Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Democracy – India

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Democracy – India”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 25 lipca 2024
Data aktualizacji: 26 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Democracy – India"

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Mishra, Atul. "India’s Non-liberal Democracy and the Discourse of Democracy Promotion". South Asian Survey 19, nr 1 (marzec 2012): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523114539584.

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Emphasis on democracy in Indian and international perspectives on India’s foreign policy has grown over the past decade. Claiming that India is a ‘successful’ example of a non-Western liberal democracy, these perspectives prescribe a role for India in international democratisation efforts. The keener among these suggests that India must participate in Western-style, or Western initiatives of, democracy promotion. This article offers a critique of these prescriptions. Recent theorisations of India’s democratic practices argue that India is a predominantly non-liberal democracy. Drawing upon these theorisations, this article outlines the non-liberal features inherent in the practices of Indian democracy. It also outlines the democratic processes that restrain India’s foreign policy from acquiring an other-regarding orientation. Contesting the characterisations of India as a liberal democracy, this article questions the basis on which the calls for India to participate in liberal democracy promotion projects are made.
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Bhunia, Nani Gopal. "Democracy in India is at Stake: Image of the Last Decade". RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 9, nr 2 (15.02.2024): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2024.v09.n02.006.

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Indian democracy is going to step its 75 years of journey. Indian democracy is still singing even after happening many ups and downs in the country and in the world. Ours is a world largest democracy. We are really, proud of it. Democracy has a long tradition and rich history in India. That means the idea that democratic ethos and principles are not new to the Indian subcontinent. Our rich democratic heritage, sets a precedent a for promoting civic culture, political participation, and a well understanding of democratic principles among its citizens. In recent, India's G20 presidency reflects its commitment to democratic values and international cooperation. The country sets an example to promote global democratic principles. The Parliament 20 (P20) Summit in New Delhi put forwards India's rich democratic heritage and core values to the world. The inclusivity, equality, and harmony are central to Indian democracy. But the scholars and theorists of Indian democracy come to realize that, the picture of our democracy of the last one decade is not so satisfactory. Democracy-watching organizations categorize democracies differently. They all classify India today as a “hybrid regime”—that is, neither a full democracy nor a full autocracy. And this is new one. In 2021, in view of Freedom House, India’s freedom rating is Partly Free (the only remaining category is Not Free). That same year, the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project India as “electoral autocracy” on its scale of closed autocracy, electoral autocracy, electoral democracy, or liberal democracy. And the Economist Intelligence Unit stated India to be “flawed democracy” on its scale of full democracy, flawed democracy, hybrid regime, and authoritarian regime. Keeping all these things in mind, in this paper, I have tried to critically examine the Indian democracy of the last one decade on the basis of a small ground level study.
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Singh, Dr Surya Bhan. "Diversity and Democracy in India". Indian Journal of Applied Research 4, nr 8 (1.10.2011): 555–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/2249555x/august2014/145.

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Singh, Mayengbam Nandakishwor. "Election Commission, Electoral Democracy and Constitutionalization of Elections in India". Indian Journal of Public Administration 67, nr 2 (czerwiec 2021): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211022579.

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Amid the debates as to whether India practises democracy in the true fashion, the stupendous role of the Election Commission of India (ECI) clearly exhibits that India adopts at least a robust electoral democracy. Stringent election codes of conduct are imposed on political parties. The ECI ensures that all Indian citizens eligible for political rights exercise their franchise independently. They are sufficiently empowered to choose their representatives. Since the responsibilities of ensuring free and fair elections are shouldered by the Election Commission, there is no doubt that it holds one of the worthiest roles in shaping Indian democracy. This article seeks to examine the changing role of the ECI in building electoral democracy in the country. Most importantly, the present article attempts to examine the noteworthy measures undertaken by the ECI to bolster the electoral democracy in India in the 21st century.
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Basu, Rumki. "Indian Politics @ 75: Issues and Challenges". Journal of Contemporary Politics 1, nr 1 (15.09.2022): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53989/jcp.v1i1.1.

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The India story at 75 is an extraordinarily consequential and researchable one. The single biggest challenge for anyone analyzing Indian politics is that the subject seems like a “Project in Progress”, conveying a sense of a country perennially in a state of transformation. For the study of Indian politics is, in many ways, the study of India’s democracy, understood in the most comprehensive sense. The constitutional foundation and the institutional framework on which India’s politics rests, is to my mind also the bases of democratic politics in India. Indian democracy today remains the unwritten evolving subtext of any discussion on Indian politics. Our transformation from a “soft” state to a “hard” state should make us more confident, compassionate inclusive and humane- qualities that the world’s largest democracy can well afford to stand for and stand by, because these are the qualities that have sustained our democracy in 75 years. Keywords: India; Politics; Democracy; Institutions; Transformation
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Mendelsohn, Oliver. "Democracy in India". Asian Studies Review 17, nr 1 (lipiec 1993): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539308712897.

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Mendelsohn, Oliver. "Democracy in India". Asian Studies Review 21, nr 2-3 (listopad 1997): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539708713159.

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Cartwright, Jan. "India's Regional and International Support for Democracy: Rhetoric or Reality?" Asian Survey 49, nr 3 (1.05.2009): 403–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.3.403.

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Abstract In recent years, Indian leaders have elevated the prominence of democratic rhetoric in their regional and international political discourse. This paper examines India's record of democracy promotion. It argues that India has much to gain by selectively supporting democracy in neighboring countries. Furthermore, participating in multinational efforts at democracy promotion offers India a potential vehicle for global leadership.
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Alam, Dr Md Aftab. "Causes and Consequences of the Decline of the “One Party Dominance” of the Indian National Congress". Praxis International Journal of Social Science and Literature 6, nr 6 (25.06.2023): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.51879/pijssl/060608.

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When India got independence and chose to be a democracy, experts were skeptical whether India will survive as a democracy, because it was not a middle income country, industrialisation had not taken place in India, and it was large and highly diverse country, these were preconditions for democracy. Congress has been one of the most important institutions in India’s modern political development trajectory. Congress has played a significant role, while remaining as a dominant party in a competitive party system, in evolving an institutionalized democracy in post-independent India. But, we have witnessed Congress’ decline since 1980s while there has been some points of recoveries as well in between. The paper dwells upon the reasons for the decline of Congress, as well as the consequences of decline of Congress for Indian democracy at large.
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Sivaramakrishnan, K. "Environment, Law, and Democracy in India". Journal of Asian Studies 70, nr 4 (listopad 2011): 905–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811001719.

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Some years ago, in his contribution to a collection of essays on the Supreme Court and the Indian Constitution, Pratap Bhanu Mehta emphasized the political significance of the Court, saying, “there is not a single important issue of political life in India that has not been, by accident or design, profoundly shaped by its interventions … the courts participate and collaborate in governing India” (Mehta 2006, 162). How exactly might this happen? In beginning to explore answers to this question, I want to focus on the formation of a distinct environmental jurisprudence and its relationship to the changing and dynamic qualities of a democratic polity in India. And in formulating my analysis I draw here on my current work on courts and the environment in India or how the environment came to be a legal object in India over the last century.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Democracy – India"

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Gleisner, Jenny. "Women and Democracy in India". Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Culture and Communication, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9865.

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The purpose of the thesis is to present how twelve women from different segments of society define democracy and how they experience democracy in their daily life. Through meetings and interviews I wanted to learn what these women consider democracy in India to be, how they recognise democracy and rights associated with democracy in their daily lives and how they reflect upon gender equality in relation to democracy.

This thesis is the result of a two-month field study in Maharashtra and interviews with twelve women from different segments of society. The women have been divided into three different groups based on educational level, aiming to find patterns of similarities and differences in how democracy is defined and recognised.

Women from the first group, illiterate or with only a few years in school, are aware of their right to vote in elections but not all of them have heard the word democracy. None of them are involved in any kind of organisation or self-help group, they either lack interest in politics or have relatives not allowing them to enter the public sphere. Democratic rights and gender equality are not recognised in their daily lives. Their opportunity to change their situation is limited.

Women from the second group are active in either politics or in an organisation. They know the word democracy and their rights associated with the concept. All of these women have basic education and families supporting them in their political engagements. Family is very important in India, in all endeavours of a woman’s life; education, job and whom to marry.

The third group includes women with higher education, a vocational degree. They are much aware of their democratic rights, but recognise difficulties for women to claim upon them in different stages and situations of their lives. The situation of women is complex, they have the possibility to enter the public sphere, but women with careers inevitably have two jobs: the employment and the responsibility over the household. Women can enter the public sphere earlier dominated by men, but men entering the private sphere and taking part in household chores seem not to be possible in the near future.


Syftet med denna uppsats är att presentera hur tolv kvinnor från olika samhällsgrupper ser på demokrati och hur de upplever demokrati i sin vardag. Genom möten och intervjuer har jag studerat hur dessa kvinnor definierar demokrati, hur de upplever demokrati och associerade rättigheter i sin vardag samt hur de reflekterar kring jämställdhet i relation till demokrati.

Denna uppsats är resultatet av ett två månaders fältarbete i Maharashtra och intervjuer med tolv kvinnor från olika samhällsgrupper. Kvinnorna är indelade i tre olika grupper, baserade på utbildningsnivå, för att finna likheter och skillnader i hur de definierar demokrati och hur de upplever demokrati i sin vardag.

Kvinnorna i den första gruppen, illitterata eller med ett fåtal skolår, är medvetna om sin rätt att rösta i politiska val men alla känner inte till ordet demokrati. Ingen av dem är aktiv i någon organisation eller självhjälpgrupp, antingen på grund av att de saknar intresse eller av den anledning att familjen inte tillåter dem att äntra den offentliga sfären. Varken demokratiska rättigheter eller jämlikhet är närvarande i dessa kvinnors vardag. Deras möjlighet att förändra sin levnadssituation är begränsad.

Kvinnorna i den andra gruppen är politiskt aktiva eller verksamma inom annan organisation. De känner till ordet demokrati och sina demokratiskt tillskrivna rättigheter. Dessa kvinnor har grundläggande utbildning och familjer som stödjer dem i deras politiska åtaganden. I Indien är familjen viktig i alla skeden och beslut i en kvinnas liv, i frågor rörande utbildning, arbete och blivande make.

Den tredje gruppen inkluderar kvinnor med högre utbildning och yrkesarbetande kvinnor. De är väl medvetna om sina demokratiska rättigheter men ser svårigheter för kvinnor att åberopa dem i olika skeden och situationer i livet. Kvinnors situation är komplex, även om de har möjligheten att äntra den offentliga sfären så har karriärkvinnor oundvikligen två arbeten: yrkesarbetet och det fulla ansvaret för hemmet. Kvinnor kan äntra den offentliga sfären som dominerats av män. Men att män ska äntra den privata sfären, och vara delaktiga i hemmets arbete, verkar inte vara möjligt inom den närmsta framtiden.

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Tiwari, Lalan. "Democracy and dissent a case study of the Bihar movement, 1974-75 /". Delhi, India : Mittal Publications, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/18971880.html.

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von, Hatzfeldt Gaia. "'Crusaders' for democracy : aspirations and tensions in transparency activism in India". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33131.

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Through an ethnographic study of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) - an organisation renowned for its persistent fight against corruption in India - this thesis explores the aspirations and tensions of anti-corruption activists. In their commitment to improving governance structures by means of campaigning for transparency and accountability laws and policies, these activists ultimately aspire to strengthen democratic practice and to improve statecraft. By studying in detail the forms of actions, dynamics, politics and relationships among anti-corruption activists, the thesis explores how ideas of the state and democracy come to be internalised and addressed by civil society actors. The context is the nation-wide anti-corruption agitation that swept the country through most of 2011. This agitation gave rise to friction between civil society actors otherwise working for similar ends, leading to tension and competition on what constitutes democratic process and procedure. Based on extensive fieldwork, the thesis examines the ways in which MKSS responded to the shifting political landscape of anti-corruption activism. Drawing on the notion of relationality, I argue that political positions and identities are shaped and consolidated circumstantially through an oppositional stance and through processes of 'othering'. In considering the diverging understandings of democracy among civil society actors, this thesis seeks to expand ethnographically the theoretical concept of 'agonistic pluralism' (Mouffe 1999), that postulates that political conflict and disagreement is not only integral, but, moreover, crucial to democratic debate. Based on this conceptualisation, the conflict over the meaning of democracy among the anti-corruption activists is considered here as creating space for the expansion and enrichment of democratic debate. The very essence of democracy in India, as will be concluded, is constituted by such a productive tension.
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Widmalm, Sten. "Democracy and violent separatism in India : Kashmir in a comparative perspective /". [Uppsala] : Uppsala university, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38923195z.

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SOARES, Pedro Gustavo Cavalcanti. "Secularismo e democracia : uma análise comparativa da influência religiosa nas instituições e cultura políticas no Brasil e na Índia". Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18075.

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Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-12-12T14:53:48Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) tese_Pedro Soares_PPGCP.pdf: 1448839 bytes, checksum: 120061d195a80e5ec1ff3dbc69f1da51 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-12T14:53:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) tese_Pedro Soares_PPGCP.pdf: 1448839 bytes, checksum: 120061d195a80e5ec1ff3dbc69f1da51 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-21
Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar através do método comparativo o secularismo no Brasil e na Índia. A problemática que se impõe é, tendo em vista que o início do século XXI mostrou a importância que as religiões (ou identidades religiosas fluidas, híbridas) podem ter no aspecto político, analisar o porquê de o secularismo ser um desafio às democracias brasileira e indiana. Para tanto, utilizamos a teoria democrática plural agonística de Chantal Mouffe como referencial, uma vez que permite uma melhor fundamentação para a compreensão do fenômeno religioso no panorama democrático secular, e uma abordagem construtivista no delineamento dos nossos argumentos. Promovemos uma discussão sobre secularismo e pós-secularismo, elucidando conceitos adjacentes e, abarcando autores como Charles Taylor, Talal Asad, Rajeev Bhargava, entre outros. Analisamos o secularismo no Brasil e na Índia como princípios reinventados. E por fim, na construção de uma resposta à nossa problemática observamos a influência religiosa nas instituições e na cultura políticas nos países supracitados.
This work aims to analyze secularism in Brazil and India through the comparative method. The issue to be dressed is, given that the early twenty first century has shown the importance that religions (fluid or hybrid religious identities) can have on the political aspect, analyzing why secularism is a challenge to Brazilian and Indian democracies. To that effect, we employ the agonistic plural democracy model advocated by Chantal Mouffe as a reference, since it allows a better basis for understanding the religious phenomenon in democratic secular outlooks, and a constructivist approach in the design of our arguments. We offer a discussion on secularism and post-secularism, elucidating adjacent concepts, encompassing authors such as Charles Taylor, Talal Asad, Rajeev Bhargava, among others. We analyze secularism in Brazil and India as reinvented principles. Finally, to formulate an answer to our problems we observe the religious influence in political institutions and political culture in these two countries.
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Gupta, Madhvi. "When democracy is not enough : political freedoms and democratic deepening in Brazil and India". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102804.

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The objective of this study is to understand the logic of popular mobilization in Sao Paulo (Brazil) and New Delhi (India) and to explain why subaltern groups use their political freedoms to mobilize on some issues and not on others. More specifically, the study attempts to address a puzzle: Why do the popular sectors not mobilize to make claims for health when the vast majority of the urban poor experience severe health deficits? My contention is that the nature of public discourse determines both the emergence of popular movements and the issues on which they engage in claims-making. Competing ideas about what democracy is and what it ought to be, the meaning of social justice, and the relationship between democracy and social justice, constitute the 'raw materials' around which mobilization frames are created. The empirical evidence presented in this study supports my claim that the nature of public discourse is crucial for democratic deepening from below.
Based on extensive field research in low-income communities in Sao Paulo and New Delhi, my study explains the differences and similarities in the political actions of the urban poor. In India, the near-absence of a public discourse on health accounts for the lack of mobilization by subaltern groups to seek improvements in their health situation. In contrast, I find that there has been a tradition of public discourse on health in Brazil since the 1970s when "external actors" such as doctors and progressive Church officials became engaged in social causes and contributed to the emergence of health movements. However, since Brazil's transition to democracy, this public discourse has fractured, becoming more receptive to "new" health issues such as violence, even though "old" health problems continue to persist. While the popular sectors experience the dual burden of "old" and "new" health problems, they are perceived to be the cause of many "new" health hazards like violence rather than its victims. The disengagement of "external actors" from "old" health issues and the widespread perception that the popular sectors are themselves to blame for the "new" health problems has inhibited popular mobilization for health in democratic Brazil.
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KODIVERI, Arpitha Upendra. "Deliberating development in India’s forests : consent, mining and the making of the deliberative state". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/71875.

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Defence date: 08 July 2021
Examining Board: Professor Peter Drahos (European University Institute); Professor Joanne Scott (European University Institute); Professor B.S Chimni (Jindal Global Law School); Professor César Rodríguez-Garavito (NYU School of Law)
Deliberating Development in India’s Forests is a thesis that examines how India’s forest laws and the right to free, prior, and informed consent or consent provision of forest-dwelling communities has shaped the relationship between the state and forest-dwelling communities in extractive frontiers. The relationship between the state and forest-dwelling communities is tenuous as land in forest areas is acquired based on the Doctrine of Eminent Domain for extractive industries. Through extensive fieldwork in three mining sites in the eastern state of Odisha, this thesis offers an analysis of how the consent provision is implemented and how the relationship between the state and the forest-dwelling citizen is mediated by the pro-business bureaucracy as one of competing sovereignties. The forest-dwelling communities describe that the state operates in multiple modalities in India’s forests to enable extraction and realize its pro-business ambitions. Drawing from interviews with forest-dwelling communities and their aspirational legal interpretation of the consent provision the thesis makes an argument for the state to operate in a deliberative mode in India’s forests supported by a shared sovereignty framework and theories of deliberative and nodal governance. The thesis charts out an institutional pathway to overcome the structural imbalance experienced by forest-dwelling communities in their negotiations and dialogue with the state. This pathway can pave the way to repair the ruptured relationship between forest-dwelling communities and the Indian state and entrench the state in its deliberative modality.
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Ghosh, Bandana. "Democracy, decentralisation and district administration in India: a study of a select district in West Bengal". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/326.

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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Party politics in a non-western democracy : a test of competing theories of party system change, government formation and government stability in India". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48684.pdf.

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Roy, Krishna. "Secularism and Indian politics : study of political attitudes and participation of muslims in the district of Murshidabad (1978-2012)". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2815.

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Książki na temat "Democracy – India"

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Gopal, Jayal Niraja, red. Democracy in India. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

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Singh, Joginder. India, democracy and disappointments. New Delhi: Gyan Pub. House, 2010.

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Krishnamurthy, T. S. Representative democracy in India. Islamabad, Pakistan: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, 2008.

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Singh, Joginder. India, democracy and disappointments. New Delhi: Gyan Pub. House, 2010.

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Austin, Dennis. Democracy and violence in India. London: Pinter, 1994.

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Krishna, Kumar, i Nehru Memorial Museum and Library., red. Democracy and education in India. London: Sangam, 1994.

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1951-, Krishna Kumar, i Nehru Memorial Museum and Library., red. Democracy and education in India. New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1993.

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1953-, Basu Amrita, i Roy Srirupa, red. Violence and democracy in India. Greenford: Seagull, 2007.

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M, Basrur Rajesh, i Nehru Centre, red. Challenges to democracy in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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1939-, Padhi Aditya Prasad, red. Indian parliamentary democracy. Sambalpur, Orissa, India: Kalinga Pub. House, 1987.

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Części książek na temat "Democracy – India"

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Sørensen, Georg. "India". W Democracy, Dictatorship and Development, 37–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11315-6_2.

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Barnes, Leonard, i Peter Cain. "India the Crux". W Empire Or Democracy?, 263–73. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003101253-29.

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Tanabe, Akio. "Vernacular democracy". W Caste and Equality in India, 239–59. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003173519-10.

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Hall, Ian. "India's Democracy Assistance". W India and Global Governance, 71–85. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003272540-7.

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Singh, Spandana. "India". W Social Media Impacts on Conflict and Democracy, 89–105. New York: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003087649-6.

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Shinde, Sopan. "Rhetoric in Democracy". W Political Communication in Contemporary India, 65–74. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003159995-9.

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Kaviraj, Sudipta, i Kumkum Sangari. "Democracy and Development in India". W Democracy and Development, 92–137. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24076-0_4.

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Jafri, Qamar. "India–Pakistan". W Social Media Impacts on Conflict and Democracy, 106–20. New York: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003087649-7.

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Wouters, Jelle J. P. "Democracy and Elections". W The Routledge Companion to Northeast India, 121–26. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003285540-20.

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Devi, Sudeshna. "Media, Democracy and Discourse". W Media Discourse in Contemporary India, 11–24. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003232209-2.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Democracy – India"

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Thirumaran, M., S. Tiroumalmouroughane i M. Sathish Kanna. "Secure Online Voting System Using Blockchain". W International Research Conference on IOT, Cloud and Data Science. Switzerland: Trans Tech Publications Ltd, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/p-3r5fdk.

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In large democracy like India with about 83.4 crore voters it is estimated that about 50,000 crore rupees is spent on election and it takes about 6 weeks to conduct election. So the approach of election followed in India is costly both in terms of time and money. In order to reduce the cost of time and money, in last few decades numerous methods have already been developed and one of them is to use online voting system that providers the comfort of voting from remote location. But traditional online system has its own drawbacks like data tampering, privacy breach, etc. Blockchain technology is proposed, that incorporates cryptographic properties. Blockchain technology is simply defined as a decentralized, distributed ledger that maintains the provenance of a digital asset and is considered to be utmost secure. To avoid single point of failure, two step authentication process is used which include OTP verification and Biometric authentication. To ensure the anonymity of the votes, Identity-based ring signature scheme is used.
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SIVARAMAKRISHNAN, K. C. "MATHEMATICS OF INDIAN DEMOCRACY". W International Seminar on Nuclear War and Planetary Emergencies 25th Session. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd., 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812797001_0041.

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Monteiro Filho, José Maria da Silva, Ivandro Claudino de Sá, Lucas Cabral Carneiro da Cunha, Helena Martins do Rego Barreto i Pedro Jorge Chaves Mourão. "Digital Lighthouse Platform: Understanding the Misinformation Phenomenon on WhatsApp". W Anais Estendidos do Simpósio Brasileiro de Banco de Dados. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbbd_estendido.2021.18178.

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In the past few years, the large-scale dissemination of misinformation through social media has become a critical issue, harming the trustworthiness of legit information, social stability, democracy and public health. In many developing countries such as Brazil, India, and Mexico, one of the primary sources of misinformation is the messaging application WhatsApp. In February 2020, the Panorama Mobile Time/Opinion Box survey on mobile messaging in Brazil revealed that WhatsApp was installed on 99% of Brazilian smartphones. Among users of the application, 98% said they access it every day or almost every day. In this context, WhatsApp provides an important feature: the public groups. Many of these groups have been used to spread misinformation, especially as part of articulated political or ideological campaigns. Despite this scenario, due to WhatsApp's private messaging nature, few methods were explicitly developed to investigate the misinformation phenomenon on this platform. This tutorial provides an overview of recent developments in monitoring misinformation spreading, automatic misinformation detection, and identifying misinformation spreaders. In addition, we provide an overview of the leading open problems associated with the misinformation phenomenon and briefly examine some of the existing solutions. We hope that our tutorial can help researchers better understand Brazil's misinformation propagation and use data science methods to face this critical phenomenon.
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Hiç, Mükerrem. "Major Current Economic and Political Problems Facing Eurasian Countries". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00230.

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Political and economic developments and problems are either directly or indirectly linked to each other. Hence, I would be dealing here with both. But the problems are so serious, numerous and complicated that I will be content with only submitting a list of these problems without deepening on any. It should also be stressed that Eurasia itself as a geographical entity covers a very large number of countries with different historical, political and economic backgrounds. Hence, we may have to think about different regions or groups of countries. On the European side, even the EU is not homogeneous today. We have the United Kingdom, Scandinavian countries, developed continental European countries, Iberian countries, the Balkans and Eastern European countries. Even in simple developmental terms, we have at least two tiers, a first tier of democratically and economically developed countries, and the second tier those with less experience in democracy and less economically developed. In Asia, on the other hand, we have such big countries as Russia, China, Japan and India, as well as such regional groups as South-East Asian countries, Central Asian Turkic-origin countries, Caucasian, Afghanistan and Pakistan also including Bangladesh, and Middle-Eastern, with Iran as a separate politico-economic entity. Similarly, Turkey, at the cross-roads between Europe, Asia and the Middle-East, is another, but different unique case.
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Gonçalves, Marcus Fabiano, i Terezinha Azevedo de Oliveira. "The use of robotics applications in classrooms with students with cerebral palsy". W V Seven International Multidisciplinary Congress. Seven Congress, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/sevenvmulti2024-125.

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In this article, we sought to identify the needs of students with cerebral palsy and their restrictions in relation to the school assistance guaranteed to them in accordance with the Federal Constitution for a dignified life. It is discussed how these students are supported in the school environment, whether there is adequate structure and equipment necessary for their development in an equal and dignified manner. To this end, the present study will be supported by a bibliographical reference on the subject with a view to analyzing the distance opened up by unequal circumstances produced in the school context by factors such as: the lack of auxiliary equipment for learning, such as, for example, the use of robotics . Although the Public Ministry of the State of Rondônia (MPE/RO), when called upon, has met this demand at times, there is still much to be done. In this study, a parallel will also be made to the inequalities observed in Brazil in a comparative analysis with another country, such as India, with a view to verifying whether there are other underlying issues and what they are. In this section, we will seek to note whether Brazilian representative democracy only guarantees equality and formal freedom in the areas of politics and justice - where inequalities coexist, therefore hiding a disguised colonialism, in order to infer other possible paths to achieve possible concrete solutions and correction of these inequalities in the educational context.
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González Fonseca, Diana Mitzi. "Las voces del espacio público, una cuestión acerca de la democracia". W IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10537.

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En la emergencia de pensar el espacio público y su relación con respecto a la democracia, surgen las siguientes cuestiones: ¿cómo superar las limitaciones de la identidad y hablar de un “nosotros”?, ¿es necesario invocar a la unidad para resolver el ideal de igualdad? Estas son dificultades inherentes a la fundamentación de la democracia y, por consiguiente, a las posibilidades que habilita. Las consecuencias de uno u otro modo de fundamentar la democracia afecta eso a lo que Fred Evans llama el cuerpo de multiples voces. Esta expresión sirve para aludir a lo público desde la heterogeneidad, además de introducir una dimensión estética a su fórmula política. Ahora, con el propósito de exponer el juego de las voces en el espacio público, propongo apelar a la democracia por venir y la absoluta hospitalidad de Jacques Derrida, por un lado, y el ser singular plural de Jean-Luc Nancy, por el otro. La democracia por venir muestra una tensión perpetua entre lo semejante y lo otro, en ella se celebra un ideal de democracia en persecución perpetua. En cambio, el ser singular plural indica la necesidad de la relación con el otro, de estar-con, que guardando las distancias, recuerda al Mitsein heideggeriano. Estas nociones sugieren una apertura necesaria del espacio público y, en último término, asignan un valor simultáneo a todas las voces.
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Montesinos lapuente, Angela. "Los movimientos feministas periféricos como herramienta de cambio social. Una aproximación a los feminismos no occidentales en la práctica artística." W IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10511.

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Como es sabido, los procesos capitalistas y neoliberales, son herencia y resultado de una larga tradición colonialista de la Vieja Europa que ha derivado a un ente colonizador denominado Occidente civilizado y civilizador, en términos territoriales, hasta difuminarse en simplemente núcleos de poder económico. Así, la globalización heredera de la llamada “universalidad” del yo occidental ha dejado de lado e invisibilizado al otro, esto es, a los territorios colonizados, vistos como salvajes o primitivos. Estos, se han dejado de lado por carecer de los avances socio-tecnológicos del “primer mundo”, países “democráticos”, “bajo soberanía popular”, pero, como es sabido, articulados en torno al capital y sus normas. En el siglo XXI estamos asistiendo a la aparición de diferentes movimientos y grupos, que a través de luchas y reivindicaciones concretas intentan modificar y en ocasiones directamente acabar con este estado neoliberal. De esta forma, resistencias como el movimiento feminista actúan por la igualdad, pero a su vez actúan como representación de diferentes maneras de hacer, diversos modelos de gestión que se deben extrapolar a otros niveles más generales de gobierno, participación y lucha. No obstante, aún así, el movimiento feminista que prevalece es un aparato occidentalizado, pero ¿qué sucede en territorios de la periferia respecto a los núcleos de poder económico? Aparentemente, estamos asistiendo a un apertura de escucha, así por ejemplo, los movimientos feministas en países de Latinoamérica o la India ya no solo quedan bloqueadas en su propio territorio si no que se expanden o se deben expandir a otros países, a otros grupos como ejemplos de proyectos alternativos a los más tradicionales u occidentales. En este texto intentaremos aproximarnos a los movimientos feministas periféricos y cómo estos pueden dar luz, nuevos puntos de vista y nuevas maneras de hacer a los movimientos occidentales. No sólo en la lucha por la igualdad sino también en como la lucha por la tierra y su utilización como forma de vida pueden influenciar en procesos respecto a la lucha sobre el cambio climático, maneras de comercio e intercambios. Refiriendo a través de la figura del subalterno tanto luchas feministas como resistencias sociales de clase. La transversalidad imperante de los medios sociales y culturales actuales, llevan en ocasiones a difuminar la frontera entre el arte y lo puramente sociológico, convirtiendo la propia propuesta artística en una de las herramientas de resistencia más combativas.
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Hoffman, Danie, Derick Booyens i Karl Trusler. "Comparing the Profile of South African Quantity Surveyors with Construction Quantity Surveyors". W 14th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2023). AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1003681.

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Organisations and professions need adaption skills to survive and prosper in a world of change. As a new democracy, South Africa is experiencing significant change. Organisations such as the Association of South African Quantity Surveyors (ASAQS) must also adapt. The ASAQS is a voluntary association formed to serve the professional needs of Quantity surveyors (QS’s). QS’s offer financial consultancy services to the construction industry. The ASAQS has been considering adding a new membership category for construction quantity surveyors (CQS) since a recent study has shown that more than 17% of QS’s are employed by contractors and do not work as professional consultants. South African CQS’s do not have a professional organisation to serve their interests. A new CQS membership category will address that need, strengthen the ASAQS membership base and expand the ASAQS’s influence in the construction industry. To secure updated information about the profile of QS’s, a questionnaire from the ASAQS, assisted by the University of Pretoria (UP), was recently circulated to all QS’s nationally. In a previous study, the data was used to compile a profile of CQSs to assist the ASAQS’s consideration of a CQS membership category. The profile of CQS’s confirmed them to be relatively young (almost 55% are not older than 35 years), 83% are located in provinces with major urban economic hubs, 63% are African, but less than 10% are from Coloured, Indian or other racial groups. All CQS’s have tertiary qualifications, only 25% of CQS’s are not registered with the South African Council for the Quantity Surveying Profession (SACQSP), but 34% are not ASAQS members. To further assist the ASAQS in considering this new membership category, this study will compare the profile of CQS’s to the profile of consulting QS’s. The findings of this study will assist the ASAQS to more clearly understand the specific nature and traits of CQS’s. Recent and detailed information proposed by this study will help guide the ASAQS’s decision on CQS membership.
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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Democracy – India"

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Scott, Frances K. U.S.-India Relations: Partners in Democracy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, luty 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada597441.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, i Raja M. Ali Saleem. https://www.populismstudies.org/hindutva-civilizational-populist-bjps-enforcement-of-digital-authoritarianism-in-india/. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), grudzień 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0017.

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The largest democracy in the world is now moving towards authoritarianism under the Hindutva civilizational populist prime minister Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s rule. This article focuses on digital rights in India that have seen a sharp decline in recent years. It explores the transformation of the internet and social media, from a relatively open and liberal space to a restricted one. This survey of India’s digital landscape finds that the rise of civilizational populist Modi and his eight years long rule have led to an upsurge in digital surveillance and control and has fostered an environment of online harassment and bullying for those who are critical of the BJP’s views and politics. The article uses a four-level framework (Full Network, Sub-Network, Proxies, and Network Nodes) to explore digital authoritarianism by the BJP government. At each of these levels, the Hindutva populist government has closed avenues of open discussion and exchange of views by enforcing new rules and regulations.
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Varshney, Ashutosh. The wonder of Indian democracy. East Asian Bureau of Economic Research, luty 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1330509603.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail i Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, styczeń 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail i Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), styczeń 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Shani, Ornit. Indian citizenship and the resilience of democracy. East Asian Bureau of Economic Research, lipiec 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1342346408.

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Editors, Intersections. Religious Populism and the Future of Indian Democracy. Intersections, Social Science Research Council, listopad 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/int.4006.d.2024.

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Rodrigues, Usha M. Are social media, AI and misinformation undermining Indian democracy? East Asia Forum, maj 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1715983200.

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Editors, Intersections. Nationalism 2.0. Intersections, Social Science Research Council, luty 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/int.4040.d.2024.

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Rodrigues, Gilberto. Política exterior de Bolsonaro: ideología y aislamiento diplomático (2019-2022). Fundación Carolina, wrzesień 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_13.2022.

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La ideología y el aislamiento diplomático no eran expresiones en el léxico de la política exterior brasileña (PEB) en tiempos democráticos pero, entre enero de 2019 y agosto de 2022, periodo que comprende este análisis de la presidencia de Jair Bolsonaro, se inocularon en la diplomacia brasileña. Empoderado por la Administración Trump y debilitado por su derrota, Bolsonaro y su grupo ideológico instrumentalizaron y alienaron la PEB para situar al país en la ola internacional de la ultraderecha conservadora y autoritaria, desligando a Brasil de su diplomacia pragmática, de geometría variable en las relaciones internacionales, con el Sur global y el Norte global, vía alianzas regionales y como miembro de los BRICS (Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica), en tanto actor fiable y previsible en los foros multilaterales, en defensa de la democracia y los derechos humanos. Disruptiva, la PEB de Bolsonaro constituye una deformación en la identidad internacional de Brasil.
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