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Migliore, Joseph Anthony. "The Cultural Barriers to Integration of Second Generation Muslims in Northern Italy". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/231.
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In this study, I examine the existing literature and carry out a qualitative exploration in order to formulate a better understanding of the dynamics that influence the lives of 2nd generation Italian Muslims. Although monumental social and political challenges remain in confronting integration of the Muslim population and for achieving greater acceptance of Islam within the Italian public sphere, the evidence suggests that the process for integration has slowly begun. Additionally, this study examines the intellectual framework of the existing literature which addresses the issues impacting Muslim integration in Northern Italy. This issue has induced new debates within Italy on multiculturalism, national identity, human rights, while more importantly raising the question--"to what extent do we allow Muslim integration into Italian society and the further insertion of Islam into Italy's spiritual geography?" This study argues that the convergence of contemporary international affairs with religion calls for a new lens for interaction. In Italy the events following 9/11, combined with a resurgence of Islamophobia and the impact of the Global War on Terror, have drawn the issue of Muslim immigrants into a negative spotlight. Mainstream attitudes in Europe, following 9/11, have generated a rift in Muslim-West relations and have caused confusion and anxiety among Muslims and non-Muslims alike. The research hypothesis for this thesis suggests that there are multiple factors impeding the efforts for Muslims to achieve equal footing within the Italian religious landscape and inclusion within Italian society. Among these are divisions found within the Muslim community itself, a growing mistrust of Islam in mainstream Italian society, sponsored by negative media stereotyping and xenophobic political movements, and underlying everything else, the privileged position of the Catholic Church and its unwillingness to accommodate Islamic identity within the social framework. The chosen methodology employed in this study is qualitative, theoretical contextual analysis combined with interviews plus questionnaires used to construct a case study were applied. Beyond engaging in seven interviews with the 2nd generation Italian Muslims, this study was informed by the relevant academic literature from the fields of conflict resolution, history, sociology, cultural studies, Islamic studies and political science. Finally this study contextualized the dynamics generating this conflict and examined the discontinuities this situation has created in the lives of Muslims in Italy. The exclusion of the Muslim population, coupled with the complex relationship between this cultural group and state, has led to the exploration within Italy of different models for integration. The findings of this study indicate that inequalities exist for the Muslim population of Northern Italy in their relation with the host nation and society. This further hampers the process of integration and generates further exclusion. Only profound rethinking of the Italian approach to integration will serve to adequately meet the needs of this marginalized population and fully incorporate them within Italian society.
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Chalkley, Marie Leone. "Saying Sorry: Conflict Atrocity and Political Apology". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11054/.
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This study proposes and tests a comprehensive theory detailing the motivations behind political apologies. A brief survey of the literature shows a field rich in case studies but lacking in rigorous scientific analysis. The theory presented proposes a three-level examination of political apology at the state, dyadic, and system levels and incorporates the effects of culture, conflict, and the nature of the international system into analysis. This study makes use of a new dataset recording the occurrence of political apologies for interstate conflict atrocities from 1900 to 2006. The results suggest that the existing literature, while rich, does not account for all the motivating factors behind apology. The results also confirm that political apology is a creation of the modern era and a result of the liberalization of the international system. In conclusion, paths for future research are suggested and the advent of a global "age of apology" is confirmed.
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Ozsut, Melda. "Rentier States and Conflict: New Concepts, Different Perspectives". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1157529/.
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Since the 1970s, a curious phenomenon has emerged, suggesting that resource rich countries are "cursed" by their resources. Over the last couple of decades, researchers have argued that rentier countries are more likely to have educational underachievement, the Dutch disease, corruption, slower democratization, and conflict. Although current research has proven helpful and productive, some aspects still remain contested in both theoretical and empirical terms. This dissertation aims to fill certain lacunae in this literature. My dissertation examines how ordinary citizens turn into dissidents and then to rebels in rentier states. I build and test an innovative theoretical argument, which focuses on individuals' daily lives, and explains how policies by rentier governments discourage merit-based employment. This, in turn, yields a high level of grievance among segments of the population. I also develop a comprehensive theory that combines macro-level and micro-level explanations of conflict onset in rentier states. Finally, I analyze an important, but previously neglected aspect of civil wars in rentier states: conflict outcomes. I suggest that the existence of abundant natural resources would have a significant impact on conflict outcomes. Accordingly, government victory would be more likely, and negotiated settlement would be less likely in rentier countries compared to non-rentier countries.
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Maume, Patrick. "Aspects of Irish nationalist political culture 1900-18". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286776.
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Fox, Mary-Jane. "Political culture in Somalia tracing paths to peace and conflict /". Uppsala : Uppsala University, Dept. of Peace and Conflict Research, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/45813440.html.
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Yoo, Donghee. "Media, culture, and the transformation of the protracted inter-Korean conflict". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Cordiner, Tom Stuart. "Zionism and aspects of British political culture since 1945". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648164.
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Shungur, Shantarene. "Cooperation among adversaries : managing transboundary water disputes in conflict settings". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102173.
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Intrigued by the observation that enduring, task-based water treaties have, surprisingly, emerged within protracted conflict settings that lock the riparians in a deadly embrace, I constructed an interdisciplinary theoretical framework to explain the causes of riparian conflict, and the conditions for riparian conflict resolution. Drawing on the literature from international relations, comparative politics, resource economics and public choice theory, I explain how the constraints posed by ecological forces in a conflict setting, and the political opportunities presented by a particular economic-developmental context shape the decisions of policymakers during the negotiation process that precedes regime emergence.Next, a model is developed that first illustrates the causal pathways among five independent variables, (water scarcity mode, critical environmental threshold, riparian position, state power profile and sustainable development of water resources); three contextual variables, (conflict setting, economic-developmental level, economic-developmental crisis) and the dependent variable of riparian conflict. The pathway is then extended with the addition of two more contextual variables (negotiation structure and strategy) to explain the second dependent variable of regime emergence. Eight hypotheses are then theoretically derived and tested with specifics from four cases covering both developing and developed state riparian conflicts within protracted and non-protracted settings. The Middle East, South Asian, and North American regions are thus studied.
It was evident that the degree of water scarcity has either conflict enhancing or conflict mitigating properties depending upon the patterns of interaction among the variables. Both contextual variable clusters had theoretically significant effects on the nature of the regime. I inferred that the state formation dynamic influenced the economic-developmental context in which water policy is formulated and shaped the domestic configuration of water interests. It appears that the influence of rent-seeking groups opposed to a transboundary water treaty wax and wane once critical environmental thresholds, which aggravate or cause an economic-developmental crisis, are exceeded (especially in the most powerful state). This, along with other economic, international and geographic factors, ultimately, alters the preferences of the policymakers to enable compromise at the international level. A state's institutional capacity to adopt a more sustainable water usage pattern is also relevant in this regard.
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Suaka, Yaro David. "An investigation into the causes and ramifications of political conflict in Ivory Coast". Thesis, Walter Sisulu University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11260/d1007276.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the causes and the ramifications of the political conflict in Ivory Coast from 2002 to 2009. A purposive sampling was used to select fourteen respondents. Qualitative methodology was used for the study. The data collection instruments were semi-structured interview questions, open-ended Semi-structured questionnaire and documentary analysis. The analysed data revealed that the causes of the conflict were: competition for scarce resources, bad governance, media incitement, xenophobia, incessant political power struggle and the proliferation of small fire arms entering the country. The effects experienced during the conflict were human rights violation, destruction of property including UN premises and displaced people both internally and externally. Some recommendations made include: Efforts should be made by the Government to strengthen good relationship among different ethnic groups and help them adapt to new challenges that confront democratic developments in the country. The Government should organise the South African style of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to revisit the horrors of the past in order to heal wounds and prevent future occurance of the conflict. Employment opportunities and other income generationg ventures for Ivorian should be created by the Government by attracting local and foreign investors. The numerous rebels should be given special skills training in other for them to be able to live among the communities in Ivory Coast. Government of national unity should be encouraged in situation like this. ECOWAS as well as AU should make sure that when disarmament instituted, it should be done properly. They should always monitor it and not to allow the arms to get into the country again. It is the hope of the researcher that this study makes a contribution towards the prevention of similar conflicts in Africa in the future.
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Dungan, Drew W. "South Park and absurd culture war ideologies the art of stealthy conservatism /". To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2009. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
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El-Rayes, Waseem. "The political aspects of Ibn Khaldun's study of culture and history". College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8529.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Gandhi, Ashu. "Some aspects of political culture and political development in India and Pakistan, a comparative study". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq24586.pdf.
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Stewart, Brandon. "Crossing Over: Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.
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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
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McKee, Erin Leigh. "Conflict-Conditioned Communication: A Case Study of Communicative Relations between the United States and Iran from 2005-2008". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/264.
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In protracted international conflicts, truth is often sacrificed in the name of victory. Political realists see international politics as a competition to win power, retain power, and demonstrate power; misleading the enemy in the name of strategy and misleading the public in the name of security are necessary elements of the game. A less obvious condition is that those caught in the cycle of intergroup conflict also withhold truths from themselves. This denial of truth and reality--to the Other, to the public, and to the self--is especially prevalent in the communicative relationship between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study explores the communicative relationship between the United States and Iran via mass media with a particular focus on propaganda as "natural." The literature review explains how conflict-conditioned communication grows and operates within the context of intergroup conflict, including the significance of globalization and information technology. The communicative relationship between the United States and Iran is used as a case study to explore conflict-conditioned communication. A snapshot of the U.S.-Iran communicative relationship was taken from May 1, 2005 - May 1, 2008. Articles from three print and online media sources were combed and analyzed for examples and patterns of conflict-conditioned communication. The method is based on an approach to understanding conflict-conditioned communication that was developed by Dr. Harry Anastasiou, a conflict resolution professional and educator. The method additionally utilizes the work of Dr. William O. Beeman, an expert on misperceptions between the United States and Iran. The conflict-conditioned communicative relationship between the United States and Iran shows how legitimate concerns and human needs are filtered through collective psychology, history, and national identity and absorbed into misperceptions. These misperceptions are perpetuated through propaganda and lead to unyielding political positions. The dual phenomena of globalization and advanced information technology amplify these unyielding political positions by spreading propagandized misperceptions faster and farther than ever before. As the United States and Iran become more entrenched in unyielding political positions, communication reduces to competing systems of propaganda, thus making peaceful conflict resolution less likely.
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Mendel, Yonatan Yoni. "Arabic studies in Israeli-Jewish society : in the shadow of political conflict". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609996.
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Clark, Bradley. "Discovery of Resources and Conflict in the Interstate System, 1816-2001". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28406/.
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This study tests a theory detailing the increased likelihood of conflict following an initial resource discovery in the discovering nation and its region. A survey of prior literature shows a multitude of prior research concerning resources and nations' willingness to initiate conflict over those resources, but this prior research lacks any study concerning the effects of the discovery of resources on interstate conflict. The theory discusses the increased likelihood of conflict in the discovering nation as both target and initiator. It further looks at the increased chance of conflict in the discoverer's region due to security dilemmas and proxy wars. The results show strong support for the theory, suggesting nations making new resource discoveries must take extra care to avoid conflict.
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Jones, Esyllt Wynne. "Ethnic nationalism in Quebec and Wales : the case of public broadcasting conflict". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61858.
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Van, Niekerk Jaco Philip. "The failure of the Middle East peace process and structures for conflict". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53118.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the role of political elites in addressing the problem of why a durable peace has eluded Israeli Palestine. A theoretical background study was made on the articulation of identity within a civilization. This established identity formation as a political process. To see how the manipulation of the structure within which identity formation processes take place, six critical indicators were identified. These are: Manufacturing conditions of underdevelopment; Un-integrated social and political systems, and distributive injustice; Fostering cleavages, stereotypical images and political symbolism; Placing issues under the 'sign of security'; The production of insecurity through the manipulation of identity formation processes; and Monopolising the conflict resolution process. Political elite creation and perpetuation of structures for conflict shows an inherent inability to bring about a lasting peace in a protracted social conflict for conflict has become the source, rather than the outcome of policy formation. As a result this thesis calls for a more inclusive approach to conflict resolution, one that goes beyond the processes of arbitration, mediation, negotiation and facilitation, to include conciliation at grass roots level between civilizations, sincerely exploring the underlying emotional legacies of fear, hatred, sorrow and mistrust.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op die rol gespeel deur politieke elites in die voortslepende vraagstuk rondom vrede in Israel/Palestina. 'n Teoretiese agtergrondstudie is onderneem om die uitdrukking van 'n samelewing oftewel volksidentiteit te ondersoek. Die studie het laat blyk dat identiteitsformulering 'n politieke proses is. Om waar te neem hoe die manipulasie van die struktuur waarbinne identiteitsformulering plaasvind, is ses kritiese indikators geïdentifiseer, te wete: die skepping van toestande vir onderontwikkeling; ongeïntegreerde sosiale en politieke sisteme en ongelyke verdeling van welvaart; doelbewuste voortsetting van etniese verskille, stereotipering en politieke simbolisme; plasing van kwessies onder die vaandel van "sekuriteit"; die produksie van "onsekerheid" deur die manipulasie van identiteitsformulering prosesse; en die manipulasie van konflik resolusie prosedures. Skepping en doelbewuste voortsetting van strukture vir konflik deur politieke elites dui op 'n onvermoë om langdurige vrede in 'n 'uitgerekte sosiale konflik' te bewerkstellig. Konflik het die oorsprong, eerder as die uitkoms van beleid geword. As gevolg van hierdie feite doen die tesis 'n beroep dat konflik resolusie as dissipline 'n meer inklusiewe benadering volg. Die resolusie prosesse van mediasie, arbitrasie, fasilitering en onderhandeling is opsigself nie genoeg nie en behoort vergesel te word deur die proses van konsiliasie op grondvlak tussen samelewings. Hierdie proses moet deel vorm van 'n opregtheid om mense se vrese, haat, seer en wantroue met ootmoed aan te hoor.
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Sardoschau, Sulin. "Migration, aid, and conflict : essays in political economy and development". Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01E053.
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Cette dissertation aborde le concept mondialisation comme résultat d'une compétition politique, à travers une analyse des sources et conséquences de conflit, tout en mettant en lumière sa dimension socio-culturelle. Dans le cadre thématique de l'économie politique et de l'économie du développement, nous adressons un large éventail de sujets qui sont actuellement au centre du débat public. En particulier, j'explore les liens entre migrations et attitudes, aide et conflit, ainsi que les conséquences intergénérationnelles des conflits dans le développement économique. Je traite ces sujets de façon théorique et empirique, en utilisant un grand nombre de stratégies économétriques. La composante empirique de cette dissertation comprend une analyse de la migration et de la proximité culturelle sur plusieurs pays; une analyse à l'échelon sous-national de l'aide Chinoise en Afrique, et une analyse sur les conséquences de la guerre en Irak au niveau des ménagesThis dissertation sheds light on the concept of globalization as a result of political competition, analyzing the sources and consequences of conflict, as well as highlighting the socio-cultural dimensions of globalization. Under the thematic umbrella of political economics and economic development, I address a broad range of topics that have been at the center of the public debate in recent years. ln particular, I explore the links between migration and culture, attitudes, aid and conflict, and the inter-generational consequences of conflict for economic development. I address these subjects both theoretically and empirically, using a broad set econometric strategies. The empirical component of this dissertation comprises a global cross-country analysis of migration and cultural proximity, a sub-national analysis on Chinese aid in Africa, and a household-level analysis on the consequences of war in Iraq
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Le, Billon Philippe. "Power is consuming the forest : the political ecology of conflict and reconstruction in Cambodia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9dd5daa2-704c-4909-850a-d4d64294cce3.
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The broad aim of this research is to further our understanding of the incorporation of nature into socio-political processes of transition within countries at war. The concomitant capitalist production of nature and construction of political power is examined through the case of forest exploitation in Cambodia. The thesis draws on political ecology, sociological theories of power, and political economic theories of commodity chains to explain the apparent failure of both the Cambodian government and the international community to employ logging revenues as a positive factor for 'peace and reconstruction'. The main period of study extends from 1987 to 1998, during which Cambodia's protracted civil war ended. Timber represented over that period close to half of Cambodia's export earnings. However, this revenue largely escaped official taxation and reportedly fuelled the conflict, broadened wealth disparities, and deepened an environmental crisis. Rather than fully subscribing to this 'politics of plunder' story-line, this thesis examines the complexities of forestry practices, and flows of logging revenue, and analyses their relationship with the construction of political power throughout the process of transition. This construction of political power is interpreted through a neopatrimonial model in which social actors' politico-economic strategies both influence, and are influenced by the transition process. In Cambodia during the period of study, these strategies reinforced a 'shadow state' politics, through which the political elite, in part responding to the demands of international markets and the political challenge of the UN-sponsored peace process, consolidated its power by reorganising productive networks outside formal governance. In turn, domestic and international actors through both discursive and material practices resisted these strategies. The case of logging in Cambodia is thus interpreted as a contested process of transforming nature and incorporating space into 'productive networks', as part of a broader political economy of power.
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Van, Schalkwyk Gina. "Gendering conflict resolution in the Democratic Republic of the Congo". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53435.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research report documents the results of a study that aims at investigating the potential contribution of a gender perspective towards conflict resolution. In this regard, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is used as a case in point. The study takes the form of an exploratory and descriptive study and extensive use is made of both primary and secondary sources of data. By arguing that a gender perspective on conflict will elucidate the way in which women are affected differently by conflict it logically follows that women should be permitted to assume their rightful positions in attempts at transforming conflict. The application of a gender perspective furthermore urges a revision of conflict resolution towards conflict management and transformation as the appropriate ways of bringing an end to war. This implies that the emphasis is shifted from a search for political solutions towards conflict prevention and early warning as the most effective ways of pre-empting violent conflict and the breakdown of peace-processes aimed at resolving violent conflicts. In the search for an appropriate role for women in conflict management, the study revisits a number of frameworks for the full and equal participation of women in conflict management at the international, regional and subregional levels of analysis. These frameworks are then applied to the situation in the DRC and some practical courses of action are proposed. While the study concludes that there is a clearly defined need for exposing the gender bias in the analysis and resolution of violent conflict, it notes that the patriarchal nature of the DRC and the international system will in many instances hamper progress towards the achievement of a non-patriarchal and nongendered peaceful social world order.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag dokumenteer die uitkomste van 'n studie wat daarna streef om die potensiële bydrae van vroue tot konflik resolusie te ondersoek. Tot hierdie end word die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo as 'n gevalstudie gebruik. Die navorsings ontwerp is eksploratories en beskrywend en daar word ekstensief gebruik gemaak van beide primêre en sekondêre bronne van data. Deur aan te voer dat 'n gender perspektief op konflik die wyse waarop vroue verskillend geraak word deur konflik beklemtoon, volg dit logies hierop dat vroue toegelaat behoort te word om hul regmatig plek in te neem ten tyde van pogings tot konflik transformasie. Die toepassing van 'n gender perspektief dwing verder ook 'n hersiening van konflik resolusie en beskou konflik bestuur en transformasie as die gepaste maniere om oorlog tot 'n einde te bring. Dit bring mee dat daar 'n verskuiwing van klem plaasvind - vanaf 'n soeke na politieke oplossings na konflik voorkoming en vroeë/tydige waarskuwing as die mees effektiewe instrumente om geweldadige konflik en die ineenstorting van vredesprosesse te voorkom. In die soeke na die gepaste rol vir vroue in konflik bestuur, herondersoek die studie 'n aantal raamwerke vir die volledige en gelyke deelname van vroue in konflik bestuur op die internasionale, regionale en sub-regionale vlakke van analise. Hierdie raamwerke word dan toegepas op die situasie in the DRK, en praktiese riglyne word voorgehou. Hoewel die studie vind dat daar 'n duidelike gedefinieerde behoefte bestaan om die gender vooroordeel in die analisie en resolusie van konflik te openbaar, word dit ook aanvaar dat die patriargale aard van die DRK en die internasionale sisteem in die meeste gevalle ware vooruitgang in die daarstelling van 'n nie-patriargale, gelykregtige, vreedsame sosiale wêreldorde sal kniehalter.
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Soma, Samantha Isabella. "Community, Conversation, and Conflict: a Study of Deliberation and Moderation in a Collaborative Political Weblog". PDXScholar, 2009. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1447.
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Concerns about the feasibility of the Internet as an appropriate venue for deliberation have emerged based on the adverse effects of depersonalization, anonymity, and lack of accountability on the part of online discussants. As in face-to-face communication, participants in online conversations are best situated to determine for themselves what type of communication is appropriate. Earlier research on Usenet groups was not optimistic, but community-administered moderation may provide a valuable tool for online political discussion groups who wish to support and enforce deliberative communication among a diverse or disagreeing membership.
This research examines individual comments and their rating and moderation within a week-long "Pie Fight" discussion about community ownership and values in the Daily Kos political blog. Specific components of deliberation were identified and a content analysis was conducted for each. Salient issues included community reputation, agreement and disagreement, meta-communication, and appropriate expression of emotion, humor, and profanity. Data subsets were analyzed in conjunction with the comment ratings given by community members to determine what types of interaction received the most attention, and how the community used the comment ratings system to promote or demote specific comment types. The use of middle versus high or low ratings, the value of varied ratings format, and the use of moderation as a low-impact means of expressing dissent were also explored.
The Daily Kos community members effectively used both comments and ratings to mediate conflict, assert their desired kind of community, demonstrate a deliberative self-concept, and support specific conditions of deliberation. The moderation system was used to sanction uncivil or unproductive communication, as intended, and was also shown to facilitate deliberation of disagreement rather than creating an echo chamber of opinion.
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Wan, Asna Wan Mohd Nor Wan Asna Wan Mohd. "Malaysia : the political and economic aspects of accommodation and conflict regulation in an ethnically divided society". Thesis, University of Hull, 1996. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:11291.
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This study examines practices used by the Malaysian elites in their efforts to solve problems related to ethnic and cultural divisions in the country. The study traces the history of political development of Malaysia, from the very first attempt at inter-ethnic co-operation --- the meetings of the 1949-1950 Communities Liaison Committee --- to the most recent one --- the deliberations of the 1989-1991 National Economic Consultative Council. The focus of the research is on political and economic issues involved. Theories which are relevant to the study of ethnicity and political stability such as 'pluralism', consociationalism and conflict-regulation theory are reviewed in this study. In addition, alternative explanations of contemporary Malaysian politics such as those provided by critical social theory, political economy/development and radical political economy approaches are also included. Empirically, the research is based on personal interviews in Malaysia in 1993, materials on the National Economic Consultative Council, letters, parliamentary debates, government and party literature, newspapers, periodicals, election manifestos, articles and books related to the subject. This study shows that the ideal concepts of consociationalism cannot fully apply to contemporary Malaysia. Because of the dominant role of UMNO in the Barisan Nasional, the system has developed into 'asymmetric accommodation'. However, there is still an adherence to the principle of multi-ethnic coalition, a genuine power-sharing and the presence of accommodative attitudes and motives among the elites which the consociational model highlights.
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Chapman, Brian Curtis. "Conflict of Interest and Corruption in the States". OpenSIUC, 2014. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/805.
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This dissertation creates a typology of conflict of interest laws, rules and policies implemented and practiced in all 50 state legislatures. The research identifies characteristics of conflict of interest regimes and suggests relationships between these characteristics and public corruption. If finds that the political culture of a state, and the professionalism of the legislature, influence the definition of what constitutes a legislative conflict of interest, thereby sanctioning some conflict of interest regimes to engage in greater self profit of its members than other regimes.
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Boberg, Per. "Translating Political Text : Cultural and Stylistic Aspects of Translating the American Republican Party's 2004 Political Platform". Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2375.
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The present paper discusses the cultural and stylistic issues in the translation of a part of the 2004 Republican Party Platform. Political text in American English and Swedish is in focus, and translation examples are accounted for and categorised according to Vinay & Darbelnet’s (1995) system theory of translation procedures. The conclusion is that cultural issues caused fewer problems than stylistic ones when the Republican Party Platform 2004 was translated.
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宮翠棉 i Chui-min Koon. "The politics of popular culture: a study of aHong Kong comic strip, McMug". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43894884.
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Elkanj, Nasser. "Conflict economics : theoretical and empirical applications". Thesis, View thesis, 2009. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/41746.
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This thesis examines distinctive issues related to conflict theoretically and empirically. The theoretical part in this thesis investigates the following issues: the entitlement failure model, the defence spending allocation model and the terror cycles model. The empirical part focuses on the following: the CMP, the beta-index and beta-mobility idea, and the relation between economic inequality and violent social conflicts. The thesis argues that the introduction of market ethos and democratisation in developing nations has created a fragile economic and social system. It demonstrates the existence of a political equilibrium that maximises the probability of re-election of an incumbent government. This demonstrates the existence of a region of capital allocation such that if the optimal allocation of capital lies in this specific region there does not arise any distribution failure. In the second part we highlight two types of conflicts, namely market conflicts and political conflicts and attempt to weave them together to illuminate an important intersection between the economy and the polity. The thesis argues that conflicts are to some extent driven by international tension, or global, ideological and geo-political factors. Notwithstanding the global influence, local factors such as income inequality, income growth or lack of it, and political institutions, have an influence on conflicts. The thesis proposes a participatory conflict management procedure (CMP) that aspires to discover stable points for collaboration between confrontational parties. Stable points are mutual joint cooperative arrangements that diminish the probability of conflict re-escalation. The thesis presents a fundamental theoretical analysis for a new index of conflicts beta (b ) driven by international tension. In this section we show how to measure the extent to which local conflict in a country is driven by international tension/ global factors. We then offer an empirical foundation to the beta index by calculating the beta values for 92 nations for which we have data from 1970–2004. The thesis analyses the relationships between violent conflict and inequality. An econometric model is estimated using binary dependent variable techniques to capture the relation between violent conflict and inequality across Middle Eastern and Arab countries. It constructs two models based on the theoretical model and actual data: the first is a dummy variable that takes a value of one when a conflict has resulted over 1000 battle deaths in a given year and country. The second is a dummy variable that takes a value of one if the conflict is completely internal, and another which is equal to one when the conflict involves an external actor.
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Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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Carment, David 1959. "The international politics of ethnic conflict : the interstate dimensions of secession and irredenta in the twentieth century, a crisis-based approach". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41358.
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One of the most challenging issues for students of international relations is the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in both its secessionist and irredentist forms. This thesis contributes to an understanding of the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in three ways. First, the thesis provides a more precise delineation of the causal relationship between ethnic and interstate conflict. Second, the thesis develops a model to identify the conditions under which ethnic conflict is most likely to lead to interstate conflict. Third, and finally this thesis provides insight into a theory and policy for management and resolution of ethnic conflict. The results of this research are used to identify the international conditions and actions that affect the dynamics and resolution of ethnic conflict. From that perspective, the central goal of this inquiry is to lay the groundwork for preventive peacekeeping.The inquiry unfolds in five stages. First, a formal model, specifying the precise causal relationship of the selected variables and their interaction effects, is presented. Second, two cases (Somali irredentism and the Indo-Sri Lankan crisis) are used to test the assumed linkage. Third, aggregate data from the International Crisis Behavior Project data base, for the period 1918-1988, are used to test the explanatory power of variables derived from the combined framework. Fourth, two additional cases (Thai Malay separatism and the Balkans War) are used to test the most relevant propositions from the previous phase. Fifth and finally, based on the degree of support for propositions from both quantitative and qualitative analysis, the model is refined. Policy relevant and theoretical contributions are presented in the light of the findings. Directions for further research also are discussed.
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Oberlander, Moshe Marla. "Peace building : the role of social work and law in the promotion of social capital and political integration". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84686.
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The study suggests that two domestic conditions are critical to foster opportunities for sustainable peace between formerly conflicting societies. The conditions are defined as social capital and political integration. These are explored in the context of Israeli and Palestinian societies following the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords in 1993 and through 1999, just one year prior to the outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada.Social capital refers to networks of association. Strong networks of relationship are important because they are positively associated with a community and/or society's ability to foster social cohesion, to problem-solve and cope with growing uncertainty such as that exemplifying the period of transition from conflict to peace.
Income inequality is inversely related to social capital. Communities and societies characterized by growing income inequality are typified by diminishing social capital, hence receding capacity to weather the impact of major societal change.
The term political integration refers to the relationship between a government and its citizens. In politically integrated societies citizens share a sense that government is concerned with their welfare and hence their loyalty is expressed through support of the government, its programs and policies. Growing political fragmentation, a lack of abidance, and the breakdown of relationships between civil society and government mark politically disintegrated societies. Political integration is particularly relevant in the aftermath of the signing of a peace agreement when domestic sectarian divides threaten to undermine the national entity that must maintain the delicate balance attained by formerly conflicting societies.
Social capital and political integration are the outcome of greater or lesser human rights: social and economic, civil and political. The persistence of inequality, social and economic, civil and political, wears down the relationships between members of a society and between citizens and their government.
Analysis of standard social and economic indicators in Palestinian and Israeli societies suggests that despite the promised peace dividend social and economic inequality persisted and in some instances worsened between 1993 and 1999. Analysis of civil and political conditions in both societies suggests that political disintegration as opposed to growing integration characterized the six-year period.
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莫詠儀 i Wing-yee Heronie Mok. "De-institutionalizing culture: a study of there-institutionalization of the cultural apparatuses of Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966937.
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Yanda, Benjamin Chad. "A political ecology of land use change and natural resource conflict in the Rukwa Valley, southwestern Tanzania". Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1404340871&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Mushwana, Tinyiko. "A critical discourse analysis of representations of the Niger Delta conflict in four prominent Western anglophone newspapers". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007745.
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This thesis explores the manner in which the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta in Nigeria is represented in western Anglophone media. Large oil reserves in the Niger Delta have contributed millions of dollars towards the growth of Nigeria's export economy. Despite this, the Niger Delta is the least developed region in the country and is characterised by high rates of inequality. Residents of the Niger Delta have been outraged by the lack of action on the part of the Nigerian government and multinational oil corporations. Their discontent over the inequalities in the region has resulted in the proliferation of armed groups and militants who often use violent and criminal tactics to communicate their disgruntlement. This thesis closely examines the representations of the violent insurgency in the Niger Delta by conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of 145 news texts selected from four western Anglophone newspapers from 2007 to 2011. The depiction of the conflict as it appears in the four newspapers is discussed in relation to an overview of scholarly literature which explores the portrayal of Africa not only in western media, but also in other forms of western scholarship and writing. The research undertaken in this study reveals that to a significant extent representations of the Niger Delta conflict echo and reflect some of the stereotypical and age-old negative imagery that informs meanings constructed about the African continent. However, the analysis of the news texts also shows that there are certainly efforts amongst some newspapers to move beyond simplistic representations of the conflict. The disadvantage however, is that these notable attempts tend to be marred by the use of pejorative language which typically invokes negative images associated with Africa. This study argues that the implications of these representations are highly significant as these representations not only affect the way in which the conflict is understood, but also the manner in which the international community responds to it.
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Fletcher, Haley Kim. "Conflict, contradiction and crisis: an analysis of the politics of AIDS policy in post-Apartheid South Africa". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002985.
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Despite the profound impacts of HIV and AIDS on all sectors of South African society, governmental responses to the AIDS epidemic have been inundated with contradiction, conflict and contestation. Though governmental leaders have justified not funding HIV treatment programs because they believe that poverty needs to be dealt with first, social spending has been slashed as part of an adherence to a neo-liberal economic model. Though it would seem that the government would seem to have everything to gain by establishing a cooperative relationship with non-governmental actors regarding the epidemic, the relationship between the government and non-governmental actors has instead been described as nothing short of hostile. Though the government enthusiastically backed Virodene, a supposed treatment for AIDS that turned out to be no more than an industrial solvent, other ‘scientifically backed’ AIDS treatments have been treated with caution and skepticism – to the point where the government even refused to provide funding for programs to prevent mother to child transmission of the virus. And perhaps the most perplexing is that although widely respected for his intellect and cool demeanor, former President Mbeki chose to risk his political career on the AIDS issue by shunning away from the mainstream consensus on the biomedical causes of the epidemic and instead surrounded himself and sought advice from AIDS ‘dissidents’ This thesis will seek explanations for these apparent contradictions. Using Bourdieu’s (1986) typology of capitals, it will build on an argument put forward by Helen Schneider (2002): from the South African government’s perspective, the contestation regarding HIV and AIDS policy and implementation is over symbolic capital, or the right to legitimately hold and exercise political power regarding the epidemic. Though this argument helps explain the conflictual relationship between the government and non-governmental actors regarding the AIDS crisis, in order to understand the perplexing contradictions within the governmental policy response, the political context of policy formation must first be taken into consideration.
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Lutes, Todd Oakley. "Shipwreck and deliverance: Modernity and political culture in Latin American literature". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187249.
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This study examines the political theory of modernity as it appears in the work of contemporary Latin American writers and thinkers (pensadores). It is designed to help bridge the gap that separates the North American and European dialogue on modernity from the parallel dialogue on modernity currently flourishing in Latin America. The dialogues are brought together in two ways. First, the theory of modernity, which is still often thought to apply only or primarily to the developed world, is subjected to the challenge of the Latin American political and cultural context. Many features of the theory are found to apply equally well to both cultures, and these features provide the basis for the second "bridging" of the two dialogues, in which some of the most interesting Latin American responses to the problems of modernity are brought to the attention of North American and European political scholars. After reviewing the problem of modernity in some depth, the work of Jose Ortega y Gasset is presented both as a link to German philosophical thought and as a pattern for subsequent discussion of modernity in the Spanish-speaking world. Ortega's uniquely Latin way of understanding modernity is then compared to other philosophical approaches, and placed within the context of political literature in Latin America. Literature is shown to be a uniquely suitable forum for conveying Ortega's approach to modernity because it expresses in itself the central role of arts and culture in his political thought. The balance of the study focuses on the works of three contemporary Latin American authors: Octavio Paz of Mexico, Gabriel Garcia Marquez of Colombia, and Mario Vargas Llosa of Peru. Each author's major works are placed within the context of the model Latin American response to modernity inspired by Ortega and analyzed for significant contributions to the discussion of modernity. Their most important insights center around the need to assimilate the value of tradition in a new approach to modernity by means of some form of democratic dialogue combined with critical appreciation for the cultural uniqueness of nations.
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Oelofsen, Marianna Christina. "The dynamics of difference: oppression, cross-cultural liberation and the problems of imperialism and paternalism". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002846.
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This dissertation defends an account of oppression and supports a specific means of engaging with oppression cross-culturally. The project examines whether it is defensible to interfere in other cultures at all. Both the cultural relativist and the neo-imperialist approaches are argued to be an inadequate response to the question of whether it is defensible to interfere in other cultures, as both these approaches neglect the autonomy of the agents concerned. This project has two related goals. It first advances an answer to the question ‘what is oppression?’ An account of oppression is developed which will enable oppression to be identified cross-culturally. In order to start constructing an approach which will be adequate to respond to the question of interference, it is necessary to consider a means of identifying oppression crossculturally. The second objective is to examine the possibility of non-imperialistic and nonpaternalistic cross-cultural liberation projects. The first aim (advancing an account of oppression), is executed through arguing for an ethical framework which will be helpful in this context, and arguing for an account of oppression derived from this framework. The second aim (examining the possibility of non-imperialistic and non-paternalistic liberation), is carried out in two parts. The first part responds to two standard objections from cultural relativism, which would accuse a universal account such as mine of imperialism and paternalism. The first objection claims that a universalist account neglects historical and cultural difference, while the second objection claims that it neglects autonomy. In responding to these objections, it is noted that while my responses prove, theoretically, that a universal account of oppression need not lead to imperialism or paternalism, there is a danger that the account could become imperialistic and paternalistic in its application. With the intention of dealing with this problem, I advance a methodology of cross-cultural understanding which would reduce the likelihood of imperialism and paternalism in liberation projects. This notion of cross-cultural understanding is the most important contribution of this project. The objective is not to give practical judgments on when a specific liberation project is in fact paternalistic or imperialistic, but rather to propose guidelines which would need to be applied to each particular instance.
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Matter, Scott. ""We have this land as our right" : ethnicity, politics, and land rights conflict at Enoosupukia, Kenya". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83127.
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Population growth and internal migration in parts of the developing world have led to increased conflict over land rights carried out in the context of competing tenure paradigms. In Kenya, violent conflict between 'indigenous' and 'outsider' communities occurring in the midst of a program of democratic liberalization and political change has been variously explained as primarily driven by material or political interests. This thesis examines land rights conflict in the wake of a violent clash at Enoosupukia in 1993, which led to the displacement of up to 30,000 people, and analyzes how changing tenure paradigms, shifting socio-spatial boundaries, ethno-political polarization, and pressure on land resources all contribute to the perpetuation of conflict and tenure uncertainty. I argue that, despite challenging civil precepts of liberal governance, assertion of exclusive ethnic rights to traditional territories may nevertheless lead to political justice and alleviate the marginalization of indigenous and minority groups.
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Riley, Timothy. "Trans-boundary river basins: a discourse on water scarcity, conflict, and water resource management". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4396/.
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This thesis is an inquiry regarding the interconnections between water scarcity, geopolitics, resource management, and the strategies for developing effective ways to resolve conflict and encourage sustainable water resource use in developing countries. The ecological services of trans-boundary rivers are explored in conjunction with the potential impacts to freshwater availability due to economic modernization, water resource development, and decision making regimes that determine how water is allocated among competing users. Anthropogenic stressors that induce water scarcity and the geopolitical mechanisms of conflict are studied. A discourse on the creation and functional extent of global and localized water ethics is investigated, emphasizing the importance of perceptual dispositions of water users in understanding the value of trans-boundary river basins.
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Sierra, Jimenez Mara Johanna. "Parcs nationaux en transition vers des parcs nationaux naturels anthropisés (PNNa) ? Étude comparative de trois parcs nationaux naturels habités du Continent américain (Colombie, Guyane française, Québec)". Thesis, Pau, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PAUU1010/document.
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L’évolution des politiques de gouvernance environnementale internationale et la transition des contextes nationaux et locaux de conservation favorisent de plus en plus l’intégration de la dimension anthropique au sein des parcs nationaux (catégorie II-UICN). Cette dimension s’adresse d’une part aux populations locales qui habitent de manière permanente les diverses zones de protection, et d’autre part, aux acteurs économiques (légaux et illégaux) qui exploitent le territoire protégé (tourisme, orpaillage, bois, etc.) ou qui participent de manière directe et indirecte aux processus de construction territoriale du parc national. L’intégration de la dimension anthropique au sein de ces territoires naturels de protection favorise en conséquence l’émergence de nouvelles dynamiques et stratégies de gestion et de gouvernance participatives.Avec une triple approche scientifique construite autour des regards croisés de la géographie politique, de la géographie socioculturelle et de la political ecology, cette thèse s’intéresse à l’analyse de trois cas d’études particuliers du continent américain afin de comprendre comment l’intégration de cette dimension anthropique (socioculturelle et économique) favorise la transition de certains espaces naturels protégés classiques vers une nouvelle configuration que nous proposons d’identifier ici sous le nom de « parcs nationaux naturels anthropisés - PNNa ». L’analyse systémique de la structure et du fonctionnement des macrostructures de gouvernance et des microstructures de gestion du Parc amazonien de la Guyane en France, du Parc marin du Saguenay-Saint-Laurent au Québec (Canada) et du Parc national naturel Amacayacu en Amazonie colombienne, nous ont permis ainsi de mettre en évidence quelques aspects de cette transition dans la gestion territoriale des espaces naturels protégés de catégorie II, ainsi que les conflits de pouvoir qui en résultentThe evolution of international environmental policies and national and local conservation contexts gives increasing importance to the anthropic dimension within the national parks (category II UICN). Not only does this dimension takes into account the local population that lives permanently in these various natural areas, but also the economic actors who, legally or illegally, benefit from those protected areas (tourism, gold-washing, wood, etc.) or participate directly or indirectly in the process of the territorial elaboration of a national park. The integration of the anthropic aspect definitely help the emergence of new dynamics and strategies of collaborative management and policies. Building on political geography, socio-cultural geography and political ecology, this thesis aims to shed light how that anthropic dimension (sociocultural as well as economical) entails the transition of some protected areas from a classical type to a new category we identify as the “Nature and Anthropic National Park” (PNNa). We focus on three specific study cases in the American continent: the Amazonian park of the French Guiana, the Sea Park of Saguenay-Saint-Laurent of Québec, Canada, and the Amazonian Amacayacu National Park of Colombia. The systemic analysis of their structure and their functioning, as far as macrostructure of policies and microstructures of management are concerned, has allowed us to bring out that transition in the territorial management of these category II protected natural areas and the deriving conflicts for power
La evolución de las políticas de gobernanza medioambiental internacional y la transición de los contextos nacionales y locales de conservación, favorecen cada vez más la integración de la dimensión antrópica al interior de los parques nacionales (categoría II-UICN). Esta dimensión corresponde de una parte, a las poblaciones locales que habitan de manera permanente las diversas zonas de protección dentro del parque nacional, y de otra parte, a los actores económicos (legales e ilegales) que explotan el territorio protegido (Turismo, explotación minera, explotación de madera, etc), o que participan de manera directa o indirecta en los procesos de construcción territorial del parque nacional. La integración de la dimensión antrópica dentro de estos territorios naturales de protección favorece en consecuencia la emergencia de nuevas dinámicas y estrategias participativas de gestión y de gobernanza. A través de un triple enfoque científico construido mediante el cruce de diversos puntos de vista de la geografía política, de la geografía sociocultural y de la political ecology, esta tesis se interesa en el análisis de tres casos de estudio particulares del Continente americano. El objetivo de esta contribución es el de intentar mostrar, cómo la integración de la dimensión antrópica (sociocultural y económica) influencia la transición de algunos espacios naturales protegidos hacia una nueva configuración que nosotros proponemos identificar aquí bajo el nombre de “parques nacionales naturales antropizados – PNNa”.El análisis sistémico de la estructura y del funcionamiento de las macroestructuras de gobernanza y de las microestructuras de gestión participativa del Parque amazónico de la Guayana, en Francia, del Parque marino del Saguenay-Saint-Laurent en Quebec, Canadá, y del Parque nacional natural Amacayacu en Amazonia colombiana, nos permitieron poner en evidencia este tipo de transición en la gestión territorial de los espacios naturales protegidos de categoría II, así que los conflictos de poder que resultan de esta transformación
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Signorello, Rosario. "La voix charismatique : aspects psychologiques et caractéristiques acoustiques". Thesis, Grenoble, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014GRENL004/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur la voix charismatique dans le cadre du leadership politique. L'hypothèse générale est que le locuteur-leader utilise sa voix selon deux fonctions. Une fonction primaire, biologique, qui est d'utiliser les modulations de fréquence fondamentale pour être reconnu comme le leader du groupe. Une fonction secondaire, apprise et dépendante de la langue parlée et de la culture d'appartenance, qui est de modifier la qualité de la voix pour véhiculer différents traits et types de charisme dans le but de persuader l'auditoire et atteindre certains buts. La première étape a été de décrire le phénomène du charisme avec une théorie socio-cognitive qui distingue le charisme de l'esprit (la pensée, les actions et le visionnarisme du leader exprimés à travers le langage écrit et verbal) du charisme du corps (tout comportement non verbal utilisé pour exprimer son message ainsi que ses affects et émotions). De plus, des recherches empiriques ont permit de récolter des adjectifs décrivant les traits positifs et négatifs du charisme propres au français, à l'italien et au portugais brésilien. Enfin, un outil appelé MASCharP a été développé pour évaluer les traits du charisme d'un individu à partir de tout comportement perceptible. La deuxième étape d'étude concerne la description acoustique et perceptive de la voix charismatique. Une première phase a consisté à créer des profils vocaux des leaders masculins français, italiens et portugais brésiliens, dans le but de représenter l'extension vocale du leader lors de différents contextes de communication (formels vs. informels). Les profils vocaux montrent l'adoption, par les leaders, d'une stratégie vocale liée au contexte de communication et à leur stratégie persuasive. Ces résultats montrent des similarités inter-langagières et culturelles du comportement vocal entre leaders. La deuxième phase expérimentale sur la voix charismatique démontre l'influence de la qualité de voix des phrases sur la perception de différents types et attributs du leadership charismatique. Le locuteur-leader utilise sa production vocale pour être reconnu comme le leader du groupe. Ceci est valable dans tous les contextes de communication formels où le leader doit exprimer son leadership et a un but persuasif à atteindre. S'il veut soumettre les membres du groupe et souhaite apparaître comme un leader dominant ou menaçant, il utilise une fréquence fondamentale basse associée à des types phonatoires comme le creaky. S'il veut être perçu comme un leader sincère, calme et rassurant, il utilise une fréquence fondamentale plus haute associée à sa voix modale, évitant des types de phonation comme le harsh. Cela est la fonction primaire de la voix charismatique. Enfin, ces travaux de recherche montrent que les traits du leader charismatique, dans le discours politique, sont filtrés par le contexte langagier et culturel d'interaction partagé entre leader et partisans. L'utilisation de la voix pour véhiculer différents types de charisme, caractérises par des attributs différents, est filtrée par la langue et la culture qui favorisent l'émergence de comportements vocaux charismatiques, prototypiques et qui correspondent à l'attente inhérente de l'auditoire. Cela est la fonction secondaire de la voix charismatiqueThis dissertation analyzes the charismatic voice in the context of political leadership. It is shown that the speaker-leader uses his/her voice based on two functions. The primary function is biological and consists of manipulating changes in fundamental frequency in order to be recognized as the leader of the group. The secondary function is learned and dependent upon the language spoken and the culture that one belongs to, and consists of changing voice quality in order to convey different traits and types of charisma. These functions are employed in order to persuade an audience and achieve certain goals. The phenomenon of charisma is first addressed through social-cognitive theory that distinguishes charisma of the mind (the leader's thought, actions, and vision expressed through written and spoken language) from charisma of the body (all non-verbal behaviors used for expressing one's message, affects, and emotions. Certain adjectives were established through empirical research to describe positive and negative traits in French, Italian, and Brazilian Portuguese speech. The tool MASCharP (Multi-dimensional Adjective-based Scale of Charisma Perception) was then developed in order to evaluate the charismatic traits of an individual's perceptible behavior. The study then establishes an acoustic and perceptual description of the charismatic voice. Speech range profiles are created for French, Italian, and Brazilian male leaders in order to represent the leaders' vocal extension in different communication contexts (formal vs. informal). The voice profiles demonstrate how the leaders adopt a particular vocal strategy related to the communication context as well as the leaders' persuasive strategy. These results show cross-language and cross-cultural similarities in leaders' vocal behavior. The following experimental phase demonstrates the influence of voice quality on the perception of different types and attributes of charismatic leadership. The speaker-leader uses his vocal production to be recognized as the leader of a group. This is true for all formal communication contexts wherein the leader must express his leadership and has a persuasive goal to achieve. If he wants to submit group members and hopes to appear as a dominant or threatening leader, the leader uses a low fundamental frequency associated with phonatory types such as creaky voice. If he wants to be perceived as a sincere, calm, and reassuring, he uses a higher fundamental frequency associated with his modal voice, avoiding phonatory types such as harsh voice. This is the primary function of the charismatic voice. Lastly, this study shows that, in political discourse, the traits of a charismatic leader are filtered by the language and cultural context of the interaction. The secondary function of the charismatic voice is therefore addressed: the use of one's voice for conveying different types of charisma, as characterized by varying attributes, is filtered through the language and culture that favor certain charismatic vocal behaviors which serve as prototypes that correspond to the audience's inherent expectations
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Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. "Fanatics, mercenaries, brigands ... and politicians : militia decision-making and civil conflict resolution". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36742.
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When do militias---whose power, riches, and legitimacy depend on the continuation of civil wars---accept negotiated settlements? An unexplored and crucial dimension of militia decision-making is the process of militia institutionalization. Militias create institutions to improve their odds of winning the war and project legitimacy internally as well as externally.Militia institutions affect the strategic choice of decision-makers. They create financial and organizational interests that modify the preferences of the militia leadership. The modified preferences increase the win-set of militia leaders at the negotiating table. Militia institutions also change the decision-making context. Institutions unleash three dynamics that decrease a militia's ability to withstand fluctuations in the military balance of forces. Institutions can lead to factionalism, increased visibility (and hence vulnerability to attack), and strains in relations with patrons.
Using the logic of two-level games, I argue that leaders evaluate peace settlements with an eye on two boards. Externally, they evaluate their position vis-a-vis other protagonists in the conflict. Internally, leaders are concerned with their positions in power. Institutionalization results in a tension between "raison de la revolution" (ideological motivations) and "raison d'institution" (institutional preservation). Embattled leaders who increasingly find it difficult to withstand changes in the balance of forces find that their institutional interests are better preserved by peace. They agree to compromise on their ideological preferences thus opening a window of opportunity for the attainment of sustainable peace settlements.
Employing the comparative case-study method, the dissertation examines the attitudes of the Lebanese Forces and the Bosnian Serbs respectively toward conflict-resolution schemes that sought to bring the Lebanese and Bosnian civil wars to an end.
By focusing on leaders' incentives to settle, the research allows us to predict a priori which settlements are more sustainable. Theoretically, it refines the concept of "ripeness" for negotiations by specifying both its intra-communal and its extra-communal dimensions. In terms of practical policy implications, the research argues that militias are prime candidates for the role of spoilers. Thus, it is important not only to understand their incentives to settle but also to craft peace agreements that give even such radical factions a vested interest in peace.
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Sray, Karen L. "Accessing the power within the challenge of gender and cultural identity to post-conflict reconstruction in Iraq /". Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490818.
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DeVotta, Neil. "From linguistic nationalism to ethnic conflict Sri Lanka in comparative perspective /". Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3031040.
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Gil, Sharon Ablaza. "Planning in conflict: a study on the moro insurgency in Mindanao and its implications on sustainable development". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31261255.
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Sutherlin, Gwyneth Burke. "The Myth of the Universal User. Pursuing a Cultural Variable in ICT Design for Conflict Management through Quantitative Analysis: Implications from a Ugandan Case Study". Thesis, University of Bradford, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7510.
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This study took a novel experimental approach from the field of cognitive linguistics to quantitatively describe the impact of culture on the use of mobile information and communication technology (ICT) in the context of peace and conflict. Beginning with the hypothesis that ICT reflects a mono-cultural perspective for collecting and organizing information, this study tested how a failure to adapt at a cognitive level resulted in distorted narratives. This distortion has problematic implications for democratic participation in postconflict contexts and in data aggregation initiatives that inform policy decisions related to governance, election monitoring, human rights abuse reporting, and conflict management more broadly. Fieldwork from the Acholi region of Uganda supported the conclusion that current ICT tools used in conflict management contexts fundamentally distort the narratives they were designed to collect at a cognitive level. Findings from this research also presented avenues for software development around a new variable for cultural communication preference.
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Nsabimana, Christian Garuka. "The concept of power sharing in the constitutions of Burundi and Rwanda". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.
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This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.
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Wasunna, Angela. "Averting a clash between culture, law and science : an examination of the effects of new reproductive technologies in Kenya". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64309.pdf.
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Yakinthou, Christalla. "Between Scylla and Charybdis : Cyprus and the problem of engineering political settlements for divided societies". University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0113.
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Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.
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Van, Wye Kalynn Hicks. "Culture Interrupted: Assessing the Effects of the Shining Path Internal Armed Conflict in the Peruvian Highlands". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500169/.
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This study was a qualitative examination of social, economic, political, and cultural dilemmas that face Peruvian survivors of the Communist Shining Path Revolution, an internal armed conflict that cut a swath of terror and destruction during the years 1980-2000, with a reported loss of 69,000 residents either killed or considered “disappeared.” The conflict affected primarily poor, uneducated Andean campesinos and townspeople in the highland areas of the Ayacucho District. In this study, I looked closely at the responsibilities of both government and NGOs in the facilitation of readjustment during and after times of instability. In addition, specific challenges the elderly, women and campesinos face in a post-conflict world are analyzed and possible social policies are discerned that might be developed to better implement the transition to a new form of community. Ideas that emerged from this research may assist policy shapers in other less developed countries involved in similar conflicts by examining how Peru dealt with its own issues. Methodology included participant observation and interviews with long-term Ayacuchan residents who stayed-in-place during war time, along with migrants who went to live in shantytowns in more urban areas. The government-mandated Truth and Reconciliation Commission report serves as a framework as it outlined those ultimately deemed responsible and detailed what those affected may expect in the way of appropriate reparations and compensation in the future. Much emphasis is given to the emerging role of women and how ensuing shifts of gender specific cultural roles may affect familial and communal bonds in small-scale societies.