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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Democratic Republic of Vietnam"

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Hoang Hai, Ha, i Dung Vu Thi. "Mobilizing American and Western support and sympathy for the Vietnamese Revolution through people’s diplomacy (1965-1973)". Journal of Science Social Science 66, nr 3 (sierpień 2021): 118–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2021-0054.

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The article investigates people's diplomacy of Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) from 1965 to1973, aiming to gain American and Western support and sympathy for the Vietnamese revolution. The resistance war against the US became more difficult and fiercer when the US government deployed more political and diplomatic activities to support its military campaigns in South Vietnam as well as negotiations at the Paris Conference. In addition, the Sino-Soviet split had been growing more tense, causing many difficulties for Vietnam’s anti-imperialist struggle. Therefore, the Labor Party of Vietnam and the Government of the DRV paid great attention to people’s diplomacy aiming to demonstrate Vietnam's position on American War, the legitimacy of the anti-American resistance war, thereby bringing popular pressure to bear on US government to sign the 1973 Paris Peace Accords and withdraw US military troops.
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Hiep, Ho Duc, i Vu Hong Van. "The Similarities between the Political System of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and the Laos People’s Democratic Republic". Volume-1: Issue-9 (November, 2019) 1, nr 9 (7.12.2019): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.9.6.

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Vietnam and Laos relationship, timeless friendship is a common feeling that people of the two countries have witnessed over the years. The study of clarifying the political system of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and the Laos People’s Democratic Republic is of great significance in analyzing the organization and implementation of political power and power of the government, organization and operation of the Party, the State and socio-political organizations. At the same time, this is also a good source of references for teachers, learners and scholars interested in research, teaching and learning. Within the scope of this article, we focus on clarifying the political system in Vietnam and Laos at the following points: (i) The concept and characteristics of the political system of Vietnam and Laos; (ii) The political institutions of the political systems of Vietnam and Laos, from which comments and assessments of the political system model of the two countries.
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Tran, Ben. "Ferdinand Oyono in Vietnamese: Translation after Socialism and Colonialism". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, nr 1 (styczeń 2013): 163–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.1.163.

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Of the fourteen translations of Ferdinand Oyono's une vie de boy published to date, the Vietnamese translation, Đới Làm bồi, dates last, despite Vietnam and Cameroon's shared past under French colonialism. Nguyễn Như đat, the novel's Vietnamese translator, had anticipated that his version, published in 1997, would not find much of a market. The translator's pessimism was warranted, since the Vietnam of the late 1990s drastically differed from the two Vietnams of 1956, when Oyono's novel was originally published. Partitioned after the 1954 Geneva Accords and fighting against each other in the Second Indochina War, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in the north and the Republic of Vietnam in the south were unified at the war's end, in 1975, under a socialist government. But since 1986 Vietnam has been engaged in the capitalist world market, albeit under the banner of socialism. Given this context of market socialism, the Vietnamese translation of Oyono's anticolonial novel seems to have lagged temporally: it was published at a time when literary translations in Vietnam began trending away from anticolonialism and toward, for example, Raymond Carver's minimalism, Haruki Murakami's surreal handling of alienation, and, more recently, Vladimir Nabokov's perversely defamiliarizing style.
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Grossheim, Martin. "The Lao Động Party, Culture and the Campaign against “Modern Revisionism”". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 8, nr 1 (2012): 80–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2013.8.1.80.

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The article tries to make a contribution to the reassessment of the Second Indochina War and of the significance of culture in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam before and during the conflict. By making use of as-yet untapped sources from the German Democratic Republic archives, DRV periodicals and interviews with Vietnamese informants, I highlight the cultural dimension of the campaign against modern revisionism in 1964, and thus present the Lao Động leadership as an actor on the cultural front of the Vietnam conflict. Moreover, I show that even after the beginning of the war an anti-revisionist undercurrent in cultural policy persisted and that the anti-revisionist campaign in 1964 was closely related to the Anti-Party Revisionist Affair in 1967. The article also sheds light on the impact of the Sino-Soviet conflict on North Vietnam.
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Sidel, Mark. "The Re-emergence of China Studies in Vietnam". China Quarterly 142 (czerwiec 1995): 521–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035049.

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After war, years of hostility and a long period of gradually improving Party and state relations, the study of China has begun to re-emerge in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Vietnam has had a sinological tradition for hundreds of years, linked to China by history, language, trade, a common border and in a myriad of other ways. From the mid-1950s until the early 1970s, thousands of Vietnamese students and officials studied in the People's Republic of China. Today the People's Republic remains Vietnam's key strategic threat. But the PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and overseas Chinese communities are also among Vietnam's key trade partners and a growing source of investment for its economic reforms.Given this close relationship – including the direct hostility in the late 1970s and early to mid–1980s, one of a series of conflicts going back hundreds of years – it is perhaps paradoxical that the study of China in Vietnam has remained relatively weak. During the war against the French which led to the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1945 and the victory at Dien Bien Phu, Vietnamese sinology was a field largely limited to one or two universities and institutes in Hanoi and some additional capacity in Hue and Saigon, with scholars trained in either the older Vietnamese or French tradition. The thousands of Vietnamese who studied in China in the 1950s and 1960s were trained largely for other fields, although Chinese studies did see some development during the 1949 to 1966 period.
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Loicano, Martin. "The Role of Weapons in the Second Indochina War". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 8, nr 2 (2013): 37–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2013.8.2.37.

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This article examines attempts by the Second Republic of Vietnam (RVN) to call attention to perceived and real quantitative and qualitative disparities of weapons between their forces and those of their enemies. It also looks at the way Chinese, Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and US propaganda efforts complicated these attempts. Sài Gòn’s leaders tried and failed to gain additional military aid, to use weapons to improve their relations with the Southern Vietnamese public, and to redress what they saw as inaccurate information about their own military strength and that of their enemies.
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Szalontai, Balázs. "The “Sole Legal Government of Vietnam”: The Bao Dai Factor and Soviet Attitudes toward Vietnam, 1947–1950". Journal of Cold War Studies 20, nr 3 (wrzesień 2018): 3–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00813.

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Earlier historical studies often suggested that the Soviet leader Iosif Stalin, distrustful as he was of Ho Chi Minh's policies and attributing little importance to Vietnam, remained unwilling to recognize the Democratic Republic of Vietnam until the Chinese Communist leaders threw their weight behind their Vietnamese comrades. On the basis of Soviet press articles, Hungarian archival documents, United Nations (UN) records, and other sources, this article shows that in fact Soviet interest in Vietnam significantly increased as early as 1948–1949, well before the proclamation of the People's Republic of China. This interest, expressed in growing press coverage and sporadic efforts to represent North Vietnam's cause in various UN organs, seems to have been linked to Moscow's strong disapproval of France's attempts to create an anti-Communist “puppet state.” From the outset, the USSR took the position that the Communist North was the sole legitimate representative of the Vietnamese nation and, hence, that the Bao Dai regime in the South was ipso facto illegitimate. The article concludes that Chinese support to Ho Chi Minh was only one of the three major factors that persuaded Stalin to recognize North Vietnam; the two others were the “Bao Dai factor” and Moscow's dissatisfaction with France's new European policy.
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Kościelniak, Karol. "The Socialist Republic of Vietnam in Polish political and economic perspective". Reality of Politics 3, nr 1 (31.03.2012): 112–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201208.

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The history of bilateral relations between Poland and Vietnam reaches the year 1950 when countries of the Eastern Bloc, including Poland, acknowledged independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Since then, we have observed more or less intensive mutual contacts. We have cooperated in many fields. And today, watching moves of Polish and Vietnamese politicians and signed agreements, we can see that this cooperation is getting colors and like years ago, it covers various fields. The Socialist Republic of Vietnam in Polish political and economic perspective does not have a significant status. Despite the fact that with every year, the interest of the Polish as well as Vietnamese side is getting bigger. However the biggest problem is the adverse balance of trade between both countries. Time will show in which direction the Polish-Vietnamese cooperation will go. However, looking at expressive economic growth of Vietnam during the last few years and what is even more important, at further perspectives of this prosperity, Poland should maintain good relations with this economic partner, enlarging at the same time its export to this country. We can see in Vietnam an opportunity for Polish traders for exporting their products to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
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Phương, Nguyễn Thụy. "A French School in North Vietnam". Journal of Vietnamese Studies 10, nr 3 (2015): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jvs.2015.10.3.1.

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The Lycée Albert-Sarraut, founded in Hà Nội in 1919, was a prestigious French school that had become popular among Vietnamese elites. After 1954, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam agreed to let the school operate under French supervision. For the French, the school was an excuse to keep an official delegation in Hà Nội. For the Vietnamese, it was a bargaining chip for negotiating with the Western bloc. This unusual experiment of a Western school in a communist country lasted ten years, during which the Vietnamese authorities progressively eliminated French influence in the school, until they closed it down in 1965.
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Desiatnikov, Ivan. "United States-Vietnam relations in light of geopolitics of the usa in Asia-Pacific region in 1945-1975". Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, nr 27 (2020): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-96-106.

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The article focuses on the analysis of US-Vietnam relations during the period from 1945 to 1975. The aim of the article is to trace the changes that took place in the US-Vietnam relationship over that period, to identify the factors that influenced them, as well as the approaches used by the heads of the countries to tackle their foreign policy objectives in the region. The author traces the evolution of US policy in Vietnam pursued by Presidents H. Truman, D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nixon. The United States had diametrically opposed position on relations with the Vietnamese governments, namely, confrontation and military conflict with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and cooperation, military and economic aid to the Republic of Vietnam. The author concludes that the US attitude towards Vietnam was determined by the international situation at that time, including the beginning of the Cold War. The policies of Presidents D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy were to restrain the expansion of the Communist bloc's sphere of influence. The direct involvement of the US military in the Vietnam conflict, initiated by L. Johnson, pursued the goal of enhancing the prestige of the United States in the global confrontation with the USSR. The split between the Soviet Union and China was used by the US to get out of the Vietnam War and mend relations with China as a counterweight to the Soviet Union in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead, the Republic of Vietnam, which had been the "junior partner" of the United States, was left to its fate.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Democratic Republic of Vietnam"

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Davis, Ginger. ""Being Vietnamese": The Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the United States during the Early Cold War". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/214107.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation examines the early U.S.-D.R.V. relationship by analyzing related myths and exploring Viet Minh policies. I go beyond the previous literature to examine the Viet Minh government's modernization and anti-imperialist projects, both of which proved critical to D.R.V. policy evolution and the evolution of a new national identity. During the French era, as Vietnamese thinkers rethought the meaning of "being Vietnamese," groups like the Viet Minh determined that modernization was the essential to Vietnam's independence and that imperialist states like the U.S. posed a serious threat to their revolution and their independence. I argue that D.R.V. officials dismissed all possibility of a real alliance with the U.S. long before 1950. Soviet and Chinese mentors later provided development aid to Hanoi, while the D.R.V. maintained its autonomy and avoided becoming a client state by seeking alliances with other decolonizing countries. In doing so, Vietnamese leaders gained their own chances to mentor others and improve their status on the world stage. After Geneva, Hanoi continued to advance modernization in the North using a variety of methods, but its officials also heightened their complaints against the U.S. In particular, the D.R.V. denounced America's invasion of South Vietnam and its "puppet" government in Saigon as evidence of an imperialist plot. In advocating an anti-imperialist line and modernized future, D.R.V. leaders elaborated a new national identity, tying modernization and anti-imperialism inextricably to "being Vietnamese." Yet modernization presented serious challenges and Hanoi's faith in anti-imperialism had its drawbacks, limiting their ability to critique and evaluate the U.S. threat fully.
Temple University--Theses
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Schoenberger, Laura. "Crossing the line : the changing nature of highlander cross-border trade in northern Vietnam". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99599.

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This thesis investigates how changing Vietnamese state control over the Vietnam-China border has impacted cross-border trade networks and livelihoods of border residents in Lao Cai province, North Vietnam. The investigation uses information from qualitative research with 91 marketplace traders and border officials at four crossing points in the province. I find that state control over the border and cross-border trade has increased as this trade has been progressively brought within legal parameters from 1954 to 2005.
By taking a commodity chain approach to investigate the trade networks of three locally produced goods that move across the border I discuss the complex interactions of state policy, social relations and location factors in shaping contemporary cross-border trade. This investigation suggests that state policy to encourage small scale cross-border trade and new tradable commodities are increasing the livelihood options available to border residents in the province.
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schmitt, jonathan m. ""With Vietnam We Are Bound as Brothers": Theorizing Socialism, Internationalism, and the Politics of Public Agency Among Vietnamese Contract Workers in the German Democratic Republic". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/61.

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This thesis considers the social, economic and ideological climate in the German Democratic Republic in the last decade of its existence (the 1980s) when excessive labor demands lead the country to import tens of thousands of “contract workers” from the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Focusing primarily on theoretical contradictions in GDR socialism, and their impact on the day to day lives Vietnamese workers, I will argue that ideologically freighted pronouncements of “socialist fraternity” with Vietnam functioned to obscure the true, economic reasons for labor importation.
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Deane, Alexander, i n/a. "Nationalism in the Aims and Motivations of the Vietnamese Communist Movement". Griffith University. School of Arts and Education, 2001. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20051125.095630.

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The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.
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Deane, Alexander. "Nationalism in the Aims and Motivations of the Vietnamese Communist Movement". Thesis, Griffith University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365898.

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The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.
Thesis (Masters)
Master of Arts
Griffith Business School
Faculty of International Business and Politics
Full Text
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Heili, Benjamin J. "Humor and Cynicism in the German Democratic Republic". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1383309234.

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Stillman, Lauren A. "Cold war dictatorship : racism in the German Democratic Republic /". Connect to online version, 2006. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2006/171.pdf.

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Baister, Stephen. "The social courts system of the German Democratic Republic". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.573140.

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Winters, Veronica Jane. "State-Corporate Crime in the Democratic Republic of Congo". Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4615.

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This study addresses the need for a parsimonious theoretical model to explain state-corporate crime. The Integrated Theoretical Model of State-Corporate Crime will be compared to the Integrated Theory of International Criminal Law Violation to determine which model provides the most accurate theoretical depiction of state- corporate crime, while retaining parsimony. For this comparison, the models will be applied to Democratic Republic of Congo case study. Using a secondary analysis of qualitative data and preexisting literature, it was found that the Integrated Theoretical Model of State-Corporate Crime displays a representative depiction of all state-corporate crime actors and their catalysts for action in a more parsimonious manner than the Integrated Theory of International Criminal Law Violation.
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Moleko, Teboho Banele. "A critical analysis of the role of coltan in the Eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s second war (1998-2003)". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017864.

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The role of natural resources in African conflicts has been subject to extensive scholarly analysis. However, much of this analysis has taken a narrow economic reductionist bias. As such, it is imperative that the dominant assumptions and accepted concepts and theories about the role of natural resources in African conflicts be re-examined. The aim of this thesis is to offer a revaluation of the role of coltan during the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) Second War (1998-2003) through a critical engagement with the resource wars literature. The purpose is to offer a re-reading of the role of coltan in the DRC Second War and the broader regional and global economic context in which this conflict took place. It rejects the commonly cited assumption that the presence of coltan in the DRC means it is an initiator of conflict. Rather, this thesis argues that the central role of coltan in the DRC Second War was as an aggravator of conflict in that its exploitation was used by different parties to fund their military and political ambitions. This thesis also argues that the DRC’s weak state structures and pivotal role within the Great Lakes region, as well as the international trade of coltan and the nature of the DRC coltan mining industry are all key factors in understanding coltan exploitation in the country’s Eastern Region during the Second War.
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Książki na temat "Democratic Republic of Vietnam"

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Giáp, Võ Nguyên. Những chặng đường lịch sử. Hà Nội: Chính trị quó̂c gia, 1994.

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Mai, Hữu, red. Những chặng đường lịch sử. Hà Nội: Nhà xuất bản Chính trị quốc gia, 2010.

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A, Ognetov I., i Shakhnazarov Georgiĭ Khosroevich, red. Sot͡s︡ialisticheskai͡a︡ Respublika Vʹetnam: Spravochnik. Wyd. 3. Moskva: Izd-vo polit. lit-ry, 1987.

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Holcombe, Alec. Mass Mobilization in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, 1945–1960. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2020.

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Rottman, Gordon L. Army of the Republic of Vietnam 1955-75. Oxford: Osprey Pub., 2010.

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Nhà xuất bản Thế giới, red. The Vietnamese military: During the resistance war against the U.S. for national salvation and defense. Hà Nội: Thé̂ giới Publishers, 2010.

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ARVN: Life and death in the South Vietnamese Army. Lawrence, Kan: University Press of Kansas, 2006.

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Lữ, Nguyẽ̂n. Chi đội 3 giải phóng quân nam tié̂n, 1945-1946. [Hà Nội]: Quân đội nhân dân, 1995.

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Heroes and revolution in Vietnam. Singapore: NUS Press in association with IRASEC, 2012.

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Lê, Hải Triều. Anh hùng trong chiến dịch Điện Biên Phủ. Hà Nội: Nhà xuất bản Quân đội nhân dân, 2009.

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Części książek na temat "Democratic Republic of Vietnam"

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Tovy, Tal. "Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (September 2, 1945)". W The Gulf of Tonkin, 117–19. New York, NY: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. | Series: Critical moments in American history: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315692067-7.

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Słowiak, Jarema. "“We Provide the Assistance to Fighting Vietnam in All Possible Forms, in Size that We Can Afford”: Support of the Polish People’s Republic for the Democratic Republic of Vietnam During the Vietnam War". W Vietnam at the Vanguard, 123–38. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-5055-0_8.

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Kaiser, Tim. "7. The Worker-Peasant Complementary Education Schools of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam". W Globalization of an Educational Idea, 137–206. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110601879-009.

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Patterson, William. "Vietnam". W Democratic Counterinsurgents, 85–120. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60060-8_5.

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Eberhard, F. "German Democratic Republic". W International Handbook of Universities, 427–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09323-6_36.

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Andrade, John. "German Democratic Republic". W World Police & Paramilitary Forces, 76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07782-3_61.

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Kalala, Nkongolo, i Luyaku Loko Nsimpasi. "Congo, Democratic Republic". W Encyclopedia of Tourism, 180–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-01384-8_644.

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Peaslee, Amos J. "Socialist Republic of Vietnam". W Constitutions of Nations, 1747–78. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-1147-0_18.

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Awaji, Takehisa, i Shun’ichi Teranishi. "Socialist Republic of Vietnam". W The State of the Environment in Asia, 123–47. Tokyo: Springer Japan, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-67945-5_7.

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Liow, Joseph Chinyong. "Vietnam, Socialist Republic of". W Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia, 66–71. Wyd. 5. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003121565-12.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Democratic Republic of Vietnam"

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Lebughe, P., K. de Vlam, R. Westhovens, J.-M. Mbuyi-Muamba i J.-J. Malemba. "AB0732 Spondyloarthritis in the democratic republic of congo". W Annual European Congress of Rheumatology, 14–17 June, 2017. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and European League Against Rheumatism, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2017-eular.4642.

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Banza, Elvire Nzeba. "Democratic Republic of Congo: Status of women in physics". W INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF COMPUTATIONAL METHODS IN SCIENCES AND ENGINEERING 2015 (ICCMSE 2015). AIP Publishing LLC, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.4937659.

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Kostelyanets, Sergey V. "Democratic Republic Of Congo:Social Transformations In The Era Of Globalization". W SCTCGM 2018 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.03.02.315.

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Huynh, Nguyen Duc. "Petroleum Industry and Environment in Socialist Republic of Vietnam". W SPE Health, Safety and Environment in Oil and Gas Exploration and Production Conference. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/36058-ms.

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Fang, Haofan. "Reflections on the “Reform” and Policies of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea: An Field Investigation on Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Analysis of New Year Greetings". W Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Economics, Management, Law and Education (EMLE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.191225.037.

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Xaykosya, Thepphavong. "The Housing Design For Disaster Relief In The Lao People’s Democratic Republic". W ICRP 2019 - 4th International Conference on Rebuilding Place. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epms.2019.12.32.

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Isma’ila, Yusuf. "Electoral Malpractice and the Challenges of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic". W ISSC 2016 International Conference on Soft Science. Cognitive-crcs, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2016.08.42.

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Ilyin, Innokentiy. "Legal systems of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea (South Korea): comparative legal analysis". W Current problems of jurisprudence. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02058-6/155-161.

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This article analyzes the legal systems of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Republic of Korea, more widely known under the unofficial name of South Korea. Various factors that influenced the development of the legal systems of these states are considered. At the same time, the author gives specific examples of legislation of the two Korean states that differ in their respective branches. In conclusion, the author draws conclusions corresponding to the study.
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Zhang, Xiaohui. "An Analysis on the Gardens Reflecting Democratic Revolution in the Republic of China". W 2015 International Conference on Arts, Design and Contemporary Education. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icadce-15.2015.98.

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Karimli, Ruhangiz. "The History of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in 1920 – 30 Years Soviet Historiography". W Uluslararası Prof. Dr. Halil İnalcık Tarih ve Tarihçilik Sempozyumu. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/9789751749994.2022.14.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Democratic Republic of Vietnam"

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Ragasa, Catherine, i John M. Ulimwengu. Democratic Republic of the Congo. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/9780896293755_08.

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Clingan, Mark H. A Democratic Vietnam; Not in the United States' Core Interests. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, listopad 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada593955.

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Kukushkina, Nataliya. Political administrative map of Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal. Redaktorzy Nikolay Komedchikov, Aleksandr Khropov i Larisa Loginova. Entsiklopediya, wrzesień 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2015-12-01-6.

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Novichkova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Redaktorzy Nikolay Komedchikov, Alexandr Khropov i Larisa Loginova. Entsiklopediya, czerwiec 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-02-15-10.

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McDonald, Gary P. The Prolonged Downfall of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, maj 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada611956.

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Warren, Tracy A. Background Report on Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), maj 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1034662.

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Kukushkina, Nataliya. Political administrative map of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Redaktorzy Nikolay Komedchikov i Aleksandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, lipiec 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2015-12-12-11.

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Slocombe, Walter B. The Agreed Framework With the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, marzec 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada385751.

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Rahmé, Marianne, i Alex Walsh. Corruption Challenges and Responses in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Institute of Development Studies, styczeń 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.093.

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The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) consistently scores in the lowest rungs of global indexes on corruption, integrity and wider governance standards. Indeed, corruption of different sorts pervades public and corporate life, with strong ramifications for human development. Although the DRC is one of the richest countries in the world in terms of natural resources, its people are among the globe’s poorest.Corruption in the extractive industries (minerals and oil) is particularly problematic in terms of scale and its centrality to a political economy that maintains elites and preserves the highly inequitable outcomes for the majority. The politico-economic elites of the DRC, such as former President Joseph Kabila, are reportedly significant perpetrators but multinationals seeking valuable minerals or offering financial services are also allegedly deeply involved. Corruption is therefore a problem with national and international roots.Despite national and international initiatives, levels of corruption have proven very stubborn for at least the last 20 years, for various reasons. It is a structural and not just a legal issue. It is deeply entrenched in the country’s political economy and is driven both by domestic clientelism and the fact that multinationals buy into corrupt deals. This rapid review therefore seeks to find out the Corruption challenges and responses in the Democratic Republic of Congo.Grand level corruption shades down into the meso-level, where for instance, mineral laden trucks are systematically under-weighted with the collusion of state officials. With severe shortfalls in public funding, certain public services, such as education, are supported by informal payments. Other instances of petty corruption facilitate daily access to goods and services. At this level, there are arguments against counting such practices as forms of corruption and instead as necessary survival practices.To address the challenge of corruption, the DRC is equipped with a legal system that is of mixed strengths and an institutional arsenal that has made limited progress. International programming in integrity and anti-corruption represents a significant proportion of support to the DRC but much less than humanitarian and governance sectors. The leading international partners in this regard are the EU, US, UNDP, UK, African Development Bank, Germany and Sweden. These partners conduct integrity programming in general governance issues, as well as in the mineral and forest sectors.The sources used in this rapid review are gender blind and converge on a very negative picture The literature ranges from the academic and practitioner to the journalistic and investigative, and taken as a whole, is of good quality, drawing on different types of evidence including perceptions and qualitative in-country research. The sources are mostly in English with two in French.
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Accius, Jean, Justin Ladner i Staci Alexander. Global Longevity Economy Outlook: Democratic Republic of the Congo Infographic. Washington, DC: AARP Research, listopad 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/int.00052.020.

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