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Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Democratic Left Front (South Africa)

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Democratic Left Front (South Africa)”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 27 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 29 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Democratic Left Front (South Africa)"

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Hirschmann, David. "The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa". Journal of Modern African Studies 28, nr 1 (marzec 1990): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054203.

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Black politics in South Africa changed dramatically after 1976. It spread far and fast, with black organisations multiplying at all kinds of levels. The African National Congress (A.N.C.) returned and the United Democratic Front (U.D.F.) emerged. The trade unions strengthened considerably and black youths demonstrated their power. Ideologies changed and evolved. Yet at the same time as the movement broadened and deepened its hold on black people, internal divisions grew more intense. Organisational, ideological, and strategic differences became more bitter, and leaders continued to accuse each other of betraying the struggle.

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Venter, Francois. "South Africa: A Diceyan Rechtsstaat?" Symposium: Mixed Jurisdictions 57, nr 4 (8.11.2012): 721–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013029ar.

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South Africa’s transformation to constitutionalism in 1994 saw the addition to a mixed legal system of a supreme constitution that requires all law to conform to its provisions, principles, and values. This new constitutional design was developed for the circumstances and modeled on existing liberal democratic constitutions, the most influential of which were Canadian and German. Adopted in 1993, the first constitution introduced the notion of the “constitutional state” but being only a transitional document, it provided for the creation of a “final” constitution crafted in conformity with prescribed principles. The final constitution, adopted in 1996, made no mention of the “constitutional state”, including instead the expression “rule of law”. Since the constitutional principles laid down in 1993 referred to neither the German “Rechtsstaat”, nor Diceyan “rule of law”, the replacement of the former term by the latter was permissible. The two constitutional texts did not, however, elaborate on these two terms. It was left to constitutional interpreters, especially the judiciary, to give meaning to these historically disconnected but conceptually related ideas. The result was a completely novel and pervasive constitutional doctrine. The judicial process of merging these notions may be described as “comparison by global assimilation”.

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Southall, Roger, i Ineke van Kessel. ""Beyond Our Wildest Dreams": The United Democratic Front and the Transformation of South Africa". Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 35, nr 2 (2001): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486130.

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Crais, Clifton, Jeremy Seekings i Kenneth Christie. "The UDF: A History of the United Democratic Front in South Africa, 1983-1991". International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, nr 2 (2001): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097527.

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Gerhart, Gail M., Jeremy Seekings i Ineke Van Kessel. "The UDF: A History of the United Democratic Front in South Africa, 1983-1991". Foreign Affairs 79, nr 6 (2000): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050028.

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Tsheola, Johannes, i Mokoko Piet Sebola. "Scorched-earth democratic South Africa: Governance utopianisms as derivatives of scientific dogma". International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 12, nr 10 (25.12.2023): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v12i10.3120.

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This article explores theorisation that identifies the locus of South Africa’s scorched-earth lived experiences in the fixation on scientific dogma and conceptual binaries as well as governance utopianisms, wherein the latter are derivatives of the former. It explores South African’s lived experiences over the past 28 years in order to demonstrate that politicians’ reverence for governance utopianism has failed to appreciate the unity of realities, facts, values, objectivities, subjectivities, permanences, fluxes and changes, which consist of complex intricacies that are not amenable to dogmatic “incontrovertibly true” sets of authoritative principles and catchy governance utopianisms, because humanity’s imagination and creative thought are experimental in nature given the diversity of spatialities and “geography differences.” From desktop-based research literature survey and theorisation, the article advances a theoretical argument that if “science is one,” and if reality is unitary, then fragmentary theories and models are creatures of humanity’s world of imperfections. Additionally, the article analyses statistical evidence drawn from Statistics South Africa (StatsSA) in order to demonstrate that the scorched-earth metaphor is real for South Africa’s 28-year democratic governance. It finds that in South Africa’s twenty-eight years of democratic experiment, lived experiences resemble scorched-earth metaphor with no silver lining in sight. Philosophically, the paper concludes that if what resides on God’s left is on humanity’s right, then the “rightness” and/or “leftness” of people consists of intractable complexities of particularity, individuality and incommunicability that have led to fragmentary science, fixation on dogma and binaries as well as politicians’ reverence for governance utopianisms, simultaneously as society’s lived experiences resemble normalised scorched-earth.

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De Villiers, Coenie. "DEMOCRATIZING THE MEDIA". Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 15, nr 2 (3.11.2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v15i2.1903.

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Democratic change In South Africa has left the country reeling wrth exhiliration, but also battling with the difficulties of transfonnation. The media are no exception. The .: role of the Independent Broad· casting Authority as regulatory body becomes critical as the electronic media and radio In particular struggle through the transitional pains of deregulation, privatization and liberalization. The author brieny sketches the departure points and background for the ISA action frame, and then posits an implied warning against these objectives by using, inter alia. arguments posed in qualitative research by. in particular, Splichal (1992) and Rothenbuhler (1996) as a springboard. Parallels between media demqcratization in CentralEastern Europe and South Africa are drawn, and the danger of an overriding commercial motive in radio broadcasting is outlined.

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Louw, Eric. "Enzensberger's challenge to leftist communicologists". Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 11, nr 1 (7.11.2022): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v11i1.1983.

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In his work on the media, Hans Enzensberger challenges many of the traditional assumptions of the Left. These challenges form the sub stance of this essay. Importantly, Enzensberger was not content with merely attacking the (Marxist-domi nated) Left Rather, he simulta neously proposed an 'alternative' left-wing communication theory. His proposed "praxis" theory of com munication and related demand for democratic participatory media structures are examined with some reference to their adoptability in South Africa. The Enzensbergian challenge, how ever, has implications not only for left communicologists, but for com- munication studies in general. This is because he raises important issues for political communication such as the relationship of the media to democracy; of access to the media; and of media manipula tion; etcetera.

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Carpenter, Gretchen, i Margaret Bewkes. "The Path to Constitutional Democracy in South Africa: An Update". Journal of African Law 36, nr 2 (1992): 168–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300009876.

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Before President F. W. de Klerk's epoch-making address on 2 February, 1990, anyone who predicted that within less than two years virtually all the major political parties and groupings in South Africa would be sitting around a conference table negotiating a new constitution, would have been dismissed as naive at best. Even more amazing is the substantial degree of consensus which has been achieved in what is a relatively short time, given the long history of conflict which preceded the dawning of the “new” South Africa.The focus of the negotiations is the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (commonly referred to by the acronym Codesa). A wide spectrum of political opinion is represented here (a total of 19 different organizations at the last count), although organizations and parties on both the extreme right, and the extreme left, have refused to participate. While the government, the National Party and the African National Congress (ANC) may be seen as the main players, the role played by even the most minor participants cannot be discounted, because of the emphasis that is placed on consensus by most of the parties involved.

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Lanegran, Kim, Gregory F. Houston i Ineke van Kessel. "The National Liberation Struggle in South Africa: A Case-Study of the United Democratic Front, 1983-1987". African Studies Review 44, nr 1 (kwiecień 2001): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525425.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Democratic Left Front (South Africa)"

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Kessel, Ineke van. ""Beyond our wildest dreams" : the United Democratic Front and the transformation of South Africa /". Charlottesville ; London : University Press of Virginia, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38926507p.

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Daku-Mante, Jacqueline G. "An analysis of civil disobedience with specific reference to the role of the United Democratic Front in South Africa". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/43307.

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The main objective of this study is to analyse the concept of civil disobedience by providing an overview of its historical development; its objectives and strategies, and how this was applied in South Africa by the United Democratic Front in the 1980s. The sub-objectives were to determine if civil disobedience as a concept is going through, or has gone through any notable changes since its inception; to assess the extent to which United Democratic Front policies and strategies were in accordance with civil disobedience; and to briefly compare manifestations of civil disobedience in South Africa in the pre-1994 period, with some manifestations in the post-1994 period. The study included an assessment of the Defiance Campaign, analysing its impact and demise. It focused on the ANC strategy of mass action and assessed the role of the Pan African Congress. It outlined the formation of the UDF, assessing its vision, broad principles, organisation and objectives. Certain assumptions were assessed in the concluding chapters, namely that civil disobedience has developed into a broader concept than the original concept of passive resistance; that the policies and strategies of the United Democratic Front initially resembled some aspects of civil disobedience but eventually deviated from this due to a change in strategy; and that some contemporary manifestations of civil disobedience in South Africa resemble certain methods used in the 1980s, but the objectives differ.
Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
lk2014
Political Sciences
MA
Unrestricted

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Houston, Gregory Frederick. "The United Democratic Front (UDF) : a case study of democratic organisation, 1983-1987". Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/7634.

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This study, using the theoretical basis of the writings of Lenin and Gramsci on revolutionary theory and praxis, traces the formation, policy and aims, membership and structure, and practices of the United Democratic Front (UDF) and selected affiliate organisations during the period 1983-1987. The central problem investigated is the relation between revolutionary theory and praxis and the aims, policies and practices of the UDF and its affiliates. More particularly, in what respects does the formation of the UDF and revolutionary developments thereafter meet the strategic and tactical requirements of Lenin and Gramsci's theories of revolutionary strategy? It is argued that the formation of the UDF, and revolutionary developments during the period of review, conformed to the strategic and tactical requirements of a Leninist-Gramscian model of revolutionary praxis in the following way: the general drive to establish mass-based community organisations (increasing the complexity of civil society by establishing mass organisations); the formation of the UDF in August 1983 (creating a historical bloc in opposition to the ruling bloc during the phase of democratic struggle); and the development and spread of a common national political culture based on resistance to apartheid (expanding the revolutionary consciousness of the masses). During the period under review, the UDF-Ied opposition to apartheid resulted in the organisational and ideological penetration of the Front into almost every major sector of black civil society. The major forces behind the increasing political and ideological leadership of the UDF were the affiliated civic associations, trade unions, student/youth and women's organisations. These organisations played a central role in mass mobilisation and organisation and the spread of revolutionary consciousness throughout black civil society.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1998.

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"The United Democratic Front as exponent of mass-based resistance and protest, 1983-1990". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/5608.

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D.Litt. et Phil.
Non-violent mass-based protest and resistance by liberation groups have a long history in the South African context. Prior to the 1980s, they had achieved only minor and isolated successes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 and its successful mass protest action against the state to 1990, changed the equation, however. The UDF's origin could indirectly be traced back to attempts from the 1950s to launch mass-based protest and resistance against the apartheid state. Calls for the formation of a united front against the South African State were made by various persons and organisations since the 1950s, but it was only by the 1980s that circumstances allowed the formation of a united front. Demographic realities, urbanisation, the legalisation of black trade unions, an educated leadership, the growth of a grassroots-based civil society among blacks, all contributed to make the formation of the UDF a reality. Protest against the government's tricameral system, initially provided the direct stimulus for the formation of the UDF during 1983 to 1984. By the end of 1984, the UDF had built up a wide support base to directly threaten the government's position. The result was several states of emergency through which the state endeavoured to crush the UDF-led opposition. The UDF's unique structure, which consisted of affiliates from all sectors of civil society, including black trade unions as an alliance partner, managed to survive the state's repressive measures, continued to pressurise the state so that by 1989, under a new head-of-state, the National Party "capitulated" and opened the door to real elections for a democratic South Africa. The UDF's strategies were aimed to mobilise the masses and through its mass-based action, bring maximum pressure to bear on the government. This strategic approach was executed by employing various tactics, which related to the classic methods of mass-based non-violent action. In the end, the state's security apparatus proved unable to cope with the UDF's relentless actions, offset by its inability to act effectively against the UDF as an entity, mainly because of its amorphous structure. Although other factors, such as economic recession, foreign sanctions, the ANC campaign to isolate South Africa, among other played a role, the UDF provided the crucial domestic impetus to illustrate to the South African government, that black resistance couldn't be suppressed and that the situation would continue to worsen. Seen against this background, it is unlikely that CODESA would have occurred as soon as it did without the activities of the UDF throughout the 1980s.

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Mchunu, Mxolisi R. "A history of political violence in KwaShange, Vulindlela district and of its effects on the memories of survivors (1987-2008)". Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/9929.

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The political violence and vigilante activities that characterised Natal and Zululand between 1985 and 1996 had numerous causes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 contributed to the rise of vigilantism and political violence. The formation of the Congress of the South African Trade Union (COSATU) in 1985 compounded this situation. Both these movements were known to be sympathetic to the African National Congress (ANC), which was still banned at the time of their formation; hence they had similar objectives to the ANC. During this time, Inkatha was the only strong Black political movement in the country, and particularly in Natal and Zululand. The Inkatha movement and its leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi regarded the formation of the UDF and COSATU in 1985 as a challenge to the hegemony of Inkatha in the region, following his fall-out with the ANC leadership in exile. Local leadership of political movements, namely, UDF and COSATU on one hand and Inkatha on the other, mobilised their support-base and took arms against each other. The lifting of the State of Emergency in 1986 intensified political violence and vigilante activities in the region. The Natal Midlands’ violence saw a high number of deaths and causalities. Local communities as well such as Vulindlela suffered a great deal. Clan faction fights were characteristic of KwaShange in the period 1940s-1970s, but from the late 1980s onwards (especially 1987) political unrest and struggle against the Nationalist apartheid regime changed into conflict between Inkatha and the UDF, which gradually worsened into civil war. In the course of my previous studies in KwaShange I discovered that the violence had impacted upon families and inter-generational relationships. According to some senior residents’ thinking, a number of youths were ill disciplined. Issues of disciplining of youths had obscured the political struggle and violence, making it hard to disentangle them. When researching memories of the violence, I found that persons spoke of different incidents within this struggle period and described their violent nature and how it had impacted on families’ survival, both psychologically and physically. The interviewees kept saying that it was hard to forget the memories engendered by their horrific experiences. The South African Government was accused of secretly provoking acts of violence in Natal and Zululand and was furthermore accused of having sent IFP troops to the Caprivi in Namibia for training in guerrilla combat. The Government later acknowledged this, explaining that the Natal Legislature needed specially trained forces for its officials. The unbanning of political parties and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990 saw KwaZulu- Natal entering a new phase of random vigilante activities and violence. The security forces (the South African Police and the South African Defence Force) were accused of supporting IFP vigilantes. All this led to the “Seven Days War” in 1990 in the Midlands, particularly in KwaVulindlela. In KwaShange this violence, from 1986 until 1996, created divisions in families and the community. Many people lost their lives. All efforts to put an end to the violence and vigilantism failed. The announcement that the first democratic election in South Africa was to be held in 1994 triggered more violence in Vulindlela. Exhaustion in the area, and a national climate which promoted peace were elements which eventually brought the conflict to an end. Socially and economically, the area is still experiencing problems. Survivors and generations born during and after the turmoil talk about endless psychological and emotional suffering born during this turmoil. My contention is that trauma experienced as a result of this violence and its consequences influenced the lives of all persons affected by it, and that this was transmitted across generations, through whole families and communities. It must be realized that these people and their families were affected for a long time, and many are still traumatised. The social structure of the community has been affected by it and by implication that of successive generations will also be affected. This study describes and analyses political violence in KwaShange and investigates how it is remembered by the survivors. It also attempts to answer the question of how communities, families and individuals survived these traumatic experiences, how they coped (or failed to cope) with their experiences, both then and fifteen years after the end of violence. By focusing on KwaShange as a case study of political violence in KwaZulu-Natal, I hope to determine what was in play in the province, and find a common pattern underlying the dynamics of the conflicts. Pre-civil war divisions have not, up to the present, been confronted, and these fuelled the political affiliations that were a response to the struggle against the apartheid regime.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

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Bonnin, Deborah Rosemary. "Space, place and identity: political violence in Mpumalanga township, Kwazulu-Natal, 1987-1993". Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/4823.

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ABSTRACT This thesis investigates political violence between the United Democratic Front and Inkatha in Mpumalanga township, Natal. In the early 1980s and early 1990s Mpumalanga was one of Natal’s townships most gravely affected by political violence. I ask and answer four questions: 1. Why and how did the conflict between political organisations in Natal become violent? 2. What forms did the violence take? 3. Why, as a result of the violence did ordinary people with little prior history of political activity come to identify with either the UDF or Inkatha? 4. How were these political identities produced? In order to answer these questions the thesis explores three primary arguments. The first argument is that 1987 represents a severe rupture in the politics of Natal. This rupture is captured in the violent form of political conflict that gripped the province. To understand this rupture the thesis looks back at a complex set of processes that interlocked over space and time. A second major argument of the thesis is that an aspect of the distinctiveness of the violence was its profoundly spatialised form in combination with gendered and generational forms. There were two major shifts in the spatialised form of the violence. The first shift occurred when instead of only attacking individuals, the household and its members also became targets. And then the second shift was when the purpose of the violence was about the pursuit of territory. Boundaries between territories identified who was ‘in’ and who was ‘out’ and all aspects of everyday life became politicised. The third major argument of the thesis is that there was a strong relationship between space/place and political identity. The re-territorialisation of space - iv - during the violence was central to the production of these new identities. Political violence created new spatialities, with space itself acquiring political meaning and identity. The political meanings of these spaces were intense markers of their identity and overrode all other meanings and identities. As the spatial form of the violence shifted it forced people to question their political identities. The lived experience of the politicisation of everyday life by the violence shaped the production of political identities.

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Morris, Allen William. "Prophetic theology in the Kairos tradition : a pentecostal and reformed perspective in black liberation theology in South Africa". Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25907.

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This study focused on the ‘silence of the prophets’ in the post-apartheid era. It sought to understand why the prophets, who spoke out so vehemently against the injustices of apartheid, did not speak out against the injustices of the government after 1994 even when it became blatantly apparent that corruption was beginning to unfold on various levels, especially with the introduction of the so-called Arms Deal. Accordingly, the study singles out Drs Allan Boesak and Frank Chikane who were among the fiercest opponents of the apartheid regime before 1994. The study traced the impact of the ideological forces that influenced Boesak and Chikane’s ideological thinking from the early Slave Religion, Black Theology in the USA and Liberation Theology in Latin America. Black Theology and Black Consciousness first made their appearance in South Africa in the 1970s, with Boesak and Chikane, among others, as early advocates of these movements. In 1983, Boesak and Chikane took part in the launch of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in Mitchells Plain, Cape Town. This movement became the voice of the voiceless in an era when the members of the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan African Congress (PAC) had been sent into exile. It also signalled a more inclusive and reconciliatory shift in Boesak and Chikane’s Ideological thinking. Whereas Black Consciousness sought to exclude white people from participating in the struggle for liberation, the UDF united all under one banner without consideration for colour, race, religion or creed. After the advent of liberation in South Africa in 1994, it became increasingly obvious that corruption was infiltrating many levels of the new government. But the prophets were silent. Why were they silent? The study presents an analysis of the possible reasons for this silence based on interviews with Boesak and Chikane as role players and draws conclusions based on their writings both before and after 1994. Overall, the study concluded that they were silent because they had become part of the new political structures that had taken over power. To sum up, the study demonstrates the irony of prophetic oscillation and concludes that no prophet is a prophet for all times. Thus, as a new democracy unfolds in South Africa, the situation demands new prophets with a new message.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D. Phil. (Theology)

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Książki na temat "Democratic Left Front (South Africa)"

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Democratic Left Front (South Africa). Conference. Another South Africa and world is possible: Democratic Left Front : 1st Democratic Left Conference report, 20-23 January 2011, University of Witwatersrand South Africa. Killarney [South Africa]: Democratic Left Front, 2011.

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Seekings, Jeremy. The UDF: A history of the United Democratic Front in South Africa, 1983-1991. Cape Town: David Philip, 2000.

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Wilhelmina Maria Johanna van Kessel. 'Beyond our wildest dreams': The United Democratic Front and the transformation of South Africa. [s.l.]: [s.n.], 1995.

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Fatima, Meer, Jawoodeen Sooraya i Roberts Cheryl, red. Treason Trial, 1985. [Durban]: Madiba Publications, 1989.

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Library of Congress. Major Issues System, red. South Africa: U.S. policy after sanctions. [Washington, D.C.]: Library of Congress, Congressional Research Service, Major Issues System, 1987.

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Library of Congress. Major Issues System, red. South Africa: U.S. policy after sanctions. [Washington, D.C.]: Library of Congress, Congressional Research Service, Major Issues System, 1987.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, red. South Africa: Inkatha, Chief Buthelezi, and the Indaba Plan. [Washington, D.C.]: Library of Congress, Congressional Research Service, 1987.

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Catholic Institute for International Relations., red. Treason against apartheid. London, England: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1985.

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Flaendorp, Charles Daniel, i N. C. Philander. Festschrift in honour of Allan Boesak: A life in black liberation theology. Redaktor Plaatjies-Van Huffel Mary-Anne editor. Stellenbosch: SUN MeDIA, 2016.

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South Africa: The United Democratic Front. Washington, D.C: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1986.

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Części książek na temat "Democratic Left Front (South Africa)"

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Lodge, Tom. "The United Democratic Front: Leadership and Ideology". W Can South Africa Survive?, 206–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19661-6_10.

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Sinwell, Luke. "From Radical Movement to Conservative NGO and Back Again? A Case Study of the Democratic Left Front in South Africa". W NGOization. Zed Books, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350221512.ch-004.

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"Front Matter". W A Democratic South Africa?, i—vi. University of California Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.2430462.1.

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Boesak, Allan. "The United Democratic Front". W The South Africa Reader, 384–90. Duke University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822377450-067.

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Boesak, Allan. "The United Democratic Front". W The South Africa Reader, 384–90. Duke University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv125jpdf.74.

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"Declaration of the United Democratic Front, 20 August 1983". W South Africa, 209–10. Third edition. | New York : Routledge, 2016. |: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315621562-31.

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Houston, Gregory F. "Membership of the United Democratic Front". W The National Liberation Struggle in South Africa, 89–110. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429442988-5.

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Houston, Gregory F. "The Formation, Policies and Aims, and Strategy and Tactics of the United Democratic Front". W The National Liberation Struggle in South Africa, 59–88. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429442988-4.

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Wagner, Wolfgang. "The Party Politics of Foreign and Security Policy". W The Democratic Politics of Military Interventions, 64–97. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846796.003.0004.

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Analyses of party manifestos, of expert judgements on party positions, and of parties’ actual behaviour when voting on military missions all show that party-political contestation is structured along the left/right dimension. Support for the military and its interventions is systematically related to the left/right dimension in a skewed inverted U-curve: support is weakest at the far left and increases as one moves along the left/right axis to the centre right where it reaches its peak. The far right is less supportive then the centre right but less opposed than the far left. The relation to the ‘new politics’ dimension is shaped very similarly but is generally weaker. Party-political contestation of military missions in the post-Communist party systems in Central, Eastern and South Eastern Europe follows a different pattern than elsewhere. In the post-Communist party systems, the relationship between left/right and support of military interventions is weaker, and the relationship with the ‘new politics’ dimension is either weak or even points in the opposite direction as in Western Europe. It is important to note, however, that the influence of the left/right dimension is not limited to Western Europe. As the manifestos of various non-European countries show, the correlation can also be found in Asia, Oceania, Africa, and Latin America.

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Ayele, Zemelak Ayitenew. "Constitutionalism and Electoral Authoritarianism in Ethiopia". W Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa, 169–97. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0008.

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After centuries of monarchical rule, 14 years of military rule, and three years of a one-party political system, Ethiopia adopted a constitution that provides for multiparty democracy. The Constitution establishes democratic institutions and contains democratic principles that are vital for competitive multiparty democracy; it also guarantees civil liberties and political rights, including freedom of expression and association that are critical in this regard. Be that as it may, in the past two-and-a-half decades, no competitive multiparty democracy has existed in Ethiopia. Instead, an electoral authoritarian system was instituted that allowed the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its affiliates to enjoy exclusive control over every level and unit of government. This was so because, among other things, even if the domestic and global political dynamics that were at work when the EPRDF came to power in the 1990s left it with no choice but to constitutionalize multipartyism, its violent history, its vanguardist self-perception, and the developmental-state paradigm it later endorsed have driven it into electoral authoritarianism. The various formal and informal mechanisms that the party put in place, the socioeconomic structure of the country, and the minimal international pressure it faced when not democratizing allowed it successfully to retain its incumbency for more than two decades. New domestic and international dynamics put pressure on the EPRDF to open up the political space and to change its leadership leading to the rise to power of Abiy Ahmed who, having begun as a reformer, is now showing the tell-tale signs of authoritarianism and harbingers of one-man rule.

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