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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Democracy – Tunisia"
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Nurali, Rinawati Acan. "PERKEMBANGAN DEMOKRASI DI TUNISIA". Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam 20, nr 2 (1.08.2021): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/thaq.2021.20204.
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This paper discusses the development of democracy in Tunisia. The goal is to understand the development of Tunisian democracy which is full of dynamics of the effects of the Arab Spring. This research uses the library method. Data collection through journals and books. The results of this study found that the long journey of the Tunisian people, in achieving independence from the occupation of the Tunisian government itself, was a road that was not easy, steep and sharp. Many became victims, in the name of the revolution. Both physically and psychologically. However, the struggle is carried out not only in the name of religion but also human humanity at stake, the rights and obligations desired by the Tunisian people, who become their driving force in their journey to achieve a democratic government. Of course, this requires a sacrifice in the long journey of democracy in Tunisia. Although in some Middle Eastern countries the process of democratization is still uncertain, Tunisia is not. Tunisia has become a hope for countries in the Middle East to rise from adversity. Tunisia has successfully held elections to democratically appoint a leader. Tunisian democracy is getting better with the inauguration of a new constitution that provides equality between men and women so that Tunisia becomes a pioneer of feminism in the Middle East. Although we cannot compare it with other contexts of Islamic government, Tunisia is a system that continues to rise to renew the slump of democracy by removing the influence of secular, far-right ideologies, and the monarchical system. Therefore, the political dynamics of the state system is a transition period whether it will lead to destruction or even towards democratic maturity, thus there is still optimism for the implementation of Islamic democracy in the Tunisian government system in the midst of all the dynamics that are faced.
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Ahn, So Yeon. "The Rise of Populism and Crisis of Democracy: The Case of Tunisia". Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 21, nr 3 (31.12.2022): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2022.21.3.29.
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Initially igniting the Arab Spring, Tunisia is the sole participating country that managed to transition toward democracy. However, during the period of political transition since then, the economic crisis has increased. Under the mounting political grievance of Tunisian citizens, populism has risen, which usually emerges when democracy is in crisis. The Tunisian citizens elected current president Kais Saied as an alternative to established politics. However, as the president attempts to decrease the power of political parties, the future of democracy in Tunisia has become more fragile. This study examines the process of transitioning politically to democracy in Tunisia over the past 11 years and explores the current crisis through the lens of populism and democracy. The result confirms that Tunisian citizens’ political grievance stems from the economic crisis and not the transition to democracy. With this reasoning, if the current president cannot address citizens’ political frustration, conditions might enable a second Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia.
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Bassil, Noah, i Nourhan Kassem. "The Subtle Dynamics of Power Struggles in Tunisia: Local media since the Arab Uprisings". Media and Communication 9, nr 4 (17.12.2021): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4452.
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This article contributes to the analysis of local media and democratic transformation in Tunisia since the Arab Uprisings. It aims to assess the extent to which pluralism, freedom of expression, and participation—central tenets of democratisation—are evident at the local level. Tunisian local media, unlike the national media, is relatively free of governmental control. Local media is also decentralised. It is this autonomy from the government which makes the analysis of local media fundamentally important for understanding politics in Tunisia. While national media is linked to the most powerful elements in the country, the diversity of voices within the media at the local level provides an opportunity to grasp the grievances, struggles, and agency of people in Tunisia, especially the most marginalised communities. This article will detail the changes in the media landscape, especially for local media, in Tunisia and connect our analysis of local media to better understand the Tunisia that has developed between dictatorship and democracy and the extent that the fledgling Tunisian democracy can withstand its most recent test.
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Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity". Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, nr 3 (20.12.2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.
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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
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AKKAŞ, Necmi Enes. "THE REFLECTION OF THE ARAB SPRING TO THE DEMOCRATICATION OF TUNISIA: RASHID AL GANNUSHI AND THE NAHDA MOVEMENT PARTY". SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, nr 30 (15.03.2022): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.558.
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The Republic of Tunisia, located in North Africa, is an Arab state that gained its independence from France on March 20, 1956 and witnessed the firsts. The official name of Tunisia, which came under the rule of the Turks in 1574, has remained as Tunisia since then. Tunisia, the country of firsts, was the first constitution made under Ahd-ül Aman in 1861 and the first non-governmental organization Tunisian Workers' Union was established in 1924. The first action that ignited the Arab Spring started when 26-year-old computer engineer Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the governor's office on 17 December 2010. While ethnic and sectarian turmoil led to coups d'etat and civil war in the Middle East and North African countries where the Arab Spring spread, Tunisia's weak army organization as well as the experiences of civil and political sectors in the historical process were effective in overcoming the troubles it experienced during the revolution without being dragged into civil war. One of the important factors positively affecting Tunisia's democratization process is the Ennahda Movement Party, which represents a moderate Islamist democratic politics. The name Ennahda, which is defined as the Arab awakening, the Arab resurrection, the Arab Renaissance, was given to the party led by the philosopher and politician Ghannushi. When the effects of the Arab Spring on democratization are evaluated, the Ennahda Movement Party is an important event for the development of Tunisian democracy. The study will analyze the contributions of the Ennahda Movement Party and its leader, Rashid Al-Ghannushi Gannuşi, which made significant contributions to the democratization of Tunisia, to the democratization of Tunisia. Within the scope of the study, the reflections of the Arab Spring on the Tunisian revolution and the political process will be explained.
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Mahmoud, Abdesselem. "Urban sustainability challenges : Democracy and spatial injustices in Tunisia". JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 7, nr 2 (20.04.2015): 1281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v7i2.3563.
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In this paper, the author addresses spatial injustices in Tunisia, and seeks to which extent social and territorial inequalities could hamper democracy. Many urban disparities and social anomies such as informal sector, terrorism, unemployment, and usustainable development process threaten the vulnerable democracy transition in Tunisia. The author described and analyzed urban planning process since independency to noawadays. He analyzed the successive economic development policy makings undertook by a mono-party Nation-State. The top down development policies implemented until nowadays entailed a big gap between coastal areas and inland. The former benefitted of its site across the sea shores and proximity to Tunis and former regime. Many factors fostered export industries and tourism activities. The latters were left behind due to their lack of resources and urban planning policy dominated by neo liberal capitalist development in favor of Tunis urban primacy and the littoral where concentrated most foreign and local investments. Urban disparities and inequalities in Tunisia join in a networked society where local and global actors play a key role in economic, social, and urban development process in Tunisia. Tunisian society is a subsystem within a global system (Wallerstein2012), and what is happening is not conjonctural, but it is due to global social movements (Sassen 2007 ; Castells 2012 ; Braudel, 1992 ; Amin, 2003). Terrorism, pollution, inequalities are not per se, but are the negative results of a a myriad of factors: economic, politics, cultural, emotional, aesthetics, social and urban morphologies. Many economic, social, and political actors intervened and interconnected in public and private arenas and triggered those anomies. Fair urban policies are expected to be achieved through a multilevel governance in order to implement the revolution objectives in Tunisia. Otherwise, a representative democracy only, won't fulfil the well-being expected by large Tunisian people. Sustainable urban governance requires a multi-scalar bottom-up and top-down policy-making. In Tunisia, after democratic transition success, the state should be revamped, and compensate its deficit. A sustainable urban planning implies a holistic policy framework involving private and public sectors, and civil society actors locally, regionally, and globally.
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Feather, Ginger. "Proactive versus Reactive Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Morocco and Tunisia". FEMINA POLITICA - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 29, nr 2-2020 (30.11.2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.07.
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Morocco and Tunisia, two progressive Muslim-majority countries, took vastly different approaches to women’s sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Sharing a French colonial past and Maliki Islamic tradition, Tunisia is an emerging democracy with a long history of top-down women’s rights advances and state-promoted SRHR. Tunisian women have benefitted from SRH education, access to contraception, emergency contraception, and state-funded first trimester abortion. Tunisia targets vulnerable populations, including unmarried, minor, rural, and poor women, with special clinics and subsidies. Finally, Tunisia holds men responsible for children they father outside of wedlock. In contrast, Morocco’s bottom-up feminist-driven approach to SRHR, including access to contraception, emergency contraception, and abortion, is circumscribed and exclusionary, targeting married couples. The criminalization of extramarital sexual relations and most abortions force single women with unwanted pregnancies to resort to unsafe abortion. Moroccan men who father children outside of marriage enjoy legal impunity from paternal responsibilities. Nevertheless, the recent rise of Islamic parties in both countries poses a potential threat to Tunisia’s proactive laws and policies governing SRHR, while adding another obstacle to adequate SRHR provision in Morocco.
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Rohde, Achim. "Resurrecting Maghreb Pluriel ?: Jews and Postauthoritarian Tunisia". Jewish Social Studies 28, nr 2 (marzec 2023): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.28.2.07.
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Abstract: The Tunisian revolution of 2011 marked a partial reconfiguration of the political elite and the beginning of a protracted democratization process whose long-term success is far from secured. In this article, I discuss societal/political/cultural transformations toward democracy in Tunisia since 2011 through the prism of its tiny Jewish minority. The perceived homogeneity of Tunisian society has come under increasing scrutiny since the revolution, and this includes a heightened visibility of the country's Jewish community and a degree of public debate on related topics. I focus on three cases: the preservation of Jewish cultural heritage, the demise of an NGO designed to fight racism and antisemitism in Tunisia, and the commemoration of the German occupation of Tunisia during World War II. Addressing contemporary Tunisian history "from the margins" enables a more nuanced understanding of political struggles that accompany processes of de-/re-territorializing Tunisian collective identities.
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Rohde, Achim. "Resurrecting Maghreb Pluriel ?: Jews and Postauthoritarian Tunisia". Jewish Social Studies 28, nr 2 (marzec 2023): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.2023.a901517.
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Abstract: The Tunisian revolution of 2011 marked a partial reconfiguration of the political elite and the beginning of a protracted democratization process whose long-term success is far from secured. In this article, I discuss societal/political/cultural transformations toward democracy in Tunisia since 2011 through the prism of its tiny Jewish minority. The perceived homogeneity of Tunisian society has come under increasing scrutiny since the revolution, and this includes a heightened visibility of the country's Jewish community and a degree of public debate on related topics. I focus on three cases: the preservation of Jewish cultural heritage, the demise of an NGO designed to fight racism and antisemitism in Tunisia, and the commemoration of the German occupation of Tunisia during World War II. Addressing contemporary Tunisian history "from the margins" enables a more nuanced understanding of political struggles that accompany processes of de-/re-territorializing Tunisian collective identities.
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Sahide, Ahmad, Yoyo Yoyo i Ali Muhammad. "Tunisia's Success in Consolidating Its Democracy One Decade Post-the Arab Spring". Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 26, nr 1 (29.06.2022): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.65912.
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The political turmoil in Tunisia at the end of 2010 opened the door to the democratization of Arab countries. This event, widely known as The Arab Spring, presented a dream for the Arab community to live a better life under a democratic system. However, after a decade of progress, only Tunisia has succeeded in consolidating its democracy among the Arab countries that have been affected by the political turmoil. This paper tries to read the success factors for Tunisia in consolidating its democracy by using the theory of democracy from Robert Dahl, Jack Snyder, and Georg Sorensen. This study concludes that democracy in Tunisia is already included in the category of matured democracy according to Snyder's theory or has entered the category in which a democratic culture has begun to develop (Sorensen) and fulfills the elements of a democratic state according to Dahl. This success is inseparable from internal and external factors. The internal factor is the foundation of a civil society built before The Arab Spring and the openness of viewpoints of political actors after the political upheaval. Meanwhile, the external factor is the absence of America as the dominant actor in Tunisia because Tunisia is considered a ferry country. Tunisia also proves that Islam and democracy can go hand in hand, and this is a refutation of the pessimistic views of the scholars on Islam and democracy that can go hand in hand.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Democracy – Tunisia"
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Hoffman, Jane E. "Democracy and Tunisia : a case study /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1994. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA283279.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1994.Thesis advisor(s): Magnus, R. H. "June 1994." DTIC Descriptors: Foreign Policy, Democracy, Tunisia, USSR, Global, Economic Analysis, Competition, Investments, International Politics, Middle East, Government(Foreign), Foreign Aid, Theses, Correlation, Case Studies, Cold War, International Relations, Balance Of Power, North Africa. Includes bibliographical references.
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Powel, Brieg Tomos. "From democracy to stability : European Union Democracy promotion in Tunisia 1995-2007". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/73634.
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Very little scholarship has been published on politics in Tunisia in the last two decades, resulting in scant coverage of the country’s political relations with the European Union (EU). Likewise, few studies of the EU’s democracy promotion and Mediterranean policies have provided any in-depth analysis of Tunisia. Meanwhile, much has been made by scholars of role played by democracy promotion in the EU’s foreign policy, particularly focusing on understandings of the Union as a ‘normative power’ or as an advocate of the ‘democratic peace theory’. By assessing EU democracy promotion in Tunisia, this thesis argues that democracy promotion has become a predominantly functional part of this foreign policy; its principal role being a means of realising the Union’s principal objectives of achieving security and stability for Europeans. By analysing the discourse of actors involved with the EU’s democracy promotion, the thesis traces a shift in EU policy from a more normative position in the mid-1990s to a more realist and securitised one since the turn of the twenty-first century. Tunisia has evolved over the last two centuries as a state strongly committed to European-influenced socio-economic reforms, but reforms which have led to little political contestability and few changes in government. However, as the EU forged a new approach to its Mediterranean neighbours, it established the promotion of democracy in its neighbours as an integral part of its foreign and security policies. Democracy was to be promoted in Tunisia within multilateral and holistic policy frameworks, such as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and by a range of methods that encourage reform of many levels of the region’s societies. Yet it appears that these reforms are failing to deliver the political reforms they once promised. Furthermore, democracy is gradually slipping off the EU’s agenda, and its policy objectives converge with those of the Tunisian government as security concerns come to dominate its policy discourses. In the Tunisian context at least, democracy is a purely utilitarian device used to achieve security. When that security already exists, democracy loses its utility, and fades from its once prominent place in the EU policy in Tunisia.
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Michel, Elvire. "The Substance of Democracy behind Layers of Discourses: EU's Democracy Promotion in Tunisia". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22188.
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Following the signature of the Millennium Declaration in 2000, and of the Lisbon treaty in 2009, the EU developed a key-role role on the international stage notably through the development of the CSFP and its HR representative, Federica Mogherini. While the EU reinforced its security policies, its involvement in developing countries increased as well. Higher requirements toward its foreign partners are expected, notably regarding the implementation of democratic principles. The EUROMED partnership, through which Tunisia is bound to the EU´s financial support and socio-economic goals, deploys a wide range of democracy promotion instruments. This research looks at the meanings of democracy in the context of the EU-Tunisian partnership through a transversal discursive analysis based on the work of Chaban & Holland, the foucauldian normative theory and the criteria for an ideal democracy from Dahl and Habermas. The analysis compares two layers of democratic discourses: the official one, from the EU and the Tunisian government; and the civil society level, from NGOs, journalists and activist bloggers. The aim of the study being to look at the possible mismatch between democratic discourse and democratic realities, resulting in a transformation of the democracy definition. The findings show discrepancies between the EU´s institutionalized democratic discourse, the Tunisian governments newly democratic discourse based on familial and religious values, and finally a Tunisian civil society distanced from political life, but speaking the "parrhesian" truth of Foucault and appearing as the last authentic layer of authentic democracy.
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Eryilmaz, Nazim. "Democratic Transitions in Comparative Perspective: Tunisia and Egypt in the Post-Arab Spring Process". Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107424.
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Thesis advisor: ALI BANUAZIZIHow can one think of the possibility of emergence of democracy in non-Western countries? Such an idea had been approached in pessimism for a long time in academia. This is because the conditions deemed indispensable for democratic development (such as high rates of urbanization and literacy) rarely existed in those countries. Thus, the concept “Western democracy” was considered an oxymoron, since, according to earlier scholars of democracy, only Western polities could meet the conditions/prerequisites for the genesis of democracy. Nevertheless, this long-held prophecy was challenged as non-Western countries demonstrated significant progress towards establishing a democratic rule, despite having “so-called” unfavorable conditions (such as religion or poor economic performance) to democratic development. Despite this global resurgence of democratic governance, the countries in the Middle East and North Africa were never able to develop a democratic rule, a situation that has long been explained by pointing at the “exceptional” characteristics (primarily Islam) inherent in the region. Yet, the events that began on December 17, 2010 in Tunisia opened up the possibility for the countries that had been long-ruled by autocrats to embark on a democratic transition. The uprisings that eventually unseated longtime authoritarian rulers (only occurred in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya) enabled divergent socio-political forces to become involved in transitional processes in the aftermath of regime breakdowns. However, only the first two cases had meaningful steps that were taken towards sustaining the transition. This research has been built on the argument that four key factors have played important roles in transitional processes of these two cases, namely Tunisia (the transition to a democratic governance) and Egypt (the restoration of a new form of authoritarianism): the formation of the state, pact-making compromises among revolutionary actors, moderation of religious parties, and civil society activism. In addition to explaining the divergence in these two countries’ transitional processes, this research has been written in response to the prolonged pessimism that the regimes in the region are destined to stay non-democratic
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2017
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Middle Eastern Studies
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Lind, Sanna. "SSR and Democracy in Tunisia and Egypt : Understanding Security Sector Reform following Nonviolent Resistance". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393809.
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In this study I explore how security sector reform affects the likelihood of democratization after a nonviolent resistance campaign in order to better understand the role of core security services during regime changes and the mechanisms of SSR. By using literature on nonviolence resistance, security sector reform, and by borrowing the concept ofspoilersfrom policy and peace-making literature, I hypothesise that SSR will likely increase the ability of core security actors to manage security problems in the transition after a nonviolent resistance campaign, as well as reduce spoiler capabilities among core security actors, thereby increasing the probability of democratization.I used the method of structured, focused comparison on the regime changes in Tunisia 2011-2014 and Egypt 2011-2013, and found some evidence contrary to the first, while limited support for the second.
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Jedrom, Malin. "Democracy in an era of liberalism : An analysis of the democratization process in Tunisia after the Jasmin Revolution". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294981.
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The Jasmin Revolution in Tunisia began at the end of 2010. Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest against the corrupt police officials that had forced him to pay bribes in order to run his business. His protest became the symbol for the revolution that followed. A combination of political instabilities along with an economic downturn that lead to unemployment created dissatisfaction among the people in Tunisia. The Protest grew into a revolution that demanded action against the widespread unemployment, lack of democracy and human rights. A democratization process started after the revolution because of the protests. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse how Tunisia developed a democratic system of governance, if the notion of human rights has changed since the democratization process started and to analyse the relationship between human rights and democracy within the case of Tunisia. Three democratization theories, are applied to this case on Tunisia in order to answer these questions. The theorists are Robert A. Dahl with a theory of constitutionalism and institutionalism, Chantal Mouffe with a theory of agonistic pluralism and Seyla Benhabib with a theory of deliberative democracy. The three theorists have different opinions regarding democracy and democratization processes but they all agree that the modern notion of democracy is of liberal character and that inclusion and that equality is important for a democracy. This thesis shows that the democratization of Tunisia’s governance could arise because the process had a relatively liberal agenda, which is perceived through the theories as the modern concept of democracy. The three theories require inclusion and equality for a transition to be democratic. Tunisia has included the citizens in the work of establishing a better relationship between the state and citizens but also when drafting the new constitution after the revolution. The actions taken by Tunisia are compatible with the theories, and maybe an explanation to the democratization process. The relationship between democracy and human rights is important when discussing the democratization of Tunisia. The revolution demanded democracy and human rights, something that the state could not deny. In order to honour the revolution and its demands the government in Tunisia tried to incorporate human rights into the democratic work, linking the relationship between democracy and human rights. Therefore, it can be viewed as a liberal democratization process. This thesis proves that Tunisia is not a democracy, but the process after the revolution is still remarkable and one day I can only hope that the process will be complete.
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Romagnoli, Michela. "Avant et après la révolution en Tunisie de janvier 2011 : rôle des associations féminines". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0778.
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Le projet de recherche s'est concentré sur les rôles des associations féminines en Tunisie depuis l’indépendance du pays au lendemain de la révolution de janvier 2011. Sur le plan conceptuel, je reprends la notion de « agency » en tant que cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’engagement et les moyens de mobilisation des individus qui militent dans les associations féminines. Dans la mesure où ce concept de « agency » indique un engagement dans la société, cette notion se prête parfaitement aux démarches épistémologiques dans mes enquêtes auprès des personnalités des associations féminines. Cette notion de « agency » me donne un cadre pour penser à la fois les actions des femmes et des hommes qui agissent au sein des associations étudiées mais aussi au niveau de l’influence qu’elles/ils laissent dans la société de par leurs actions. J’ai cherché à comprendre si l’agency, en tant que capacité individuelle de s’imposer dans des domaines de la vie sociale, politique ou économique pour apporter des innovations et modifications, pourrait s’appliquer à un groupe et donc pourrait être utile pour comprendre un pouvoir collectif. En analysant les entretiens que j’ai conduits avec les membres des associations féminines, j'ai cherché à suivre l’histoire de ces organisations et leur impact dans la société tunisienne durant le dernier demi-siècle depuis l’indépendance de la Tunisie à nos jours, et cela dans les domaines économique, social, politique et légal afin de répondre à ma question principale : quel est le rôle des associations féminines en Tunisie postcoloniale, notamment avant et après la révolution de 2011, surtout à l’égard du processus de la démocratisation dans le pays ?The research project focused on the rôle of the feminist associations since the indipendence of Tunisia until the revolution of 2011, analyzing the context of the creation and the process, putting the accent on different women's associations which engaged themselves in order to ensure that the gained women's rights are respected and diffused in all country with the intention to improve women to became « fully citizens ».Every time I went to Tunisia, I had some interviews with the members of the organisations during the years before and after the revolution, in order to observe the evolution of their involvement in the association and in the society.The objective of this thesis is to contextualize the socio-political rôle occupied from the four associations in the history of the country, since their creation until the present day.On the conceptual plan, I included the « agency » notion, in order to analyse the involvement and the ressources of mobilisation of the people who participate in the work of the feminist associations.I tried to understand if « agency », as individual ability to impose on the domaines of the social, political and economic life to change something, it could be a collective ability, then a collective power. Analyzing the interviews with members of the associations, I attempted to track the history of the feminist tunisian organisations and their impact on the social life of the country, to answer to a final question : which is the rôle of the feminist associations in the postcolonial Tunisia, especially before an dafter the revolution of january 2011, mainly in relation to the democratic process of the country ?
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Chamsi, Mohamed Zied. "Consensus et démocratie en Tunisie". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Côte d'Azur, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023COAZ0028.
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Au sein du paysage dévasté de ce que l'on a rapidement qualifié de "Printemps arabe", marqué par le rétablissement de l'autoritarisme en Égypte ainsi que par les guerres civiles en Libye, au Yémen et en Syrie, qui ont ravivé les groupes djihadistes et réveillé les conflits tribaux, ethniques et confessionnels, la Tunisie demeure une exception. Cette nation a certes traversé une transition politique longue et fragile, mais elle a réussi à préserver ses institutions républicaines, à élaborer une nouvelle Constitution saluée par de nombreux observateurs comme étant la plus progressiste du monde arabe, et à surmonter avec succès les élections législatives et présidentielles de 2014 et 2019.Cette exception tunisienne est le fruit de plusieurs facteurs, le principal étant le consensus, ou "Tawâfuq" en arabe. Le concept de "consensus" est la pierre angulaire de cette transition démocratique tunisienne, souvent qualifiée de transition consensuelle. La reconnaissance du Quartet du Dialogue national en Tunisie par le prix Nobel de la paix en 2014 illustre de manière emblématique ce consensus au cours de cette période de transition.De plus, le consensus a été au cœur de la Constitution tunisienne du 27 janvier 2014, caractérisée comme une Constitution consensuelle. Les différentes versions de la Constitution ont fait l'objet de débats et un consensus a été atteint. Ce processus a été hautement consultatif, visant à surmonter les divergences sur des questions cruciales afin d'obtenir un large accord au sein de la société tunisienne concernant les dispositions de la nouvelle Constitution. La création de la "commission des consensus" au sein de l'Assemblée nationale constituante visait à modifier les règles de représentation des différentes forces politiques. Cette commission n'a pas suivi une répartition proportionnelle, mais chaque groupe y était représenté par un nombre équivalent de députés.Cependant, bien que le consensus ait contribué à établir un régime politique et constitutionnel démocratique, faisant de la Tunisie une exception dans la région, il a également présenté certains effets pervers lors de la consolidation du régime, tant sur le plan politique qu'institutionnel et constitutionnel. En effet, l'esprit de conciliation, bien que tempérant les antagonismes et les divergences, n'a pas résolu les problèmes socio-économiques sous-jacents, et ceux-ci risquent de ressurgir après une période de latenceIn a landscape devastated by what has been hastily labeled the "Arab Spring," marked by the resurgence of authoritarianism in Egypt and civil wars in Libya, Yemen, and Syria - which have reinvigorated jihadist groups and stirred the specters of tribalism, ethnic strife, and religious conflicts - Tunisia stands as a remarkable exception. Despite enduring a protracted and fragile political transition, the country has managed to safeguard its republican institutions, adopt a new Constitution acclaimed by numerous observers as the most progressive in the Arab world, and successfully navigate the challenges of two legislative and presidential elections in 2014 and 2019.This Tunisian exceptionalism can be attributed to several factors, with consensus (Tawâfuq) being paramount among them. Indeed, what we refer to as "consensus" constitutes the cornerstone of Tunisia's democratic transition, often characterized as consensual. The crowning achievement of this consensus during the transitional phase was the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the quartet that orchestrated the national dialogue in Tunisia in 2014.Similarly, consensus lent its name to the Tunisian Constitution of January 27, 2014, acclaimed as a consensual Constitution. Successive versions of the Constitution underwent extensive deliberation, culminating in a consensus. This process was highly consultative, designed to reconcile differences on pivotal issues and secure broad societal agreement on the provisions of the new Constitution. Notably, the creation of the "consensus commission" within the National Constituent Assembly aimed to overhaul the rules governing the representation of various political forces. The composition of the consensus commission did not adhere to proportional representation; rather, each group was allotted an equivalent number of members.Nevertheless, while consensus facilitated the establishment of a democratic political and constitutional regime, setting Tunisia apart as an exception in the region, it also revealed certain adverse effects during the consolidation phase of the regime, encompassing political, institutional, and constitutional aspects. The spirit of reconciliation, which temporarily quelled antagonisms and differences, did not resolve underlying socio-economic issues, and these problems may resurface after a period of dormancy
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Fahlvik, Karl. "The Moderation of the Ennahda Movement : A case study of moderation within an Islamic political party". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43077.
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The purpose of this thesis is to try to understand the moderation process of the Tunisian Islamic political party Ennahda between the years of 2011-2016. This case is studied within the context of the democratisation process that took place in Tunisia, in the five years after the Arab spring and the idea that political Islam might provide a path to democracy in the Middle East and North Africa. The theoretical framework chosen for understanding this process was in form of a theory about under which circumstances religious political parties politically moderate. The method used was a qualitative content analysis. The analysis was conducted by dividing the chapters into thematic topics that emerged out of the material with the framework then being applied to those themes. The research found that the theory provided theoretical understanding for why the Ennahda Movement became more moderate, especially when looking at factors regarding political entrepreneurship. However, other factors such as a dedication to democratic values, non-violence, and a willingness to change throughout its history, also proved important in the case of moderation within the Ennahda Movement.
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Törnberg, Julia. "Are there any signs of deconsolidation in Tunisia according to the deconsolidation theory? : A qualitative theory consuming case study". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100485.
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The Arab Spring put several revolutions in motion in the Middle East and North Africa. However, Tunisia was the only country that succeeded with a democratization process, making the country a fairly new democracy. Simultaneously, independent research networks and organizations whose main focus is democracy and democratic values such as Freedom House, V-Demand the Arab Barometer are presenting worrying information about democracy around the world. Democracy is in crises - evident by the remarkable decline or erosion in democratic norms and practices. While scholars have already begun investigating the causes of democratic deconsolidation or backsliding in the context of western democracies, notably those of western Europe and the US, still little is known with regards to new democracies from other parts of the globe. To fill this research gap, this qualitative case study focuses on Tunisia, with the core objective to investigate whether or not Tunisia is experiencing democratic deconsolidation. By using the three criteria described by the political scientist Yascha Mounk in his deconsolidation theory, the result suggests that while democratic values are still quite strong amongst the Tunisian citizens, it is evident that a majority of the Tunisian citizens are experiencing institutional dissatisfaction and low institutional trust.
Książki na temat "Democracy – Tunisia"
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Houssi, Leila El. Il risveglio della democrazia: La Tunisia dall'indipendenza alla transizione. Roma: Carocci editore, 2013.
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(Organization), AMC, red. The Renaissance Party in Tunisia: The quest for freedom and democracy. Washington, D.C. (1212 New York Ave., N.W., Washington 20005): AMC, 1991.
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Laḥyānī, ʻUthmān. Tūnis... miḥnat al-dīmuqrāṭīyah. [Algiers]: Manshūrāt ANEP, 2013.
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Leon, Justin C. De. Tunisia and Egypt: Unrest and revolution. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 2011.
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Brieg, Powel, i Sadiki Larbi, red. Europe and Tunisia: Democratization via association. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2010.
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Mʼrad, Hatem. Tunisie: De la révolution à la constitution. Tunis: Editions Nirvana, 2014.
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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, red. Democracy and human rights in the Mediterranean partner states of the OSCE: Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia. Washington ((234 Ford House Office Building, Washington 20515-6460)): The Commission, 2003.
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Houki, Chaker. Islam et constitution en Tunisie. La Manouba: Centre de publication universitaire, 2015.
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Khalifa, Riadh Ben. Coexistence in Libya and in other geographical areas: The proceedings of the International Symposium held at the Tunisian National Archives and White House Hotel, Tunisia, May 5 and 6, 2016. [Tunis]: University of Tunis, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2017.
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Hafedh, Ben Salah, Marcou Gérard, Jāmiʻat al-Ḥuqūq wa-al-Iqtiṣād wa-al-Taṣarruf bi-Tūnis. Kullīyat al-Ḥuqūq wa-al-ʻUlūm al-Siyāsīyah. i Université du droit et de la santé de Lille. Centre de recherches administratives, politiques et sociales., red. Décentralisation et démocratie en Tunisie. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1998.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Democracy – Tunisia"
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Alaoui, Hicham. "Tunisia: Development and State Formation". W Pacted Democracy in the Middle East, 103–49. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99240-8_4.
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Ouanada, Halima. "Women’s Rights, Democracy and Citizenship in Tunisia". W Global Citizenship Education, 125–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44617-8_10.
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Reynaert, Vicky. "Democracy Through the Invisible Hand? Egypt and Tunisia". W The Substance of EU Democracy Promotion, 149–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137466327_11.
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Wolff, Sarah. "Gender equality in Tunisia: The EU's tripartite dialogue". W Transversal Democracy Projection in the Mediterranean, 17–37. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003492740-2.
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Boutieri, Charis. "The languages of democracy in post-2011 Tunisia". W Routledge Handbook of Francophone Africa, 226–37. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351142168-17.
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Weilandt, Ragnar. "EU democracy projection in Tunisia: The case of civil society consultations". W Transversal Democracy Projection in the Mediterranean, 65–86. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003492740-4.
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Özcan, Tuğba. "Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa: Tunisia, Egypt, and Turkey". W Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy and Cyber-Defense, 175–93. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-1028-1_6.
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Özcan, Tuğba. "Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa: Tunisia, Egypt, and Turkey". W Handbook of Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy, and Cyber-Defense, 1–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-06091-0_8-1.
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Özcan, Tuğba. "Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa: Tunisia, Egypt, and Turkey". W Handbook of Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy, and Cyber-Defense, 687–709. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09069-6_8.
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Panebianco, Stefania, i Giuseppe Cannata. "(Im-)Mobility Partnerships: Limits to EU Democracy Promotion Through Mobility in the Mediterranean". W Migrations in the Mediterranean, 71–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42264-5_5.
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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings, the relations of the European Union (EU) with the Southern neighbourhood countries (SNCs) were reframed in the light of a new élan of democracy promotion, epitomised in the Communication on a partnership for democracy and shared prosperity (European Commission, A partnership for democracy and shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean, COM (2011) 200 final. European Commission, Brussels, 2011a). The underlying logic of this approach was to leverage the building and consolidation of democracy and rule of law through EU conditional support for Mediterranean partners in terms of more ‘markets, money and mobility.’ This chapter aims to critically analyse cooperation on mobility within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), focusing on the case of Mobility Partnerships (MPs) in the Southern neighbourhood. Existing MPs and EU-SNCs agreements on migration and mobility challenge the mobility-democracy nexus advocated by the EU. When it comes to a trade-off between cooperation with authoritarian governments to ensure stability and democracy promotion, the EU tends to prioritise the former. Looking at the content of MPs with Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan, the chapter draws some useful considerations on the extent to which policy tools such as the MPs are constrained into a stability-democracy dilemma, contending that the EU is unable to promote democracy in the Southern neighbourhood via ‘more mobility’.
Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Democracy – Tunisia"
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Mahmoud, A. "Urban sustainability challenges: democracy and spatial injustices in modern Tunisia". W SUSTAINABLE CITY 2015. Southampton, UK: WIT Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/sc150041.
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Ballı, Esra, i Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.
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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Democracy – Tunisia"
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Mehrez, Ameni. The Promise of Democracy in Tunisia since the Arab Spring. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.63.
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Tunisia has often been praised as the only democratic success story of the Arab world. Today, following the exceptional measures undertaken by President Kais Saied to freeze parliament and dismiss the prime minister, that description is being challenged, and democracy is called “a failed experiment.” This article explains why this is happening in Tunisia by examining the roots of the main political and economic challenges to Tunisia’s democratic path. The article also offers insights into the consequences of these changes at the national and the regional level.
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Samarin, Melissa. Tunisia: desk study on aid and democracy. UNU-WIDER, luty 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/mfti6228.
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