "Crossing the line : the changing nature of highlander cross-border trade in northern Vietnam". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99599.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis investigates how changing Vietnamese state control over the Vietnam-China border has impacted cross-border trade networks and livelihoods of border residents in Lao Cai province, North Vietnam. The investigation uses information from qualitative research with 91 marketplace traders and border officials at four crossing points in the province. I find that state control over the border and cross-border trade has increased as this trade has been progressively brought within legal parameters from 1954 to 2005.By taking a commodity chain approach to investigate the trade networks of three locally produced goods that move across the border I discuss the complex interactions of state policy, social relations and location factors in shaping contemporary cross-border trade. This investigation suggests that state policy to encourage small scale cross-border trade and new tradable commodities are increasing the livelihood options available to border residents in the province.
3
schmitt, jonathan m. ""With Vietnam We Are Bound as Brothers": Theorizing Socialism, Internationalism, and the Politics of Public Agency Among Vietnamese Contract Workers in the German Democratic Republic". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/61.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis considers the social, economic and ideological climate in the German Democratic Republic in the last decade of its existence (the 1980s) when excessive labor demands lead the country to import tens of thousands of “contract workers” from the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Focusing primarily on theoretical contradictions in GDR socialism, and their impact on the day to day lives Vietnamese workers, I will argue that ideologically freighted pronouncements of “socialist fraternity” with Vietnam functioned to obscure the true, economic reasons for labor importation.
4
Deane, Alexander, i n/a. "Nationalism in the Aims and Motivations of the Vietnamese Communist Movement". Griffith University. School of Arts and Education, 2001. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20051125.095630.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.
5
Deane, Alexander. "Nationalism in the Aims and Motivations of the Vietnamese Communist Movement". Thesis, Griffith University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365898.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.Thesis (Masters)
Master of Arts
Griffith Business School
Faculty of International Business and Politics
Full Text
6
Heili, Benjamin J. "Humor and Cynicism in the German Democratic Republic". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1383309234.
Pełny tekst źródła
7
Stillman, Lauren A. "Cold war dictatorship : racism in the German Democratic Republic /". Connect to online version, 2006. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2006/171.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródła
8
Baister, Stephen. "The social courts system of the German Democratic Republic". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.573140.
Pełny tekst źródła
9
Winters, Veronica Jane. "State-Corporate Crime in the Democratic Republic of Congo". Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4615.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This study addresses the need for a parsimonious theoretical model to explain state-corporate crime. The Integrated Theoretical Model of State-Corporate Crime will be compared to the Integrated Theory of International Criminal Law Violation to determine which model provides the most accurate theoretical depiction of state- corporate crime, while retaining parsimony. For this comparison, the models will be applied to Democratic Republic of Congo case study. Using a secondary analysis of qualitative data and preexisting literature, it was found that the Integrated Theoretical Model of State-Corporate Crime displays a representative depiction of all state-corporate crime actors and their catalysts for action in a more parsimonious manner than the Integrated Theory of International Criminal Law Violation.
10
Moleko, Teboho Banele. "A critical analysis of the role of coltan in the Eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s second war (1998-2003)". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017864.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The role of natural resources in African conflicts has been subject to extensive scholarly analysis. However, much of this analysis has taken a narrow economic reductionist bias. As such, it is imperative that the dominant assumptions and accepted concepts and theories about the role of natural resources in African conflicts be re-examined. The aim of this thesis is to offer a revaluation of the role of coltan during the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) Second War (1998-2003) through a critical engagement with the resource wars literature. The purpose is to offer a re-reading of the role of coltan in the DRC Second War and the broader regional and global economic context in which this conflict took place. It rejects the commonly cited assumption that the presence of coltan in the DRC means it is an initiator of conflict. Rather, this thesis argues that the central role of coltan in the DRC Second War was as an aggravator of conflict in that its exploitation was used by different parties to fund their military and political ambitions. This thesis also argues that the DRC’s weak state structures and pivotal role within the Great Lakes region, as well as the international trade of coltan and the nature of the DRC coltan mining industry are all key factors in understanding coltan exploitation in the country’s Eastern Region during the Second War.
11
Nibishaka, Emmanuel. "Expropriation of mineral resourses and the implications for conflict transformation in the Democratic Republic of Congo". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018880.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The eastern Democratic Republic of Congo has experienced constant instability and conflict since 1996. With the collapse of the state of Zaire and the renaming of the country by the late Laurent Desire Kabila in late 1996, there were high expectations from the Congolese population that the country was going to move forward. However, in less than two years, the central government in Kinshasa was facing a new rebellion from the east of the country, followed by widespread violence and criminal activities by armed and militia groups. Although military intervention from Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola halted the rebellion march to Kinshasa, the capital city of DRC, and allowed the DRC government to sign peace agreement with its opponents in 2002; since then, the prospect of peace in the eastern DRC, especially the North and South Kivus seems bleak. Since 2002, that region has been the theatre of armed and militia groups (both local and foreign), owing to, in the views of various experts, the presence of mineral resources to support their criminal activities, as well as the economic interests of regional actors to create proxy militia and armed groups in the absence of central government in much of eastern DRC. The purpose and rationale of this study is to critically identify actors in the postconflict reconstruction process, and examine the role of mineral resources among other perpetuating factors of the protracted conflict in eastern DRC, in order to arrive at a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the failure of peace building and post-conflict reconstruction processes that have been undertaken. This study aims to fill a gap in available literature, by pointing to some conflict drivers and factors which have previously been overlooked in post-conflict reconstruction, and in existing research on the topic, especially the role of mineral resources in sustaining conflict. A thorough conceptualization of relevant conflict theory and a historical overview of the conflict in DRC were provided as a point of departure in order to understand other factors that contribute to the intractability of conflict in eastern DRC, this study found that those factors were rooted in the legacy of colonialism; the bad leadership under both the colonial powers and subsequent government of Joseph Mobutu, manipulation and politicization of ethnic identities especially in the South and North Kivu and the geopolitical location of the eastern DRC. This study further established that the presence of mineral resources in eastern DRC indeed contributes to the continued insecurity in that region by providing succour to armed groups, thus undermining peace agreements especially the Pretoria agreement that formally ended hostilities in 2002. Furthermore, the study found that the issue of mineral resources is not the sole driver of the eastern DRC conflict, as the issues of ethnic polarisation especially, discrimination against Kinyarwanda speaking Congolese in the east, and the view that only military means can solve this problem; coupled with other security threats including the presence of foreign militia groups motivate the neighbouring countries of Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi to constantly meddle in DRC's internal affairs. The study suggests that additional research be conducted to further investigate the regional dimensions of the conflict and how perceived interests in mineral revenue contribute to the polarisation of the population in eastern DRC; leading to the proliferation of armed groups.
12
Tshiyoyo, Mudikolele Michel. "Public service delivery in the Democratic Republic of the Congo a case study approach /". Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-07312007-142223/.
Pełny tekst źródła
13
Munyae, Isaac Muinde. "Failure rather than success : conflict management and resolution in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1996-1999". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007427.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
History has proven time and time again that conflict is an inevitable aspect of any given society. The seemingly long-standing nature of conflicts in Africa has been changing over time and these conflicts have been either inter-state or intra-state. However, sometimes intrastate wars have escalated into regional conflicts. These scenarios can be seen in the Great Lakes region of Africa where you have the civil war of 1996-7 and the rebellion, which began in 1998 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the DRC there have been at least four stages of conflict. The first is against the Belgians and secondly, the civil strife of the early 1960s. Third, is the civil strife against Mobutu and fourthly, currently against Kabila. The expanding nature of conflict is characterised by power struggles, politicisation of ethnicity, and the impact of external forces. It is noted that the expanding nature of conflict calls for a change in the methods of conflict management and resolution. Initially conflicts were resolved through military intervention. but with the complexity of African wars it has become apparent that peaceful methods are more prudent. With reference to Africa it can be assumed that conflicts need to be increasingly resolved through political means, such as the use of the diplomatic process. The conflict in Chad between 1968 and 1984 is a good example in which military intervention was used but failed, giving way to mediation and negotiation through the use of diplomacy. Both the DRC and Chadian conflicts are similar because they witnessed the influence of external forces (neighbouring countries and non-African states such as France and the US) and African states attempting to find solutions to their own problems. The conflict in the DRC provides a unique example of the changing nature of intra-state conflict in Africa. Thus, the study aims to trace the characteristics of conflict in the DRC and attempts made at conflict management and resolution. The study uses the period bet ween 1996 and 1999 because it highlights this change in the nature and character of conflict.
14
Kashala, David Mukuna. "Evaluation of the effects of political instability on entrepreneurial activities : the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo". Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2440.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Thesis (MTech (Business administration in entrepreneurship))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015.Interest in the domain of Entrepreneurship is growing considerably. Nevertheless, the plan of this study is to discover the distinctiveness of entrepreneurship in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The cutting-edge hostile environment for business developments of underdeveloped countries. In the case of the DRC, entrepreneurship is developed under life-threatening conditions, rarely seen elsewhere. These extreme conditions for entrepreneurship are present as the result of transitional particularities and the marginalised context deriving from political circumstances surrounding the DRC. Apart from the barriers and particularities of a business environment derived mainly from a transitional phase, the political situation has heavily influenced entrepreneurial developments in the country.
15
McAllister, Ryan Robert Jeff. "Dynamic analysis of deforestation in the Lao People's Democratic Republic /". [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe18383.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródła
16
Bwebwe, Asmini. "Engendering water policy in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) /". [Sede Boker] : Albert Katz International School for Desert Research, 2007. http://aranne5.lib.ad.bgu.ac.il/others/BwebweAsmini.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródła
17
Williams, Timothy Alan. "Paradigms and postcoloniality : politics in the Democratic Republic of Congo /". Title page and introduction only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw7275.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródła
18
Bekaert, Stefan. "System and repertoire in Sakata medicine : Democratic Republic of Congo /". Uppsala : Uppsala Univ. Library, 2000. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0605/2001422546.html.
Pełny tekst źródła
19
Bruce, Gary. "Resistance in the Soviet Occupied ZoneGerman Democratic Republic, 1945-1955". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35663.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist.This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).
20
Winrow, G. M. "The foreign policy of the German Democratic Republic in Africa". Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234291.
Pełny tekst źródła
21
Arena, Valentina. "Democratic ideas and political practice in the late Roman Republic". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401229.
Pełny tekst źródła
22
Van, Schalkwyk Gina. "Gendering conflict resolution in the Democratic Republic of the Congo". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53435.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research report documents the results of a study that aims at investigating the potential contribution of a gender perspective towards conflict resolution. In this regard, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is used as a case in point. The study takes the form of an exploratory and descriptive study and extensive use is made of both primary and secondary sources of data. By arguing that a gender perspective on conflict will elucidate the way in which women are affected differently by conflict it logically follows that women should be permitted to assume their rightful positions in attempts at transforming conflict. The application of a gender perspective furthermore urges a revision of conflict resolution towards conflict management and transformation as the appropriate ways of bringing an end to war. This implies that the emphasis is shifted from a search for political solutions towards conflict prevention and early warning as the most effective ways of pre-empting violent conflict and the breakdown of peace-processes aimed at resolving violent conflicts. In the search for an appropriate role for women in conflict management, the study revisits a number of frameworks for the full and equal participation of women in conflict management at the international, regional and subregional levels of analysis. These frameworks are then applied to the situation in the DRC and some practical courses of action are proposed. While the study concludes that there is a clearly defined need for exposing the gender bias in the analysis and resolution of violent conflict, it notes that the patriarchal nature of the DRC and the international system will in many instances hamper progress towards the achievement of a non-patriarchal and nongendered peaceful social world order.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag dokumenteer die uitkomste van 'n studie wat daarna streef om die potensiële bydrae van vroue tot konflik resolusie te ondersoek. Tot hierdie end word die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo as 'n gevalstudie gebruik. Die navorsings ontwerp is eksploratories en beskrywend en daar word ekstensief gebruik gemaak van beide primêre en sekondêre bronne van data. Deur aan te voer dat 'n gender perspektief op konflik die wyse waarop vroue verskillend geraak word deur konflik beklemtoon, volg dit logies hierop dat vroue toegelaat behoort te word om hul regmatig plek in te neem ten tyde van pogings tot konflik transformasie. Die toepassing van 'n gender perspektief dwing verder ook 'n hersiening van konflik resolusie en beskou konflik bestuur en transformasie as die gepaste maniere om oorlog tot 'n einde te bring. Dit bring mee dat daar 'n verskuiwing van klem plaasvind - vanaf 'n soeke na politieke oplossings na konflik voorkoming en vroeë/tydige waarskuwing as die mees effektiewe instrumente om geweldadige konflik en die ineenstorting van vredesprosesse te voorkom. In die soeke na die gepaste rol vir vroue in konflik bestuur, herondersoek die studie 'n aantal raamwerke vir die volledige en gelyke deelname van vroue in konflik bestuur op die internasionale, regionale en sub-regionale vlakke van analise. Hierdie raamwerke word dan toegepas op die situasie in the DRK, en praktiese riglyne word voorgehou. Hoewel die studie vind dat daar 'n duidelike gedefinieerde behoefte bestaan om die gender vooroordeel in die analisie en resolusie van konflik te openbaar, word dit ook aanvaar dat die patriargale aard van die DRK en die internasionale sisteem in die meeste gevalle ware vooruitgang in die daarstelling van 'n nie-patriargale, gelykregtige, vreedsame sosiale wêreldorde sal kniehalter.
23
Tabu, Whithende Musa. "Development of Telecommunications in the Democratic Republic of the Congo". NSUWorks, 2005. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/gscis_etd/873.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
There are few telephone lines available in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the vast majority of people in the DRC do not have access to basic telecommunications services. The obstacles to the sufficient development of the telecommunications infrastructure by either public or private sector organizations are not well understood. The three major goals of this project were: (a) to determine what telecommunications stakeholders perceive to be the primary factors that would encourage or inhibit investment in the DRC by surveying individuals who have direct knowledge of the telecommunications sector in the DRC; (b) to explore solutions for the lack of adequate investments in the telecommunications infrastructure by using a qualitative research approach based on an open-ended questionnaire with potential investors in the region; and (c) to provide recommendations for the development of an environment conducive to a successful telecommunications infrastructure in the DRe. The following three research methods were used in this study: (a) a survey of telecommunications stakeholders and scholars, (b) an open-ended questionnaire with potential telecommunications investors, and (c) a triangulation of the data collected from the survey, open-ended questionnaire, and the review of the literature. The findings indicated that telecommunications stakeholders perceive financially oriented obstacles to be the greatest obstacles to the development of telecommunications in the DRC; potential investors and domestic partners perceive organizational/policy obstacles to be the greatest issues. This gap in perceptions between the stakeholders and investors must be overcome in order to develop the sector. This study concluded that the government of the DRC should implement the following strategies to attract foreign investment and develop the sector: (a) maintain economic and political stability, (b) privatize the national operator, (c) create new legislation to promote investment and incentives in the sector, and (d) improve basic infrastructures in rural areas.
24
Kabashiki, Israel. "Precursors of Terrorism in the Democratic Republic of the Congo". ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2838.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Since 1996, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been entangled in a cycle of violence. Extensive crimes that include summary executions, rapes, and the use of child soldiers are frequent in the eastern provinces of the DRC. Little is known, however, about the factors that have contributed to the emergence of these ongoing acts of terror. The study provides insights into the antecedent conditions of terrorism in this country. The purpose of this quantitative correlational research study is to examine the precursors of the conflict in the DRC. The study provides the opportunity to understand the degree and possible strength of the relationship between the criterion 'terrorist incidents' and the following predictors: political instability and economic activities in the DRC. Aberle's relative deprivation theory provided structure for the study. Research questions focused on the correlation between terrorist incidents and the 2 predictors: political stability and economic growth. A quantitative correlational study design was employed, using longitudinal secondary data 91 cases' obtained from 2 organizations: (a) the World Bank and (b) the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism. Data from these sources were analyzed using a panel data regression. Results indicated a significant, but negative, association between terrorist incidents and political stability. No significant correlation appeared between terrorist incidents and economic growth. The implications for social change include informing the Congolese government, the African Union's leaders, and the international community about the precursors to these terrorist acts, as well as the need to improve the socioeconomic conditions of civilian and restore the credibility of the governments.
25
Koch, Glen Emmett. "Creating a crisis : the Diem coup as an American construction /". Lynchburg, VA : Liberty University, 2007. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.
Pełny tekst źródła
26
Lubadi, Kyungu Lubaba. "Traditional practices and girl education in rural Democratic Republic of Congo: exploring the voices of Luba girls". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/18321.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Girl child education has been a challenge for many African countries due to the patriarchal gender order of communities. This is not different in the Democratic Republic of Congo where son preference is still rife. This study sought to explore how girls in rural Lubaland in DRC experience their schooling in relation to the traditional gendered practices. A qualitative approach to research was employed within an interpretive paradigm. Young school going girls were purposively selected from two rural schools in Malemba and Mwanza. A total of 18 girls became participants to the study. Data were generated through the use of drawings and focus group discussions to explore how the girls saw themselves as girls and students at home, on the way to school and at school. This was done in order to understand how they experience their schooling lives. The findings revealed several gendered challenges that the rural girls experience daily in terms of gaining access to and succeeding in schools. The challenge of son preference and gender role stereotyping created challenges for girls at home, while lack of facilities for girls’ sexual health and long distances to school created challenges for girls on the way to school. At school the girls experienced challenge of being unable to afford school fees and corporal punishment. If these challenges are to be eradicated, there is need for all stakeholders in education, including traditional leaders and communities to deconstruct the gendered dynamics that position women and girls as subordinate and not deserving of an education. This study has implications for educational planning in the Democratic Republic of Congo for girl children to get better access and success in their education. The findings also highlight the need for more concerted efforts to understand the experiences of schooling girls across DRC in order to influence teacher training and educational provisioning that is girl friendly.
27
Tupe-Muni, Ilunga M. "Initiating a housing rehabilitation program in Kinshasa City/Zaire : self-help upgrading project for the improvement of the Southern Extension District". Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/845976.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This study addresses urban planning problems in the post-independence zones or townships of Kinshasa, the capital of Zaire. It serves as a demonstration project aiming at showing how local resources, labor and funds could be mobilized to help local people solve the problems affecting their communities. It supports the view that with little government support and/or international contribution, self-help projects could be initiated in Kinshasa city before they may be extended to the rest of the country. This particular pilot project is intended for the improvement of the Southern Extension District (S.E.D.).It covers an area about 5 Kilometers long and 2.5 Kms. wide, which comprises the entire zone of Bumbu, the eastern side of Makala, and the Northern side of Selembao zones. This site was selected for the various resources needed for the Self-Help Project. The major problems of this post-independence district are erosion/flooding, substandard houses, and lack of playgrounds for children.It is proposed that an organizational framework becreated, which will coordinate an ongoing process of improvement through self-help effort. Actions that the residents and the government need to undertake in order to create such a framework are suggested. Creation of an independent entity named "Office of Special Project", whose personnel will come from the Department of Planning and Urban Management (B.E.A.U.), Housing Department and Public Works department is also suggested. This office will serve as a sponsoring agency whose mission is to create a multipurpose co-operative at each zone or township level and to supervise the improvement process. Its staff will meet on a regular basis with the representatives of these co-operatives to discuss the problems of the community with the local people and provide them with the expertise needed to complete the project successfully.Department of Urban Planning
28
Lingonge, Lievin Engbanda. "The Church as the family of God in the praxis and ethics of reconciliation and peacemaking in the Democratic Republic of the Congo". Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004. http://www.tren.com.
Pełny tekst źródła
29
Bell, Baillie. "The Wartime Rape Narrative in the Democratic Republic of the Congo". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34315.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The international community has constructed a dominant narrative to explain the prevalence of gendered violence in the eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo. This dominant narrative posits regional and national antagonisms over conflict minerals as the cause of the Congolese wars that have resulted in the mass rape of Congolese women and girls. Sexual violence against women and girls is portrayed as the most significant form of violence occurring during the Congolese wars. This narrative has had a substantial impact on how the international community has represented, researched and responded to Congolese women and gendered violence. I argue that this narrative is based on problematic conceptions of gender relations rooted in white Western feminism that are incompatible with the local experiences of Congolese women and men. The misconception of gender, gender relations and gender violence has engendered misguided intervention initiatives that have failed to produce meaningful change in the lives of Congolese women. This thesis challenges dominant discourses that inform and impose specific narratives of violence and development agendas. It moves beyond them to propose an alternative analysis of gender and gendered violence. It sheds light on the historical disconnection between international and local perspectives of gender and gender violence in the Congo, arguing that to be effective, international development and humanitarian discourses must be re-examined in light of the local socio-cultural context of eastern Congo.
30
Bruce, Gary S. "Resistance in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic, 1945-1955". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0021/NQ44649.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródła
31
Baker, Kevin T. "Red Helmsman: Cybernetics, Economics, and Philosophy in the German Democratic Republic". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/47.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Cybernetics, despite being initially rejected in the Eastern Bloc throughout the 1950s for ideological reasons, rose to a high level of institutional prominence in the 1960s, profoundly influencing state philosophy and economic planning. This thesis is an examination of this transition, charting the development of cybernetics from the object of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands’s (SED) opprobrium to one of the major philosophical currents within the party intelligentsia.
32
Kale, Maya. "Assessing Equity in Artisanal Mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1434.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
As a result of the continued violence and poverty in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), artisanal mining serves as an opportunity for livelihood construction for the population in the Eastern DRC. Though the dominant discourse of “conflict minerals” has deemed natural resources as the cause or consequence of violence in the Eastern DRC, minerals in fact only serve as a funding tool for various foreign and local armed groups in the region. This thesis consequently explores the ways in which artisanal miners can reap the benefits of the minerals they work tirelessly to extract, using and adapting policies from two relatively successful case studies, Tanzania and Sierra Leone. In addition, this thesis proposes distinct top-down and bottom-up approaches the DRC should adopt to combat its equity issues, and finds that bottom-up methods have been the most ignored, yet successful in avoiding conflict and favoring miners’ livelihoods.
33
Jenkins, Jessica. "Visual arts in the urban environment in the German Democratic Republic". Thesis, Royal College of Art, 2014. http://researchonline.rca.ac.uk/1681/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Since the unification of East and West Germany in 1990, most of the urban fabric of the former East Germany has been altered beyond recognition or completely dismantled. However, during the four decades of the German Democratic Republic, public spaces and the works of visual arts within them were the subject of intense critical discussion, and formed the basis for the development of theories on the socialist character of art and architecture, which evolved from the late 1960s as Komplexe Umweltgestaltung "Complex Environmental Design". This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by making visible and elucidating the cultural-political significance of that urban visual culture, dematerialised and dispersed since the fall of the Berlin Wall. It examines the political, social and artistic function of murals, paintings, sculptures, applied arts, form design, and visual communication within East German architecture and public spaces, and seeks to complexify the commonly understood historical narrative which traces a rupture from the doctrine of an extravagant Socialist Realism to a form of impoverished Modernism. This change is better understood as a gradual and halting evolution, in which art as a medium for projecting the ideal of socialism was displaced by an understanding of design as a means of sustaining the experience of it. Furthermore, the narratives, formal and material qualities of some of the works examined – overlooked even in contemporary re-appraisals of East German art history – rather than being marginal to Socialist Realism, actually opened up spaces for its development. The thesis centres on forms of public art during and after the transition to the industrial mass production of architecture in the mid 1950s. The early phase in the 1950s is illustrated through the two first industrial cities, Eisenhüttenstadt and Hoyerswerda, built to serve iron and coal production respectively. The "scientific and technological revolution", proclaimed by SED first secretary Walter Ulbricht in the 1960s, was to accelerate the process of modernity, in the understandings of the function of urban planning and the role of design for planning, architecture and consumer culture. This change saw a move towards functionalist-oriented planning for Halle Neustadt (from 1964), the centre of new chemical and synthetics production, and a radical move to modernity in the re-construction of city centres up until 1969. This radical change exposed the conception of architecture as an art (Baukunst) favoured by traditionalists in the Bauakademie in particular, to challenges by modernisers who held that art should be considered as primarily functional and thus separate from art. Complex Environmental Design, as this work will demonstrate, gradually replaced the Socialist Realist ideal of Baukunst and the "synthesis" between art and architecture, and became established by the mid 1970s as an interdisciplinary practice in which all visual art forms – architecture, fine arts, crafts, form design, graphic design and landscape design – were to be integrated within the complex planning of the built environment. I shall argue that this inclusion of all artistic disciplines in the design of the built environment formed a compromise between competing ideas between "synthesis" or the separation of art and architecture. Halle Neustadt was key in the conceptual transition to complex environmental design. The thesis goes on to look at how the artistic conception of the 1973 World Festival Games took up a form of complex environmental design, which functioned as both a new form of monumentality, as well as opening up a space for more democractic forms of public art. Methodologically, the research seeks to understand the influence of key actors in the field who were not resistant to the cultural political framework but sought to mediate change within it. Interviews with architects, critics, artists and designers, including architectural critic Bruno Flierl, architect, Sigbert Fliegel, artists Willi Neubert and Manfred Vollmert, designers, Rolf Walter, Lutz Brandt and Axel Bertram together with analyses of their work, and how their ideas were represented by themselves and others, particularly in professional fora, form the basis for an examination their influence. By looking at historical moments in different loci, it becomes apparent that what I term "clusters of influence" formed which pushed forward conceptual transitions. Key sources are the professional journals in which art and architecture were discussed (Deutsche Architektur, Bildende Kunst, Form und Zweck, Farbe und Raum and Neue Werbung) as well as some news and features aimed at the general public such as Neues Deutschland, Neue Berliner Illustrierte and Für Dich. Archival research has focused on the seminars and congresses organised by the professional institutions, the Verband der Bildende Künstler (Artists Union) and the Deutsche Bauakademie (German Building Academy) as well as the records of the local SED in Halle and a number of offices for architectural art which were established across the GDR in the late 1960s. The search for socialist character both in content and form which had an impact on the visual arts of the built environment in the GDR was informed by shifting definitions of the concepts of "function" and "beauty", in which historical legacies, in particular, the Bauhaus, were critically appropriated in a way which served the sometimes involuntary and sometimes intentional interplay between artistic disciplines. The research reveals how these concepts and legacies were drawn together, and plays particular attention to the way in which colour and ornament emerged as central in serving the need for the constituent parts of the urban landscape to be socialist, functional and beautiful.
34
Chanthavong, Somvixay. "Corporate Finance and Capital Market Development in Lao People's Democratic Republic". Kyoto University, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/253519.
Pełny tekst źródła
35
Mpilambo, Jacques Elengemoke. "Reproductive health situation among youth in the Democratic Republic of Congo". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5195.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Magister Philosophiae - MPhilBackground: In the Democratic Republic of Congo, 22.2% of the total population is in the age group of 15 to 24 years. In this country, this population group faces a large number of reproductive health problems. Even though the concerned health officials have implemented several health care programs, the youth particularly girls still have many problems particularly lack of sexual health information, poor health care, inability to avoid early and unprotected sexual relationships, early marriage, early pregnancies, early childbearing, etc. Objectives: The aim of this study is to examine reproductive health issues among young women and to understand how they utilise the health care systems in their respective socio-economic and demographic characteristic. Data and Methods: Descriptive and multivariate analyses were used. Cross tabulation, Chi-square, Phi coefficient and Cramer‘s V were applied to test for association between independents and outcome variables. At multivariate level of analysis, binary logistic regression was performed. All analyses were performed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 23.0. Results: The study found that young women who faced early sexual intercourse (OR=73.5) and those who experienced it at 16-17 (OR= 42.3) are more at risk of early marriage than those who initiated at the age 18-24. Meanwhile, young women with no education (OR=14.1), primary and secondary education (OR=10.7 and OR=8.6 respectively) have a higher risk of early union than their higher educated counterparts. Furthermore, respondents who married in their early adolescence (OR=38.3) and middle (OR=20.0) adolescence are more at risk of early childbearing than those who married in their emerging adulthood. Moreover, young women from Maniema, Equateur and Bas Congo provinces are 95%, 62% and 58% (respectively) less likely to have had at least four ANC visits than those from Kinshasa. Conclusion: There is an urgent need for formal sex education before first sexual initiation to give better options than early marriage to adolescent girls. Also, the disparities in the antenatal care services utilization between provinces should be addressed. The concerned authorities should balance the distribution of health facilities and qualified personal among provinces.
36
Boyce, Kate Elizabeth. "Women's discontent in the German Democratic Republic during the Honecker era". Thesis, University of Hull, 2006. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:15385.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The aim of this study is to investigate the nature of women’s discontent in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) during the Honecker Era. It will focus on women’s experiences as a social group, using individual stories to reveal trends and developments in the outlooks and approaches of women living under the East German communist regime during the 1970s and 1980s. Women’s discontent in the GDR ranged from criticism of mundane matters that personally affected them and their families, to more fundamental critiques of the regime’s policies. This thesis incorporates all these different levels of discontent. The thesis is divided into two parts. Part 1 examines general discontent amongst women in the GDR. Chapter 1 aims to understand the true extent of women’s emancipation in East Germany by examining the effects of GDR women’s policies and evaluating women’s roles at work and in the home. Chapter 2 analyses women’s petitions, identifying the main themes and reflecting on the language used by women, in order to give an insight into the actual issues that affected women in their day-to-day lives. Part 2 concentrates on more specific, organised discontent amongst women in the GDR, particularly in the 1980s. Chapter 3 explores the experiences of lesbians in East Germany, focusing particularly on the development of homosexual and lesbian groups, organised both within and outside of the Church. Chapter 4 provides a comprehensive study of the formation and structure of women’s peace groups and their activities and changing principles, with particular emphasis on the East Berlin ‘Women for Peace’ organisation. Part 2 helps to illustrate the development of a new kind of women’s consciousness in the GDR and an understanding of the role of women’s opposition groups and women’s networks in the dissident movement in the build up to the Wende. Overall the broad analysis of aspects of women’s discontent in this thesis attempts to fill in gaps in current research on women in the GDR. But this study also hopes to make a wider contribution to GDR history as a whole. In this way, the assessment of women’s reactions to changing events in the public and private sphere, and in reverse, the state’s changing attitude towards women, should provide real clues to the nature of the GDR’s political framework.
37
Jinor, Janny. "Secondary Trauma of Psychosocial Aides in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo". ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4925.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
There are negative personal, psychological, and professional implications of working with individuals who have suffered from trauma, to include secondary trauma. A significant research gap exists in regard to how secondary trauma bears on psychosocial assistants (PAs). Bukavu, in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), has a shortage of trained and licensed mental health providers, and as a result, mental health services have been shifted to PAs. Using Bandura's social cognitive theory and Orem's theory of self-care, this qualitative phenomenological study explored the lived experiences of secondary trauma, through face to face interviews with 13 PAs in Bukavu. The collected data was analyzed using Bryman's four stages of coding. This study found that PAs experienced symptoms of secondary trauma. In talking about their experiences, the themes that emerged included personal changes, perseverance, fear and insecurity, suffering, "thinking too much," nervousness, feeling lost, conflict of compassion, hopelessness, helplessness, religion, faith, the role of God and conflict. PAs had limited knowledge of secondary trauma, its effects and how to manage it. Loneliness, strength, faith, time, money and self-protection, were prominent themes around PAs' discussion of their training and experiences with coping. The findings of this research add to the understanding of secondary trauma of these PAs and may influence the personal and professional wellbeing of PAs through gaining knowledge about their experiences. Understanding secondary trauma in PAs may impact social change in the DRC through influencing the structuring of policies and delivery of mental health services to protect workers and beneficiaries.
38
Tshikuka, Mulumba Jose-Gaby. "Relationships between environmental risk factors, parasitic infections and health outcomes in an urban African setting". Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=40014.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The relationships between parasitic infections, environmental and living conditions, and health outcomes were studied in subdivisions of lower (LSES) and higher (HSES) socio-economic status Lubumbashi, Zaire. The two LSES subdivisions had higher prevalences of Plasmodium infection and higher rates of stunting, abdominal pain and low packed cell volume (PCV) than the HSES subdivision. The prevalence and intensity of Ascaris lumbricoides and Trichuris trichiura was not associated with socio-economic status. Maternal education was a significant predictor of A. lumbricoides intensity in both LSES and HSES subdivisions. Factors related to poor sanitation were risk factors for A. lumbricoides in LSES subdivisions, whereas a high ratio of relatives to immediate family members per household predicted high intensity infection in the HSES subdivision. The risk of stunting was higher in children with A. lumbricoides, that of wasting was higher in children with A. lumbricoides or T. trichiura whereas the risk of kwashiorkor was high with T. trichiura but very reduced in those with A. lumbricoides. The four most common clinical conditions were diarrhea, abdominal pain, fever and low PCV. Hookworm infection, T. trichiura infection, young age and residence in LSES subdivisions were determinants of diarrhea. T. trichiura infection, young age and living in a LSES subdivision were risk factors for abdominal pain. Plasmodium infection and young age were associated with fever. LSES was predictive of low PCV. No combination of parasites had antagonistic or synergistic effects on clinical indicators examined. Based on this study, it is suggested that one parasite will increase the risk of infection with another. Although maternal education should be improved in all subdivisions, attention to sanitation, crowding and diet in the LSES subdivisions, and to the role of relatives and visitors in parasite transmission in the HSES subdivision should be priorities.
39
Farmer, Kay H. "The behaviour and adaptation of reintroduced chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes troglodytes) in the Republic of Congo". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1775.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Increasing and unsustainable demands on Africa's natural resources are having a profound effect on wild primate populations. Whilst wild populations are decreasing, numbers of orphaned primates, sanctuaries and attempts to reintroduce primates back to the natural environment, are increasing. Data were collected on the present status of African ape sanctuaries from questionnaires distributed to sanctuary managers. Across Africa there are 18 sanctuaries housing over 500 African great apes. Facilities and ideologies vary but the majority of sanctuaries profess a commitment to conservation through education, local capacity building, facilitating the enforcement of wildlife laws and other activities. From 1996 to 2001 the non-governmental organisation Habitat Ecologique et Liberte des Primates has released 37 wild-born chimpanzees(Pan troglodytes troglodytes) from an island sanctuary to mainland forest in the Conkouati-Douli National Park, Republic of Congo. Twenty-seven chimpanzees have been successfully reintroduced, three are known to have died and the status of seven remains unknown. This thesis investigated the behavioural adaptation of 15 of these released chimpanzees and reviews the reintroduction process employed. Analyses of post-release behavioural data revealed that activity budgets and diet were comparable to those of wild chimpanzees, and that seasonal variation influenced feeding behaviour and plant speciess election. The chimpanzees utilised both terrestrial and arboreal zones and all nested in trees. A number of recommendations are made for future reintroduction projects. These include selecting a release site that has no, or a low density of, wild conspecifics; developing a relationship of trust between chimpanzee and caretakers without excessive dependency; using the release site for pre-release training; use of radio telemetry; post-release support and monitoring. This study has revealed the many complex factors that are involved in the reintroduction process. Future attempts to reintroduce chimpanzees should be guided by the experiences and recommendations of the present study to maximise success.
40
Simpson, Tobias John. "Criminology and criminal justice reform in the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949-1989". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648410.
Pełny tekst źródła
41
McKay, Joanna Patricia. "The official concept of the nation in the GDR : theory versus pragmatism". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1995. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1376/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis is a study of the attempts by the leadership of the GDR to devise a concept of the nation which suited their objectives regarding the future of the state and of Germany as a whole, from 1949 until 1989. A simple analysis of official pronouncements on the subject over the years reveals serious inconsistencies and dramatic U-turns. This thesis considers various factors which may have shaped the official line, including the influence of Bonn and Moscow, public opinion and personal convictions. In particular it examines the input of experts from academic institutions in order to answer the question of whether or not the official line on the nation had a clear theoretical basis, or was purely determined by pragmatic considerations. In order to investigate what lay behind official policy, extensive use has been made of material from the SED's Central Party Archive, and interviews were conducted with leading theorists. In this way it was possible to gain a better understanding of the interaction between the political and theoretical aspects of the National Question in the former GDR. The findings reveal that the official concept of the nation was primarily determined by pragmatic, or even opportunistic considerations, and was viewed by the SED leadership as a means to legitimise the GDR in the absence of alternative methods. Initially the intention was to reinforce the claim that the GDR was a model for a future united socialist Germany, but later a concept was fashioned to support the idea that it was an independent sovereign state, and in no way linked to the Federal Republic. However, the regime was heavily reliant on the skills of theorists to provide credible (Marxist-Leninist) justifications for policy changes, and to modify policies in order to make them more acceptable and therefore more effective as a means to legitimise the state.
42
Bland, Richard Julian. "East German cabaret from the end of the GDR to the present". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322981.
Pełny tekst źródła
43
Fenemore, Mark. "Nonconformity on the borders of dictatorship : youth subcultures in the GDR". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272763.
Pełny tekst źródła
44
Madarasz, Jeannette Zsusza. "Ordinary socialism? : communication, comprimise, and co-existence in the GDR : a case study of four social groups, 1971-1989". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246877.
Pełny tekst źródła
45
Quinn, Leon Roman. "The politics of pollution? : government, environmentalism and mass opinion in East Germany 1972-1990". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271839.
Pełny tekst źródła
46
Prakoonheang, Kevin, University of western Sydney i of Arts Education and Social Sciences College. "Political ideologies and development in the Lao people's democratic republic since 1975". THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Prakoonheang_K.xml, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/823.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This work is a study in some detail of the political history and development of Laos since 1975. The contents include: Origin of the Lao Modern Political Ideology; Backgrounds of the Lao Communist Party; Development of Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP); The LPRP as a ruling party; New economic policy 'Chintanakarn Mai'; Future directions of the LPRP. Several maps, tables, charts and photographs are included in the researchMaster of Arts (Hons)
47
Prakoonheang, Kevin. "Political ideologies and development in the Lao People's Democratic Republic since 1975 /". View thesis View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030506.124709/index.html.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Thesis (M.A.) (Honours) -- University of Western Sydney, Macarthur, 2001.A thesis presented to the University of Western Sydney, Macarthur, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours), September, 2001. Bibliography : leaves 296-309.
48
Taylor, Brittany N. "Forest Policy and Community-Based Conservation in Democratic Republic of the Congo". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/118.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Review of forestry policy and deforestation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, with a look at REDD, national parks, forest certification systems, non-timber forest products (NTFPs) and a focus on community-based conservation.
49
Kabongo, Mbuyi M. "Impact of Schistosomiaisis in Kasansa Health Zone in Democratic Republic of Congo". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/iph_theses/220.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
ABSTRACT
Background: Schistosomiasis is a chronic parasitological disease and constitutes one of the major neglected public health problems in the word. The consequences that this disease causes in the population are subject of controversy. The aim of this study was to assess the impact of schistosomiasis in term of malnutrition, anemia and low school performance in an endemic region, naïve of interventions.
Methods: The study was conducted in Kasansa health zone in Democratic Republic of Congo where schistosomiasis has been endemic for decades. School aged children were recruited at home. From each child, anthropometric measures, biological and laboratory exams were obtained. The questionnaire was used for economic status, behavior and other factors related to schistosomiasis. Regression logistic was used to control confounding factors. A 95% confidence interval was used for statistically significance.
Results: The proportion of malnutrition was 53.8%, anemia 67.0% and low school performance 41.1%. In this health zone, the study found and confirmed a high proportion of children who are infected with S. mansoni (89.3%) and malaria (65.1%).
Conclusions: This study showed high proportions of complications that are usually reported as associated with schistosomiasis, among school aged children in the health zone of Kasansa. Future studies are needed to show causality and to find efficient ways to control these morbidities.
50
Lee, Suk. "Food shortages and economic institutions in the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2505/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis aims to understand the 1987-99 food crisis in the DPRK. We begin by establishing the fact that the country faced several previous food shortages, including the 1945-46 urban foods crisis, the 1954-55 rural food crisis and the 1970-73 food shortage, all of which triggered and motivated corresponding institutional changes in agriculture. And we find that in order to overcome repeated food shortages the country has developed several distinctive economic institutions such as administrative/quantitative production control in agriculture, state grain marketing, food rationing, central monopoly of agricultural trade and supplementary food supply institutions. On the basis of this finding, we proceed into the analysis of the food crisis. Specifically, three controversial issues are examined. First, did it escalate into famine? If it did, how severe was the famine? Second, what was the causation of the famine? How did it unfold and what features did it have? Third, did the food crisis change the DPRK agriculture? With respect to the first issue we estimate the number of excess deaths during the food crisis using official population figures. It shows that there existed a famine that claimed 688 thousand excess deaths in 1994-99. For the second issue we argue that the famine had several unique features. First it was ‘absolute food availability decline (FAD) famine’ in which no policies were feasible to prevent it. Second, it was urban famine where industrial population in the north-eastern part of the country suffered most. Third, it was ‘famine-in-slow motion’ that victims persistently weakened for a long period rather than perished in a short space of time, due to the mixed result of massive FAD and systematic national coping strategies. Concerning the final issue we show that it is not necessarily true that the food crisis genuinely changed the DPRK agriculture as generally conceived.