Kliknij ten link, aby zobaczyć inne rodzaje publikacji na ten temat: Cuban Revolution.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Cuban Revolution”
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 50 najlepszych rozpraw doktorskich naukowych na temat „Cuban Revolution”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj rozprawy doktorskie z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
1
Kayal, Sultan. "Revolution and rationalism : Cuban economic development since the revolution /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ark235.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródła
2
Villaça, Mariana Martins. "O Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC) e a política cultural em Cuba (1959-1991)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-06112006-174750/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Neste trabalho analisamos a história do Instituto Cubano del Arte e Indústria Cinematográficos, primeiro organismo cultural criado após a Revolução cubana, e seu papel na política cultural, entre 1959 e 1991. Por meio da análise de documentos da política cultural, da revista Cine Cubano, além de depoimentos, críticas e alguns filmes que repercutiram especialmente os dilemas e questionamentos dos intelectuais cubanos, abordamos as tensões entre a política cultural oficial, o ICAIC e os projetos dos cineastas. Esse Instituto, pelo qual circularam muitos cineastas latino-americanos e europeus, foi palco de debates, disputas políticas e diversas polêmicas envolvendo filmes e tendências estéticas, como o realismo socialista e a nouvelle vague. Nossa tese é de que o ICAIC, pode ser considerado uma instituição privilegiada no meio cultural cubano, pois consolidou uma autonomia relativa em relação aos mecanismos de controle governamentais, por meio da ação dos cineastas e da mediação da direção do Instituto. Esta autonomia foi abalada, em diversos momentos, em função de fatores como a reestruturação do Estado, os fracassos econômicos e o acirramento do autoritarismo em Cuba, principalmente a partir dos anos 70. Ainda assim, o Instituto se readaptou às demandas políticas governamentais num jogo político de adesão e resistência à política cultural oficial, que tornou possível a produção de vários filmes ambíguos e críticos ao regime, ao longo desse período.<br>This work analyzes the history of the Cuban Institute for Art and Film Production (ICAIC) ? the first cultural organization created after the Cuban Revolution ? and its role in cultural policy between 1959 and 1991. Through the analysis of documents on cultural policy, the magazine Cine Cubano, in addition to testimonies, critiques and a set of films specifically relevant to the issues and dilemmas of Cuban intellectuals, the thesis delves into the tensions between official cultural policy, the ICAIC, and film makers? projects. Various Latin American and European film makers were involved with the institute, and it served as a forum for debate, political discussions and varied polemics related to film and aesthetic tendencies, including Socialist Realism and New Wave. The thesis proposes that ICAIC constituted a privileged institution in the Cuban cultural environment because ? through the action of film makers and the mediation of the Institute?s leadership ? it attained relative autonomy with respect to mechanisms of government control. This autonomy was unsettled, at different points, by factors such as state restructuring, economic failure and the entrenchment of authoritarianism in Cuba, especially from the 1970s onward. Still, the institute adapted to the demands of government policy through a political dynamic that alternated adhesion and resistance to official cultural policy, making possible the production of various films that were ambiguous and critical of the regime during that period.
3
Becker, Elizabeth Claire. "From Cuba to Ybor City: Race, Revolution, Nationalism and Afro-Cuban Identity." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1364315042.
Pełny tekst źródła
4
Cushion, Stephen. "Organised labour and the Cuban revolution, 1952-1959." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2013. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/4901/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The standard historiography sees the working class as a passive bystander in the insurrectionary phase of the Cuban revolution, assuming that the real struggle was conducted by a rural guerrilla army. However, an examination of the archival evidence contradicts this view and shows that workers played a much more active role in the defeat of the Batista regime than they are normally given credit for. At the start of the 1950s, Cuba was suffering a crisis in profitability as the world price of sugar declined. This led the employers to conduct a productivity drive backed by the full repressive force of the Cuban state. Going on strike in a dictatorship is a life or death decision and workers need to feel some confidence in their chances of survival and in the possibility of successfully gaining a result that would be in their political and economic interests. Thus, following the defeat of a wave of militantly organised strikes in 1955, significant numbers of working class militants felt of the need for armed support to enable them defend their wages and conditions. Starting from the city of Guantánamo and spreading to cover most of the island, these activists constructed an impressive, clandestine, working class organisation in alliance with the rebel army which, after several failed attempts, proved capable of calling a successful general strike in January 1959. This strike was crucial to the rebel victory. This thesis, based on primary source material found in archives and private collections in Havana, Manzanillo, Guantánamo and Santiago de Cuba, will re-examine working class participation in the Cuban insurrection of the 1950s, concentrating on organised labour rather than the role of individual citizens.
5
Dellenback, Richard. "Oregon's Cuban-American community : from revolution to assimilation." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4046.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The adjustment and assimilation achieved by Cuban-Americans who arrived in Oregon during the 1960s was notable for its rapidity. Little contact existed between the state and the island prior to the resettlement efforts begun by the Charities Division of the Portland Catholic Archdiocese, where a group of concerned administrators meshed their activities with a nation-wide program created and encouraged by the united States government and private agencies.
6
Ayorinde, Christine Renata. "Afro-Cuban religiosity, revolution and national identity (cubanidad/cubania)." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368423.
Pełny tekst źródła
7
Bannah, Maxwell Joseph. "A cause for animation : Harry Reade and Cuban revolution." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16452/1/Max_Bannah_Thesis.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This monographic study examines the life of the Australian artist Harry Reade (1927-1998), and his largely overlooked contribution to animation within historical, social, political and cultural contexts of his time.
The project constitutes a biography of Reade, tracing his life from his birth in 1927 through to his period of involvement with animation between 1956 and 1969. The biography examines the forces that shaped Reade and the ways in which he tried to shape his world through the medium of animation. It chronicles his experiences as a child living in impoverished conditions during the Great Depression, his early working life, the influence of left wing ideology on his creative development, and his contribution to animation with the Waterside Workers' Federation Film Unit, in Sydney. The study especially focuses on the period between 1961 and 1969 during which Reade supported the Cuban Revolution's social and cultural reform process by writing and directing animated films at the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (Cuban Institute of the Art and Industry of Cinema - ICAIC), in Havana.
The thesis argues that Reade played a significant role in the development of Cuban animation during the early years of the Cuban Revolution. Further, his animated work in this cultural sphere was informed by a network of political alliances and social philosophies that were directly linked to his experiences and creative development in Australia.
Theoretical approaches to biographical method and animation studies have been used to provide a cohesive framework for an investigation of Reade's life and animation work. The thesis also draws on Reade's autobiography and his animated works, oral histories, newspaper articles, press cartoons, illustrations, photographs, and official government archival documents. This project also has an archival purpose in collecting and compiling Reade's animation work onto CD.
8
Bannah, Maxwell Joseph. "A cause for animation : Harry Reade and Cuban revolution." Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16452/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This monographic study examines the life of the Australian artist Harry Reade (1927-1998), and his largely overlooked contribution to animation within historical, social, political and cultural contexts of his time. The project constitutes a biography of Reade, tracing his life from his birth in 1927 through to his period of involvement with animation between 1956 and 1969. The biography examines the forces that shaped Reade and the ways in which he tried to shape his world through the medium of animation. It chronicles his experiences as a child living in impoverished conditions during the Great Depression, his early working life, the influence of left wing ideology on his creative development, and his contribution to animation with the Waterside Workers' Federation Film Unit, in Sydney. The study especially focuses on the period between 1961 and 1969 during which Reade supported the Cuban Revolution's social and cultural reform process by writing and directing animated films at the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (Cuban Institute of the Art and Industry of Cinema - ICAIC), in Havana. The thesis argues that Reade played a significant role in the development of Cuban animation during the early years of the Cuban Revolution. Further, his animated work in this cultural sphere was informed by a network of political alliances and social philosophies that were directly linked to his experiences and creative development in Australia. Theoretical approaches to biographical method and animation studies have been used to provide a cohesive framework for an investigation of Reade's life and animation work. The thesis also draws on Reade's autobiography and his animated works, oral histories, newspaper articles, press cartoons, illustrations, photographs, and official government archival documents. This project also has an archival purpose in collecting and compiling Reade's animation work onto CD.
9
Brown, Alan. "Using social constructionism, narrative therapy, bibliography, and social psychology in an examination of the Cuban people's polarized aesthetic and historiographical responses to the Cuban revolution." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2010. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=165715.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Social constructionists argue that through narrative human beings create the realities that they subsequently inhabit. Since Cuba first gained its independence, the nation has been beset by a series of historiographical battles in which various political actors have vied for hegemony over Cuba’s past. If the conflicts that occurred in the first half of the twentieth century revolved around attempts by disparate competing factions to confer legitimacy on their respective ideological projects by successfully appropriating the figure of José Marti, then the last fifty years have been characterised by struggles between revolutionary hagiographers and anticommunist revisionists over the true natures of the Batista regime, its Castroite replacement, as well as of the figures of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara. This dissertation examines Cuba’s post-Batista linguistic conflict with itself through the lens of social psychology as well as by employing the closely related disciplines of social constructionism, narrative therapy, and bibliotherapy in an attempt to understand what effects the various discourses have had on the nation. After initially teasing out the relationship between draconian censorship and the emergence of an aesthetics of misanthropy, I proceed to illustrate how the works of certain Cuban mystery novelists in the 1990s highlight the need for historiographical reconciliation by gesturing towards the plethora of historical ambiguities that problematised national reconciliation. The fourth and fifth chapters investigate how these narratological contestations play out with respect to the figures of Castro and Guevara. I use narrative mediation to illustrate how, in order for internecine divisions to be eradicated, a more objective biographical approach to these individuals – and one which transcends Manicheanism – is required. The concluding chapter focuses on how a redemptive literary aesthetics has been marshalled to lift Cuba out of its ontological abyss.
10
Blaufuss, Kathrin. "Greening : the revolution revisited : farmers, NGOs and the Cuban state." Thesis, Durham University, 2006. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2737/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In this thesis I revisit the acclaimed transformation towards organic agriculture in Cuba. Using Lefebvre's trialectics of space, I explore how dominant representations of Organic' agricultural space in Cuba, the so-called 'Greening of the Revolution’, was created through government institutions and public policy. I further investigate the locally lived gendered realities of farmers in a selected cooperative. I argue that the prevailing imaginary of a state-led nationwide transformation needs to be deconstructed and the role of NGOs, in particular Northern NGOs, to be fully acknowledged in the creation of 'organic' agriculture in Cuba. Northern NGOs were attracted by the romanticist environmental imagery of Cuba’s green agriculture. เท securing funding from donors, they have framed agr๐-ecology in Cuba according to their own understandings as well as needs of 'logframes', budget codes and project cycles. Northern NGOs are acting as transmission belts for Western understandings of NGO characteristics and agency. This has resulted in a re-shaping and positioning of Cuban NGO identity, creating new dependencies and tensions in the process and introducing fashionable themes, such as gender. 'Gender mainstreaming' is an outsider-driven process, as donors and Northern NGOs have requested the integration of gender into projects. Their practices neither go beyond the 'incorporation of women in the workforce', nor engage sufficiently with the gendered realities of the everyday, as I show in my case-study in a cooperative. Farmers are performing, negotiating or at times resisting the dominant 'representations of space' - i.e. the state, regulations and policies, but also - increasingly - NGO discourses and agendas/frameworks. This thesis employs empirical data collected during 10-months of research in Cuba.
11
Bellis, D. J. J. "Castro and the muses : the Cuban revolution and colloquial poetry." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2010. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/20203/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
It is argued in this thesis that the colloquial poetry which came to be the dominant poetic form after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution had been largely developed before 1959 and drew on the twin influences of poetry written in the Anglo-Saxon countries and developments from within Spanish-American poetry itself, developments which, before the advent of Nicanor Parra, reached their most mature form in the Spanish Civil War verse of César Vallejo. It will also be argued that, despite its political engagement with the Communist Bloc, there was little in the way of poetic influence on poets associated with the Cuban Revolution from Communist Bloc writers, the main exception to this being Bertolt Brecht. Soviet and Chinese pronouncements on literature are compared with those of the leadership of the Cuban Revolution, a comparison which reflects favourably on the Cubans, whilst not ignoring the shortcomings of Cuban attitudes towards literary freedom. The history of political poetry within Spanish America demonstrates that there were many local antecedents which the colloquial poets could add to what little they took from the Communist Bloc. The way that political viewpoints manifested themselves in the colloquial poetry examined is given consideration, as this helps demonstrate the appropriateness of colloquialism to the politically-charged period after 1959, as does the extent to which a poet might have succeeded in getting his message across in a poem. That colloquialism was not imposed by the Cuban authorities is shown by the fact that poetry written in other styles was published during the period in question; that non-Cuban writers also chose to write colloquial verse; and that writers opposed to the Revolution, notably Heberto Padilla and Reinaldo Arenas, also used colloquialism to convey their message.
12
Bayala, Charlotte A. "Cuban refugees in Atlanta, 1950-1980." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07242006-160352/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.<br>Title from title screen. Clifford Mathew Kuhn, committee chair; Christine Skwiot, committee member. Electronic text (87 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 18, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-87).
13
Gordon-Nesbitt, Rebecca. "To defend the Revolution is to defend culture : the cultural policy of the 1959 Cuban Revolution." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2012. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=16826.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This study examines the centrality of culture to the 1959 Cuban Revolution, which led to a creative vocation being supported by the revolutionary government, with artists, architects, writers and fi lmmakers being welcomed back from exile and their work redefi ned as part of the production that would be essential to transforming society. Tracing the formal evolution of policy by the Consejo Nacional de Cultura (CNC), from 1961 onwards, this research outlines the priorities that led tens of thousands of art teachers to train at special schools and disseminate their newly learnt creative skills to a large proportion of the population. It also follows the dark shadow of socialist realism that threatened to impose itself upon aesthetic discussions. In the process, it exposes the sectarianism that was perpetuated by certain defi ned factions, congealing into a stifl ing dogmatism that was only overcome when the CNC was disbanded in favour of a Ministry of Culture in 1976. At the same time, departing from popular top-down conceptions of Cuban policy-formation, this account prioritises the contribution of artists and writers to emerging ideas. In examining congresses and confl uences from the 1950s onwards, it establishes the close involvement of the country’s creative intellectuals in the defi ning the parameters that would infl uence their praxis. The specifi c role that was adopted by, and advocated for, creative producers, is also examined, from the consolidation of national culture to a critique of the same. Overall, this thesis is framed as a counterpoint to the cultural policy that has been developed under neoliberalism, giving primacy to emancipatory understandings of cultural appreciation and participation. In isolating the main tenets of Marxist-humanist cultural policy, as evinced in postrevolutionary Cuba, this forms the basis of a consideration of the value of art in terms that go beyond those of the marketplace.
14
Shaffer, Alysia Leigh. "What Women Want: Emancipation, Cuban Women, and the New Man Ideology." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1503624189817034.
Pełny tekst źródła
15
McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
Pełny tekst źródła
16
Moya, Fabregas Johanna Inés. "The reconfiguration of gender identities in the Cuban revolution, 1953-1975." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3358935.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2009.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Feb. 8, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-05, Section: A, page: 1756. Adviser: Arlene Diaz.
17
Morales, Gabriela. "Progress and Revolution: Health Ideologies Among Cuban Doctors Working in Bolivia." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/146611.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The purpose of the study is to examine the health ideologies of Cuban doctors working
on volunteer missions in Bolivia. The Cuban government has been sending medical humanitarian aid to countries in need since the 1960's, and Cuban doctors have been providing free medical care in Bolivia since March 2006. In addition to establishing "sanitary posts" in rural areas that otherwise would have little access to care, the Cuban medical brigade has worked in Bolivian hospitals and clinics, instituted several ophthalmology centers, and funded Bolivian students to study medicine in Cuba. I interviewed Cuban doctors working in a variety of medical settings around La Paz, El Alto, and Caranavi. My research revealed that Cuban doctors frame their health work in terms of progress and social revolution. They describe their work in Bolivia as a way to uphold the ideals of the Cuban revolution by expressing solidarity with the poor and spreading social equality. They see their mission not only as providing free healthcare, but also as transforming health practices in Bolivia. Through education campaigns, they seek to raise awareness about health issues and thereby change what they see as the poor "health culture" of Bolivians. For the Cuban doctors, health education goes hand in hand with free health care as a means to bring progress and equality to Bolivians.
18
Frade, Zeila M. "Children's Literature, Ideology, and Cultural Identity Before and After the Cuban Revolution." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1831.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Mediante de un acercamiento cronológico, esta disertación analiza la función de la ideología como herramienta poderosa para construir la nación y moldear al futuro ciudadano en la narrativa infantil cubana pre y pos-revolucionaria. Aunque una tradición y un proceso de formación de identidad nacional anteceden la literatura infantil publicada antes del triunfo de la Revolución, en los períodos posteriores existe una estrecha relación entre el contexto social de los textos y su función ideológica. Partiendo de “La Edad de Oro” (1889) de José Martí, este estudio se enfoca en los cambios socio-culturales que influyen en el desarrollo de una narrativa infantil nacional que transita del didacticismo más férreo a una variada exploración temática. Por encontrarse entre la Colonia y la etapa revolucionaria, el período republicano ha recibido poca atención crítica, marginado a veces de la herencia literaria de la nación. Sin embargo, el análisis de varios textos representativos en este período permite apreciar la integración de un pensamiento cubano desde búsquedas y posiciones muy diferentes a las del período siguiente, de 1959 a 1989. A partir de 1990 una diversificación temática fomenta objetivos muy distantes del enunciado didáctico.
Este estudio concluye que en contraste con los pertenecientes a generaciones anteriores, en los escritores formados dentro de la Revolución, especialmente a partir de la década del ochenta, existe un interés especial por abordar temáticas inexploradas en la literatura infantil tradicional. El divorcio, la muerte, los conflictos generacionales y las diferencias raciales son sólo algunos de los temas que matizan la narrativa infantil posrevolucionaria, cuyos presupuestos ideo-estéticos, se encuentran intrínsecamente relacionados al contexto sociocultural.
19
Bush-Howard, Harold. "Coming to terms with Castro : Britain and the Cuban Revolution 1958-1965." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267871.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis aims to examine and interpret Britain's relations with Communist Cuba, Britain's attitude towards the Castro regime, and Britain's perception of the role Castro played in the Cold War between 1958 and 1965. In broader terms, it attempts to set British policy towards Cuba in the context of Anglo-American relations, and British opinion on how to deal with Cold War issues and how to contain Soviet expansion into the Third World. Although Castro made strenuous efforts to improve Anglo-Cuban relations, these were not devoid of friction. After 1960, in the context of US anti-Castro attitude, relations between Havana and London remained lukewarm but firm. Following the US embargo in 1961, Castro needed Western European diplomatic and economic connections both as a security against Soviet shortfalls, and as a means of countering Soviet dominance. While America remained hostile to Castro, Britain adopted a conciliatory attitude and wanted to establish a working relationship with the Cuban leader. This situation developed as Cuba strengthened her link with the Soviet Bloc. This was because Britain began to regard US Cuban policy as exacerbating East-West tension, and because London gave Cuba's Communist regime the same treatment granted to the Sino-Soviet Bloc. The British considered that US policy allowed Cuba to slip into the Soviet camp, and that it denied the West the opportunity to regain its lost influence in Cuba. London felt confident that the West still had a chance for influence in Cuba because-particularly after the Cuban Missile Crisis-Castro wanted improved relations with Western Europe, and had shown signs of being unhappy with the Soviet arrangement. The British held hopes that Castro could become a Latin American Tito. For the British, therefore, US policy appeared counterproductive and short-sighted. Disagreement between London and Washington surfaced as early as 1959, but policy conflict only became serious in 1964-as a result of Britain granting export credit to Cuba following an improvement of Cuba's balance of payments situation. This occurred at a time when Washington was celebrating the economic dislocation its embargo was having upon Cuba. Both London and Washington, however, succeeded in suppressing their quarrel, although British trading policy towards Cuba continued to be subject to market conditions, and diplomatic relations continued much as they always had been. A detailed examination is made of the reasons why Britain was interested in a working relationship with Castro. This interest came about as the result of domestic issues, of British opinion on how to deal with nationalist leaders in a Cold War context, and of the nature of Anglo-Cuban and Anglo-American relations. The main value of this dissertation, apart from its intrinsic value, is the attempt to fill a serious gap in the literature on Cuban- European connections following Castro's nationalist-turned-Communist revolution in 1959.
20
Bordelon, Jessica M. "In an Unending Desert of Cement and Skyscrapers: Lydia Cabrera, Revolutionary Cuba and Transnational Exile, 1960-1962." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2366.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis explores how the Cuban writer and anthropologist, Lydia Cabrera, experienced exile following the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Cabrera’s personal letters and photos show that she endured a nontypical exile experience. Instead, Cabrera is an example of a transnational exile, because throughout her life she remained both professionally and personally connected to people in multiple locations. Although discussion regarding the Cuban Revolution describes its transnational scope, for Cabrera and similar transnational figures, the events of 1959 meant a disruption to their longstanding international networks. In this way, this thesis will present evidence of Cabrera’s transnational connections and her response to disruption of these networks from 1960 – 1962. Key sources for this thesis can be found in the archival holdings at the University of Miami’s Cuban Historical Collection in Coral Gables, FL.
21
Favatto, Jr Barthon. "Entre o doce e o amargo : cultura e revolução em Cuba nas memórias literárias de dois intelectuais exilados, Carlos Franqui e Guillermo Cabrera Infante (1951-1968) /." Assis : [s.n.], 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93336.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Orientador: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa<br>Banca: José Luis Beired<br>Banca: Sílvia Cezar Miskulin<br>Resumo: Entre o doce e o amargo, a cultura e a política, a revolução e o exílio, descortina-se a frágil e quase imperceptível fronteira das representações impressas nos livros de memórias de Carlos Franqui e Guillermo Cabrera Infante, que situam e definem contornos aos itinerários culturais e políticos desses dois intelectuais de esquerda dentro da Revolução Cubana. Amigos de longa data, desde tenra juventude em Habana Vieja, o jornalista Carlos Franqui e o renomado escritor Guillermo Cabrera Infante não somente apresentaram participações ativas dentro do processo revolucionário cubano como também, alguns anos depois, dele se tornaram dissidentes e ácidos críticos. Nesta pesquisa, utilizamos as autobiografias produzidas pelos dois autores a fim de compreender os meandros que os levaram do engajamento à dissidência, mapeando as nuances de uma página recente da história cultural de Cuba: o exílio levado a cabo pela intelectualidade cubana de esquerda em relação ao regime de Fidel Castro<br>Abstract: Between the sweet and the bitter, the culture and the politics, the revolution and the exile, opens up the fragile and almost imperceptible boundary representations of the captured memoirs of Carlos Franqui and Guillermo Cabrera Infante who place contours and define the cultural and political routes of these two left-wing intellectuals in the Cuban Revolution. Longtime friends from early youth in Habana Vieja, the journalist Carlos Franqui and the writer Guillermo Cabrera Infante had not only active participation in the Cuban revolutionary process as well as a few years later became its dissidents and critics acids. In this research, we used the autobiographies produced by the two authors in order to understand the intricacies leaving them from the commitment to the dissent, mapping the nuances of a page's recent cultural history of Cuba: the exile carried out by Cuban intellectuals of the left against the Castro regime<br>Mestre
22
Loiacano, Catherine Lynn. "Casualties of a Radicalizing Cuban Revolution: Middle-Class Opposition and Exile, 1961-1968." NCSU, 2010. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03262010-104219/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This study explores the major factors contributing to the exodus of the Cuban middle class from 1961 to 1968. For the purpose of this study, the heterogeneous middle class is broken up into middle-class students, professionals, and businessmen. Each of these groups had slightly different values and motivations, yet large percentages of each left Cuba as the revolution radicalized, changing economic, political and social life for all Cubans. In explaining this phenomenon, this paper follows the relationship between Cuba and the United States, focusing particularly on the conflictive dialogue that emerged between Fidel Castro and the US presidents of the 1960âs. In addition, the role of each government in facilitating the exodus must be considered, necessitating attention to US special treatment toward Cuban immigrants. Ultimately, this study asserts that various radicalizations in revolutionary Cuba from the declaration of socialism in April 1961 to the final revolutionary offensive of 1968 pushed the middle class to the United States. Unlike the middles classes of 1940s Costa Rica and Guatemala, they chose to leave in order to retain their standard of living rather than to sacrifice in order for the lower classes to benefit.
23
Ramos, Guzman Arnaldo I. "Far away from the revolution: understanding the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces mission changes." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10678.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Over five decades have passed since the triumph of Fidel Castro's guerrilla army in the revolution that removed Cuba's dictator Fulgencio Batista. Since then, the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias, FAR) - with roots in the revolutionary movement - has redefined its role and missions several times up to the current regime. This thesis explores how the FAR has adapted to mission changes from the end of the revolution to the post-Cold War period (1959-Present) while remaining loyal to the revolution. The FAR's commitment to the state and subordination to political leaders is particularly interesting now with its most recent mission shift into entrepreneurship. This thesis, finally, seeks to analyze the extent of political influence the FAR has exercised and explore potential linkages between shifts in political power and mission change. First, the thesis will chronologically explore the development and progression of the FAR as an institutional actor, paying particular attention to the militarization of the Cuban economy. Second, the implications of all these changes are placed in context by exploring the FAR's power dynamics with other political institutions. Lastly, it will assess the importance of the domestic dimension of the FAR and the contributions to the Cuban economy against the relevance of the Cuban Communist Party (PCC).
24
Gainsbury, Sally. "The 'great debate' as the fulcrum of competing narratives of the Cuban revolution." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.425760.
Pełny tekst źródła
25
Cordeiro, Ítalo Rodrigo Xavier [UNESP]. "A cultura política da revolução latino-americana na década de 1960: Régis Debray e o foquismo." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93190.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2010-09-30Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:54:39Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
cordeiro_irx_me_fran.pdf: 527225 bytes, checksum: 1668b35277623df0596f0d206091b235 (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>No presente trabalho buscamos investigar os fundamentos da elaboração, desenvolvimento e repercussão da ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖ produzida pelo intelectual francês Régis Debray, especialmente a partir da análise do seu livro Revolução na Revolução, publicado em 1967. As formulações de Debray, inspiradas na revolução cubana de 1959, marcaram profundamente a cultura política da esquerda latino-americana a partir da década de 1960. Suas teses influenciaram a esquerda radicalizada regional, que adotou a luta armada como única alternativa para realização e consolidação do projeto revolucionário no continente. Régis Debray envolveu-se com a revolução cubana mais do que qualquer outro intelectual da esquerda ocidental, transformando-se em um dos seus principais ideólogos. A partir de sua experiência com os cubanos, Debray criaria a teoria do ―foco‖, e essa cumpriu, especialmente na década de 1960, o papel de uma ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖, tendo a revolução cubana como paradigma<br>In the present work, we aim at investigating the foundations of the elaboration, development and repercussion of the ―Latin American revolution theory‖, put forth by the French intellectual Régis Debray, from the analysis of his book Revolução na revolução, published in 1967, in particular. Debray's formulations, having taken inspiration in the 1959 Cuban revolution, deeply influenced the political culture of the Latin American left wing from the 1960's onward. His theses influenced the regional radicalized left wing, who adopted armed struggle as the only alternative to the realization and consolidation of the continent's revolutionary project. Régis Debray got more involved with the Cuban Revolution than any other Western left-winged intellectual, becoming one of its main ideologists. From his experience with the Cubans, Debray would create the ―foco‖ theory, which had, particularly in the 1960's, the vole of a ―Latin American revolution theory‖, having the Cuban revolution as its paradigm
26
Hidalgo, Ángel L. "El Pensamiento de José Martí tergiversado como Ideología Política y de Lucha por la Revolución Cubana." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc103328/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The political ideologies that Martí envisioned of an America free from the inherited yoke of European ideals were taken by Fidel Castro as an anti-imperialist discourse. Therefore, Marti’s political vision on the power that the United States began to carry out at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century was an excellent strategy to establish the anti-imperialist character of the Cuban revolution. Since 1961, Castro set Martí as the face of his Marxist-Leninist ideology to institute his anti-American philosophy; Castro created a myth of Marti’s persona, and converted him into the bastion of his political ideology. As a result, Castro distorted the revolutionary ideas of Marti’s. Castro proposed his ideas out of context and portrayed the incorrect idea of this great thinker and poet. Martí’s human ethic and love for the independence of Cuba placed Martí as a liberator of revolutionary and progressive ideas of his generation. Martí was not thought as a dictator and never was a man who lacked democratic values. The expressed analytical assimilation of Martí on his sociopolitical and economic juncture that was presented in America and Cuba was used to trace the political anti-imperialist propaganda by the dictatorial regime lead by Castro. This thesis will emphasize the persona of Jose Martí as a revolutionary, visionary and educator of his generation, then it will present the incorrect interpretation of Marti’s ideology by Fidel Castro, as an ideal to embark his revolution. Finally, the differences of his ideas in contrast to the political and social ideology of the Cuban revolution will be explained.
27
Ikeda, James Chiyoki. ""Black is a Country"| The Impact of the Cuban Revolution on American Black Radical Solidarities." Thesis, Tufts University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10276727.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
<p> This Master’s thesis looks at the solidarities of black radicals in the mid-20<sup>th</sup> century and traces how they evolved in contact with the Cuban Revolution. I argue that the Cuban Revolution refracted and altered existing threads of black radical solidarity by acting as a discursive site for theorizing and debating the tactics and ideology of black freedom. This resulted in the strengthening of black American Third World identity, the proliferation of a colonial understanding of the black condition, and the development of competing forms of black nationalism. This thesis positions the Cuban Revolution as a definitive moment in black radical intellectual history which did not necessarily originate any of the major threads of black radical solidarity, but which had a profound impact on the ways that the animating ideas of mid-20<sup>th</sup> century black radicalism were theorized and expressed from the 1960s through the 1970s and beyond.</p><p>
28
Santos, de Lima Edinaldo Aparecido. "Preparar, apontar, foto! : A construção da imagem fotográfica dos camponeses cubanos nos periódicos Revolución e Campo de Revolución (1959-1961) /." Assis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/158300.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Orientador: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa<br>Banca: Charles Monteiro<br>Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired<br>Resumo: Gestado nas matas da Sierra Maestra, em meio aos conflitos entre rebeldes e a ditadura de Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), o jornal Revolución dirigido por Carlos Franqui cumpria o papel de divulgar as conquistas e os ideais dos insurgentes. Com o triunfo da Revolução em 1959, o periódico deixou a clandestinidade e tornou-se um influente veículo de informação do período. Nele trabalharam vários profissionais entre os quais, fotógrafos cujos frutos de suas produções cooperaram na eternização da Revolução como um dos eventos significativos do século XX. Depois dessa virada histórica, os holofotes dos principais meios de comunicação do mundo passaram a dedicar maior atenção aos passos que seriam dados por aquele país. Logo nos primeiros meses, o jovem governo revolucionário encetou uma série de reformas em vários âmbitos da sociedade, sobretudo em regiões rurais onde predominaram durante décadas a pobreza e a ausência de serviços básicos como educação e saúde. Diante das lentes dos fotógrafos de Revolución, os camponeses cubanos passaram a ter suas condições de vida e seus rostos propagados por toda a Ilha, ao passo em que um imaginário sobre si era construído no intuito de sensibilizar, conscientizar e mobilizar a sociedade, principalmente dos centros urbanos, a participarem do processo de mudanças sociopolíticas do país. Porém, os resultados obtidos a partir da meticulosa análise quantitativa e qualitativa do montante de fotografias presentes tanto no jornal quanto no seu suplemento Campo de Revolución, organizadas e catalogadas mostraram que a moldagem desse imaginário não fora unívoca ou rígida, pois a realidade histórica vivida intensamente pelos cubanos nos primeiros três anos tornou-a flexível. Além disso, a metodologia empregada na análise das fotografias permitiu-nos discutir outros assuntos inerentes ao universo rural cubano<br>Abstract: Raised in the forests of the Sierra Maestra, amid conflicts between rebels and the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), the newspaper Revolución led by Carlos Franqui played the role of publicizing the achievements and ideals of the insurgents. With the triumph of the Revolution in 1959, the newspaper left the clandestine and became an influential vehicle of information of the period. In it worked several professionals among whom, photographers whose fruits of their productions cooperated in the eternalization of the Revolution like one of the significant events of century XX. After this historic turnaround, the spotlight of the world's mainstream media began to pay more attention to the steps that would be taken by that country. In the early months, the young revolutionary government embarked on a series of reforms in various areas of society, particularly in rural areas where poverty and lack of basic services such as education and health prevailed for decades. Faced with the lenses of the photographers of Revolución, the Cuban peasants began to have their living conditions and their faces propagated throughout the Island, while an imaginary about themselves was built in order to raise awareness, raise awareness and mobilize society, especially the urban centers to participate in the process of socio-political changes in the country. However, the results obtained from the meticulous quantitative and qualitative analysis of the amount of photographs present in both the newspaper and its Campo de Revolución supplement, organized and cataloged, showed that the molding of this imagery was not unequivocal or rigid, since the historical reality lived intensely by Cubans in the first three years made it flexible. In addition, the methodology used in the analysis of the photographs allowed us to discuss other subjects inherent to the Cuban rural universe<br>Mestre
29
Ingham, Jill. "The function of physical space in the Cuban novel of the 1950s." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/17612.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Long overshadowed by the subsequent 1960s ‘Boom’, Cuban novels of the 1950s have been confined to the backwater of literary analysis, often grouped together and dismissed as mere social realism like their Spanish counterparts, or described as inferior. The spatial has been similarly overlooked in literary analysis in favour of a focus on stylistic experimentation, narrative structure, characterisation and the temporal. More recently, however, theorists such as Mitchell (1980) and (1989), and Wegner (2002), have argued that literature has become increasingly spatial, and that a greater focus on spatial analysis is needed. Furthermore, conceptions of space in literature have moved from the static notion of ‘setting’ and identification within a specific location and time, to embrace the function of actual physical spaces, whether exterior or interior, public or private, embedded or liminal, juxtaposed, dynamic, static or fluid. One Cuban novel of the 1950s has already been discussed from a spatial perspective - El acoso (1956) by Alejo Carpentier. Using the two previous studies on spatiality in this novel as a starting point (Stanton [1993] and Vásquez [1996]), this analysis expands on the conclusions made by these studies, stressing the importance of water imagery, and demonstrating that spaces in El acoso are essentially dynamic and female-gendered, arguing that the crisis experienced by the acosado is actually one of masculine identity. Building on the expanded analysis of space in El acoso, three lesser-known Cuban novels of the 1950s are then considered from the perspective of space: Los Valedontes (1953) by Alcides Iznaga, Romelia Vargas (1952) by Surama Ferrer, and La trampa (1956) by Enrique Serpa. The socio-economic, political and cultural backcloth for the novels is set out, before an investigation into theories of space, both literary and non-literary, is conducted. Spaces in Los Valedontes reveal that in the rural domain, sexual identities are stable with conventional masculine hegemony virtually uncontested. Spaces in Romelia Vargas demonstrate that in the urban domain, female sexual identity, albeit historically suppressed, triumphs over the traditionally dominant male norm, whilst a study of spaces in La trampa demonstrates that not only are gangsters, policemen and homosexuals shown to occupy particularly challenged positions, but also that constructions of mainstream Cuban masculinity are under threat. The conclusion compares the function of spaces across all four novels, adding new insights into existing theories of literary space where appropriate. This thesis, therefore, tests the hypothesis that the manipulation of space in these novels constitutes material worthy of study, showing that spaces are dynamic and challenging when female-gendered, and constituting a threat to the hegemony exerted by traditional models of masculinity. Spaces in these novels demonstrate how the early part of the 1950s was a period in which an unpredictable array of contested positions was exposed through cultural, racial, gender and sexual stereotypes, leaving conventional norms of identity open to question.
30
Clayfield, Anna. "An unfinished struggle? : the guerrilla experience and the shaping of political culture in the Cuban Revolution." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2013. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/29684/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the years that immediately followed the victory of the rebel forces in 1959, the new leaders of the Cuban Revolution seemed to approach the task of revolutionary governance as a continuation of the guerrilla campaign in the sierra. The leadership's empirical management of the Revolution in power betrayed its guerrilla roots, and resulted in an inchoate political system headed by charismatic guerrilleros. By the end of the first decade, however, it seemed that the Revolution's guerrilla past had been all but forgotten, as it established closer ties with the Soviet Union and subsequently underwent a process of 'institutionalisation'. Since that time, many Western scholars of Cuba have commented on the increased role of the military in the revolutionary leadership, and in other aspects of the Revolution which would normally be considered to be beyond the remit of most armed forces. These scholars have concluded that the pervasive presence of the military is evidence of the 'militarisation' of the Cuban Revolution. This thesis calls into question this notion of a 'militarised' Revolution by arguing that such a perspective overlooks the guerrilla origins of both the Cuban armed forces and the Revolution more broadly, in addition to the signs and symbols that point to an on-going legacy of these origins in revolutionary Cuba. Using evidence derived from an analysis of the hegemonic discourse of the Revolution at different stages in its trajectory, this study demonstrates that the lived experience of guerrilla warfare has shaped the beliefs and values that have underpinned the Revolution since 1959. Together, these beliefs and values comprise a unique political culture in which the figure of the guerrillero is revered, and in which the guerrilla campaigns of the Cuban historical narrative are presented as unfinished struggles. The thesis argues that the active cultivation of this political culture has contributed to legitimising the long-standing presence of former guerrilleros in the revolutionary leadership, and has helped to gamer the support of civilians for the revolutionary project. In addition to challenging the idea of a 'militarised' Revolution, this study also undermines the widely accepted notion that the Revolution was thoroughly 'Sovietised' during its second decade. An examination of the hegemonic discourse of the 1970s reveals that, while the Revolution transformed structurally during those years, the guerrilla ethos which had buttressed the revolutionary project in the 1960s remained unchanged.
31
Artaraz, Kepa. "The Cuban Revolution and the European New Left in the 1960s : a study of intellectual cross-fertilisation." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370004.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Current studies on the intellectual exchanges between the West and the Third World have tended to focus either on the phenomenon of the birth of the Third World in the post-War period or have concentrated instead on a political reading of these exchanges. The first group of studies has seen the emergence of the Third World in a manner that is unconnected to its political significance. The second group has been characterised by arguments that tend towards a negative reading of the role played by (mainly) European intellectuals in their relationship with movements of national liberation. These intellectuals, it is argued, imposed their idealistic visions of the potential for radical democracy on the new societies while alienating themselves from the societies of which they were part. Such is the standpoint of much of the literature that resorts to the notion of the' fellow traveller' . This thesis emphasises instead the common ground and mutual influence between the Third World as a historical formation in the Twentieth Century - itself partly the product of Western intellectual discourses - and the reaction its 'birth' provoked within certain sections of the European intelligentsia. The thesis argues that the intellectual commitment to the Third World characteristic of the 1960s and the dialogue that ensued can be interpreted as an attempt to define a universally valid concept of intellectual that was both and at the same time politically committed, yet independent. Focusing on one such case of Third World 'liberation' -the Cuban Revolution- and the role played by the New Left, this thesis employs Bourdieu's concept of 'intellectual field' in order to explore two main areas of concern. The first involves the identification of all the significant players in the process of crossfertilisation that took place between the Cuban Revolution and the European New Left and a detailed description of the part they played. This leads on to a consideration of the vociferous support lent to the Cuban Revolution by dominant intellectuals of the time but also to the importance that can be attached to a variety of intellectual groups in each of the countries concerned and to the role played by a number of publications such as New Left Review, Partisans or Pensamiento Critico as conduits of generic ideas that can be labelled as characteristic of the New Left field. The second main concern of this thesis lies in the analysis of some of the main ideas that circulated in the field. With regard to the concept of the Third World, it is argued that besides offering a commitment-conscious intelligentsia a useful symbolic element to partially fulfil their quest for self-definition, the concept was tied to Cuba's particular political transition in the 1960s. This transition went from a vision of Cuba as representative of a Third World that was presented as the space of 'neutrality and global peace' to one that saw it as the spark of 'global revolution'. Similarly, the notion of the intellectual underwent a mutation from a universalistlSartrean notion of the 'traditional' intellectual as an individual engaged with the times and representative of the conscience of society, to one that stressed the activist and revolutionary nature of the intellectual. The 'revolutionary' intellectual as a concept was re-discovered through a return to the orthodox language of a mythical golden Marxist past. In either case, the thesis argues, the language of communication and exchange between both sides of the Atlantic was dominated by a European New Left that was, on the whole, unable to marry the contradictory demands of power and intellect. The failure of this intellectual goal was further reinforced by the reality of a separation that became more acute after 1971.
32
Rossodivito, Anthony M. "The Struggle Against Bandits: The Cuban Revolution and Responses to CIA-Sponsored Counter-Revolutionary Activity, 1959-1963." UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/508.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.
33
Cordeiro, Ítalo Rodrigo Xavier. "A cultura política da revolução latino-americana na década de 1960 : Régis Debray e o foquismo /." Franca : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93190.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Orientador: Alberto Aggio<br>Banca: Adriane Vidal Costa<br>Banca: Marcos Sorrilha Pinheiro<br>Resumo: No presente trabalho buscamos investigar os fundamentos da elaboração, desenvolvimento e repercussão da ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖ produzida pelo intelectual francês Régis Debray, especialmente a partir da análise do seu livro Revolução na Revolução, publicado em 1967. As formulações de Debray, inspiradas na revolução cubana de 1959, marcaram profundamente a cultura política da esquerda latino-americana a partir da década de 1960. Suas teses influenciaram a esquerda radicalizada regional, que adotou a luta armada como única alternativa para realização e consolidação do projeto revolucionário no continente. Régis Debray envolveu-se com a revolução cubana mais do que qualquer outro intelectual da esquerda ocidental, transformando-se em um dos seus principais ideólogos. A partir de sua experiência com os cubanos, Debray criaria a teoria do ―foco‖, e essa cumpriu, especialmente na década de 1960, o papel de uma ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖, tendo a revolução cubana como paradigma<br>Abstract: In the present work, we aim at investigating the foundations of the elaboration, development and repercussion of the ―Latin American revolution theory‖, put forth by the French intellectual Régis Debray, from the analysis of his book Revolução na revolução, published in 1967, in particular. Debray's formulations, having taken inspiration in the 1959 Cuban revolution, deeply influenced the political culture of the Latin American left wing from the 1960's onward. His theses influenced the regional radicalized left wing, who adopted armed struggle as the only alternative to the realization and consolidation of the continent's revolutionary project. Régis Debray got more involved with the Cuban Revolution than any other Western left-winged intellectual, becoming one of its main ideologists. From his experience with the Cubans, Debray would create the ―foco‖ theory, which had, particularly in the 1960's, the vole of a ―Latin American revolution theory‖, having the Cuban revolution as its paradigm<br>Mestre
34
Lima, Edinaldo Aparecido Santos de. "Preparar, apontar, foto! A construção da imagem fotográfica dos camponeses cubanos nos periódicos Revolución e Campo de Revolución (1959-1961)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/158300.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Submitted by Edinaldo Aparecido Santos de Lima (limasantos91@gmail.com) on 2018-11-19T20:27:07Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
LIMA, Edinaldo Ap. Santos de._PREPARAR APONTAR FOTO -.pdf: 7888979 bytes, checksum: ebd63a727287e5f01325f8687e6bf03c (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Maria Luiza Carpi Semeghini (luiza@assis.unesp.br) on 2018-11-19T23:14:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
lima_eas_me_assis_int.pdf: 7888979 bytes, checksum: ebd63a727287e5f01325f8687e6bf03c (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-19T23:14:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
lima_eas_me_assis_int.pdf: 7888979 bytes, checksum: ebd63a727287e5f01325f8687e6bf03c (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2018-09-27<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>Gestado nas matas da Sierra Maestra, em meio aos conflitos entre rebeldes e a ditadura de Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), o jornal Revolución dirigido por Carlos Franqui cumpria o papel de divulgar as conquistas e os ideais dos insurgentes. Com o triunfo da Revolução em 1959, o periódico deixou a clandestinidade e tornou-se um influente veículo de informação do período. Nele trabalharam vários profissionais entre os quais, fotógrafos cujos frutos de suas produções cooperaram na eternização da Revolução como um dos eventos significativos do século XX. Depois dessa virada histórica, os holofotes dos principais meios de comunicação do mundo passaram a dedicar maior atenção aos passos que seriam dados por aquele país. Logo nos primeiros meses, o jovem governo revolucionário encetou uma série de reformas em vários âmbitos da sociedade, sobretudo em regiões rurais onde predominaram durante décadas a pobreza e a ausência de serviços básicos como educação e saúde. Diante das lentes dos fotógrafos de Revolución, os camponeses cubanos passaram a ter suas condições de vida e seus rostos propagados por toda a Ilha, ao passo em que um imaginário sobre si era construído no intuito de sensibilizar, conscientizar e mobilizar a sociedade, principalmente dos centros urbanos, a participarem do processo de mudanças sociopolíticas do país. Porém, os resultados obtidos a partir da meticulosa análise quantitativa e qualitativa do montante de fotografias presentes tanto no jornal quanto no seu suplemento Campo de Revolución, organizadas e catalogadas mostraram que a moldagem desse imaginário não fora unívoca ou rígida, pois a realidade histórica vivida intensamente pelos cubanos nos primeiros três anos tornou-a flexível. Além disso, a metodologia empregada na análise das fotografias permitiu-nos discutir outros assuntos inerentes ao universo rural cubano.<br>Raised in the forests of the Sierra Maestra, amid conflicts between rebels and the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), the newspaper Revolución led by Carlos Franqui played the role of publicizing the achievements and ideals of the insurgents. With the triumph of the Revolution in 1959, the newspaper left the clandestine and became an influential vehicle of information of the period. In it worked several professionals among whom, photographers whose fruits of their productions cooperated in the eternalization of the Revolution like one of the significant events of century XX. After this historic turnaround, the spotlight of the world's mainstream media began to pay more attention to the steps that would be taken by that country. In the early months, the young revolutionary government embarked on a series of reforms in various areas of society, particularly in rural areas where poverty and lack of basic services such as education and health prevailed for decades. Faced with the lenses of the photographers of Revolución, the Cuban peasants began to have their living conditions and their faces propagated throughout the Island, while an imaginary about themselves was built in order to raise awareness, raise awareness and mobilize society, especially the urban centers to participate in the process of socio-political changes in the country. However, the results obtained from the meticulous quantitative and qualitative analysis of the amount of photographs present in both the newspaper and its Campo de Revolución supplement, organized and cataloged, showed that the molding of this imagery was not unequivocal or rigid, since the historical reality lived intensely by Cubans in the first three years made it flexible. In addition, the methodology used in the analysis of the photographs allowed us to discuss other subjects inherent to the Cuban rural universe.
35
Marques, Artemio Soares. "A Organização Latino Americana de Solidariedade (OLAS) e o embate ideológico na esquerda brasileira, 1960: o caso PCB." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2009. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9716.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In this work, we look historically, the relationship between The First Conference of Latin American Solidarity (OLAS of thesis) held in Havana, from July 31st to August 10th 1967 and the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), founded in 1922, manly, on issues that drives their ideological and political projects for the Latin American context in the 1960s. The resolutions of the Conference indicated the propagation of armed struggle as the only alternative to be pursued by Latin American countries against the U.S. imperialism and the Military-Civil Dictatorship established in Brazil en April of 1964. The proposal to seize power through arms, in search of socialism in Latin American, not only went against went precepts of the Latin American Communist parties, particularly the PCB, as well as put in check the effective participation of political party in the preparation for the revolutionary process in the region, being that the Cuban revolutionary experience transcended the classical Leninist strategy that envisioned in the forefront of the struggle of classes the need of representation by a communist party. OLAS was the starting point to institutionalize Cuba´s point of view regarding strategy praxis for the development of revolution in American, obligating Brazil´s political-left, PCB, to defend internally it´s programmatic resolutions, positioning itself against Cuba´s strategy of exporting their focused model of revolution, not only for the situation of Brazilian society, but also for Latin America´s. The thrust of the bibliographical analysis is the confrontation of meanings used by the concepts that organize the theme of the revolution in OLAS´s document and the response given by PCB where issues like the enemy to combat, the character of the revolution, the methods of struggle; the role of the working class´s vanguard party, and national or continental character of the revolution gain relevance. We believe that facing the clash that occurred between the OLAS, and in particular, the PCB, starting mid 1960s, both organizations, political parties or not, related or not, sought in Latin America´s convoluted scenario to counter-act America´s imperialist ordinance and find alternative but diverting paths, for the achievement of socialism.<br>Neste trabalho, tentaremos analisar historicamente, a relação entre A Primeira Conferência Latino-Americana de Solidariedade (OLAS) reunida em Havana, de 31 de julho a 10 de agosto de 1967 e o Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), fundado no ano de 1922, principalmente nas questões que tangem seus projetos políticos e ideológicos para o contexto latino-americano na década de 1960. As resoluções da Conferência acenavam para uma propagação da luta armada como única alternativa a ser seguida pelos países latino-americanos contra o imperialismo norte-americano e a Ditadura Civil-Militar instaurada no Brasil em abril de 1964. Essa proposta de tomada do poder, através das armas, em busca do socialismo na América Latina, não só ia contra os preceitos dos partidos comunistas latino-americanos, em especial, do PCB, como também, colocava em cheque a participação efetiva de um Partido para a preparação do processo revolucionário na região, uma vez que a experiência revolucionária cubana havia transcendido aquela estratégia clássica leninista que via na vanguarda da luta de classes a necessidade de ser representada por um partido comunista.
A partir da OLAS institucionaliza-se o ponto de vista cubano sobre a estratégia da práxis para o desencadeamento da revolução na América Latina. Essa obriga a esquerda brasileira, o PCB, a defender internamente suas resoluções programáticas, posicionando-se contra a tática de os cubanos exportarem seu modelo foquista de revolução, não só para a conjuntura da sociedade brasileira, mas também latino-americana. O fio condutor da análise bibliográfica é a confrontação dos significados assumidos pelos conceitos que organizam a temática da revolução no documento da OLAS e na resposta dada pelo PCB, em que temas como o inimigo a se combater; o caráter da revolução; os métodos de luta; o papel do partido de vanguarda da classe operária; e o caráter nacional ou continental da revolução ganham relevância.
Entende-se que, diante do embate que ocorrera entre a OLAS e, em especial, o PCB, a partir de meados década de 1960, ambas as organizações partidárias ou não, associadas ou não, procuraram no convulsionado cenário latino-americano se contrapor aos ditames do imperialismo norte-americano e encontrar caminhos alternativos, porém divergentes, para a consecução do socialismo.
36
Weideman, Lisa. "Investigating the Cuban Revolución Agricola as a model for the post-'peak oil' age." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/4998.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In this dissertation, the socio-ecological transformations that occurred during Cuba’s Revolución Agrícola are explored, against the backdrop of the historical subalternisation of the country as a consequence of Spanish and American imperialism, and in relation to the continuing subalternisation of the country and its people through the neoliberal mass media. To contextualize such exploration, the origins of large-scale privatization of common land, and the subsequent process of urbanization in the West, are investigated, before Cuba’s similar developmental path – as a result of Spanish colonialism, U.S. imperialism, and communist influence – is detailed. Thereafter, the way in which Cuba established an alternative food paradigm, characterised by local, communal, and urban production during the country’s ‘Special Period’ in the 1990s, is discussed, with a view to illustrating how this eco-socialist model of food production, in both rural and urban areas, led to new relations between people and nature. This Cuban model is then posited as a socio-ecologically sustainable model of food production, deserving of the attention of communities around the world, who seek to gain a degree of autonomy from neoliberal agribusiness. Conversely, the efforts of mainstream neoliberal mass media to silence the immensely positive characteristics of the revolution are also investigated, and framed in terms of the historical subjugation of Cuban voices in the American mass media, and the contemporary marginalisation of the country and its people in the neoliberal mass media. Finally, the dissertation concludes by examining the alternative media response, on the part of several prominent Cubans and those sympathetic to their cause, to bring attention to the value of the socio-ecological transformations that have occurred on the island, against the backdrop of various theorisations of the importance of alternative media platforms as a radical counterforce to neoliberal mass media hegemony.
37
Santos, Rhenan Pereira. "En cada cuadra un comité, en cada barrio revolución : os cdr e a participação popular na transição socialista em cuba (1960-1975)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/168960.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Os Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) cumpriram um papel fundamental no processo de transição socialista iniciado em Cuba a partir de 1959. A Revolução, através deles, pode contar com o apoio das massas cubanas para enfrentar as muitas tarefas que se colocavam como desafios para a construção do socialismo no país. Construção que teria sido ainda mais difícil, não fossem os muitos cederistas em todo o país. Seu nascimento surge como resposta ao violento ataque contrarrevolucionário desencadeado com a ajuda do imperialismo estadunidense, mas rapidamente sofre uma profunda transformação. Os CDR, de forma bastante orgânica, passam a assumir as tarefas organizativas da vida cubana, fazendo com que a população atuasse em atividades que eram, até aquele momento, competência exclusiva do Estado. Com isso, os comités contribuem para a transformação do próprio caráter do Estado, tarefa essencial da transição socialista. O fato de que esta fosse uma sociedade de capitalismo dependente aumenta a dramaticidade da tarefa. Além disso, os CDR foram um importante canal para a participação política das massas cubanas, em um contexto em que as instituições políticas ainda não estavam suficientemente estabelecidas no país (período entre 1960 e 1975). Nesse sentido, agiram de forma dialética na contradição entre massas e vanguarda revolucionária, tensionando o processo em um sentido de maior democratização.<br>The Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) played a key role in the process of socialist transition initiated in Cuba in 1959. The Revolution, through them, can count on the support of the Cuban masses to face the many tasks that challenge for the construction of socialism in the country. Construction would have been even more difficult, if it were not for the many cederistas across the country. His birth comes as a response to the violent counterrevolutionary attack unleashed with the aid of US imperialism, but quickly undergoes a profound transformation. The CDR, in a very organic way, began to assume the organizational tasks of Cuban life, making the population work in activities that until then were the exclusive competence of the State itself. With this, the comités contribute to the transformation of the character of the State, an essential task of the socialist transition. The fact that it was a society of dependent capitalism increases the drama of the task. In addition, the CDR were an important channel for the political participation of the Cuban masses, in a context where political institutions were not sufficiently established in the country yet (between 1960 and 1975). In this sense, they acted dialectically in the contradiction between the masses and the revolutionary vanguard, stressing the process in a sense of greater democratization.
38
McClean-Cameron, Alison. "El Taller de Grafica Popular : printmaking and politics in Mexico and beyond, from the popular front to the Cuban Revolution." Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310120.
Pełny tekst źródła
39
Castro, Nathália Santos de. "Che Guevara vai ao cinema: possibilidades e perspectivas para o ensino de História." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2017. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/6982.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2017-03-21T11:37:54Z
No. of bitstreams: 2
Dissertação - Nathália Santos de Castro - 2017.pdf: 1425163 bytes, checksum: 864a1e92a5f1fa0f585b40b34bd07361 (MD5)
license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-03-21T12:15:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2
Dissertação - Nathália Santos de Castro - 2017.pdf: 1425163 bytes, checksum: 864a1e92a5f1fa0f585b40b34bd07361 (MD5)
license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-21T12:15:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2
Dissertação - Nathália Santos de Castro - 2017.pdf: 1425163 bytes, checksum: 864a1e92a5f1fa0f585b40b34bd07361 (MD5)
license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2017-02-03<br>This text outlines the development of our research contained in the Postgraduate Program in History - Professional Masters of UFG – Catalão/Go. Our research theme was the use of cinema in the classroom as a didactic aid working in specific the history of Che Guevara, showing how his history is inserted in two textbooks - in specific - and still in the biographies of Jorge Castañeda - "Che Guevara: Life in Red "(2006) and Jon Lee Anderson -" Che Guevara: A Biography "(1997). Our general objective will be to change the teaching of History, thinking how the images and the films can bring a different perception of the history of Che Guevara and also, in a more complex field, the History of the Cuban Revolution. One of the main problems that emerged during our research can be explained by the following question: how can the history teacher teach the context of the Cuban Revolution through the images of Che Guevara and the proposed films? It is worth mentioning that the films to be worked on in our research were "Che Guevara - The Argentine" and "Che Guevara - The Guerrilla" both directed by Steven Soderbergh of the year 2008. The various faces of Che Guevara allows us to question the character, Allowing us to present a more collective story. Several constructions were made regarding Che Guevara, now being presented as a hero and now as a homicide. It should be noted that there are some appropriations from both the right and the left that contribute to the construction of these various faces. From then on, the teacher will introduce students to the various ways of understanding History as well as making the student realize that he is also a builder of history.<br>Este texto esboça o desenvolvimento de nossa pesquisa contida no Programa de Pós-graduação em História – Mestrado Profissional da UFG – Regional Catalão. Nosso tema de pesquisa foi o uso do cinema em sala de aula como um auxílio didático trabalhando em específico a história de Che Guevara, mostrando como sua história está inserida em dois livros didáticos – em específico – e ainda nas biografias de Jorge Castañeda – “Che Guevara: a vida em vermelho” (2006) e de Jon Lee Anderson – “Che Guevara: uma biografia” (1997). Nosso objetivo geral será a mudança no ensino de História, pensando como as imagens e os filmes podem trazer uma percepção diferente da história de Che Guevara e ainda, em um campo mais complexo, a História da Revolução Cubana. Um dos principais problemas que emergiu durante nossa pesquisa pode ser explanado pela seguinte pergunta:
como o professor de História pode ensinar o contexto da Revolução Cubana por meio das imagens de Che Guevara e os filmes propostos? Vale ressaltar que os filmes a serem trabalhados em nossa pesquisa foram “Che Guevara – O Argentino” e “Che Guevara – A Guerrilha” ambos dirigidos por Steven Soderbergh do ano de 2008. As várias faces de Che Guevara nos permite fazer um questionamento do personagem, nos permitindo apresentar uma história mais coletiva. Foram feitas várias construções em relação a Che Guevara, ora sendo apresentado como um herói e ora como um homicida. Deve-se atentar que existe algumas apropriações tanto da direita quanto da esquerda que contribui para construção dessas diversas faces. A partir de então, o professor irá apresentar aos alunos as diversas formas de compreender a História bem como fazer o aluno perceber que ele é também um construtor da história.
40
Bemvindo, Vitor. "Os impactos da revolução cubana na política externa brasileira (1958 1961)." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2009. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3366.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>A Revolução Cubana foi o evento mais importante das relações interamericanas no século XX. Ela foi responsável pela quebra da homogeneidade da sociedade americana, introduzindo, no continente, tensões típicas da Guerra Fria. O processo revolucionário cubano obrigou aos Estados Unidos a rever a sua política para a América Latina que, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1950, tratava o subcontinente como uma área secundária. A Revolução nas Caraíbas teve impactos diretos também na formulação da política externa brasileira. Durante o governo Juscelino Kubitschek, a Operação Pan-Americana previa um plano de integração com o objetivo de eliminar o subdesenvolvimento. O rechaço da iniciativa por parte do governo cubano, foi um dos fatos determinantes para o abandono da Operação. A administração subseqüente, do presidente Jânio Quadros, foi responsável por uma profunda reformulação na diplomacia do Brasil. A Política Externa Independente previa a defesa da autodeterminação dos povos e não-intervenção em assuntos internos que, aplicados ao caso cubano, foram encarados por setores conservadores como apoio a um regime socialista. A condecoração do líder revolucionário Ernesto Che Guevara e a oposição aos princípios da Política Externa Independente (PEI) foram fatores que culminaram na renúncia do presidente brasileiro.<br>The Cuban Revolution was the most important inter-American relations in the 20th Century. It was responsible for breaking the homogeneity of American society, introducing, on the continent, tensions typical of the Cold War. The Cuban revolutionary process has forced the United States to revise its policy for Latin America that, between the 1940s and 1950, involved the subcontinent as a secondary area. The Revolution in the Caribbean also had direct impacts on the formulation of Brazilian foreign policy. During the Juscelino Kubitschek government, Pan American Operation provided an integration plan with the objective to eliminate underdevelopment. The rejection of the initiative by the Cuban government, was one of the determinants for the abandonment of the operation. The subsequent administration, of President Jânio Quadros, was responsible for a major overhaul in diplomacy in Brazil. The independent foreign policy included the defense of self-determination and non-intervention in internal affairs, which, applied to the Cuban case, were seen by the conservative sectors to support a socialist regime. The decoration of the revolutionary leader Ernesto Che Guevara and the opposition to the principles of Brazilian independent foreign policy were factors that led to the resignation of Brazilian president.
41
Ros, Fanny. "Analyse critique du discours de la presse franquiste sur le Révolution Cubaine, du triomphe à la proclamation socialiste." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/650855.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
El triunfo de la Revolución Cubana, a inicios del año 1959, provoca entre las élites franquistas cierta ansiedad. En efecto, el movimiento revolucionario y sus ideas progresistas, en un país históricamente vinculado con España, podrían reanimar la oposición española hasta entonces fuertemente reprimida.
La prensa, portavoz privilegiado del régimen, se interesa mucho por la Revolución Cubana. Sin embargo, realiza una cobertura parcial, o sea arbitraria e incompleta de la situación en Cuba.
En esta tesis, analizaremos el discurso de la prensa franquista acerca de la Revolución Cubana, enmarcándonos en el Análisis Crítico del Discurso, y mostraremos cómo se inscribe este en el dispositivo de legitimación de la dictadura de Franco.
Tras reconstruir el contexto cubano, una lectura atenta de los artículos permitirá extraer unas proposiciones destacadas, sean explícitas o implícitas. Se tratará entonces de traducir su contenido ideológico en base de un análisis de lo referencial, sintáctico, semántico tanto como retórico, y tomando en cuenta las constantes idas y vueltas entre evento y temas franquistas (anticomunismo, defensa de la fe católica, tradiciones, etc.).<br>Lorsque triomphe la Révolution cubaine à l'aube de 1959, le franquisme qui fête ses vingt ans au pouvoir en Espagne, voit d'un mauvais œil l'avènement de cette « version tropicale de la CNT-FAI » (Paz-Sánchez, 1997). La propagation de ses idées progressistes pourrait raviver l'opposition espagnole, jusqu'alors persécutée et muselée. Pourtant, ce mouvement révolutionnaire trouve une place (de choix) dans les colonnes des journaux franquistes.
Nous analyserons le discours de la presse franquiste sur la Révolution cubaine selon les méthodes de l'Analyse Critique du Discours.
Nous montrerons comment la couverture médiatique de la Révolution cubaine, un mouvement diamétralement opposé aux idéaux franquistes, participe du discours idéologique des autorités espagnoles et du dispositif de légitimation de la dictature de Franco.
Pour cela, nous sonderons les propositions explicites et implicites de ce discours journalistique qui réactivent, grâce à cette actualité brûlante, les modèles mentaux des Espagnols soumis depuis deux décennies à l'idéologie nationale-catholique.<br>Upon the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in early 1959, Francoism was celebrating its 20 years in power in Spain, and did not look very keenly on the birth of this “tropical version of the CNT-FAI” (Paz-Sánchez, 1997). If the Revolution’s progressive ideas were to spread, the Spanish opposition – which had been persecuted and silenced up until then – may be revived. This revolutionary movement, however, managed to secure a (choice) position in the Francoist newspapers.
We shall analyze the Francoist press’ discourse on the Cuban Revolution using the Critical Discourse Analysis methods.
We shall aim to show how media coverage of the Cuban Revolution – a movement in total opposition with Francoist ideals – was integrated into the Spanish authorities’ ideological discourse and Franco’s dictatorship’s legitimization system.
We shall explore the implicit and explicit arguments from the newspapers discourse that – thanks to this prominent topic – reactivate the mental patterns of the Spanish people, who had been subjected to National Catholicism ideology for the last two decades.
42
Suzano, Júnior Barthon Favatto [UNESP]. "Entre o doce e o amargo: cultura e revolução em Cuba nas memórias literárias de dois intelectuais exilados, Carlos Franqui e Guillermo Cabrera Infante (1951-1968)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93336.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2012-02-29Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:47:35Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
suzanojunior_bf_me_assis_parcial.pdf: 174111 bytes, checksum: decf902b927d0461bc70227d5470eff1 (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2015-07-02T12:35:58Z: suzanojunior_bf_me_assis_parcial.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-07-02T12:37:25Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
000686208_20200301.pdf: 173862 bytes, checksum: 67e2f0451e2f8155de99ef353a7ab48a (MD5)<br>Entre o doce e o amargo, a cultura e a política, a revolução e o exílio, descortina-se a frágil e quase imperceptível fronteira das representações impressas nos livros de memórias de Carlos Franqui e Guillermo Cabrera Infante, que situam e definem contornos aos itinerários culturais e políticos desses dois intelectuais de esquerda dentro da Revolução Cubana. Amigos de longa data, desde tenra juventude em Habana Vieja, o jornalista Carlos Franqui e o renomado escritor Guillermo Cabrera Infante não somente apresentaram participações ativas dentro do processo revolucionário cubano como também, alguns anos depois, dele se tornaram dissidentes e ácidos críticos. Nesta pesquisa, utilizamos as autobiografias produzidas pelos dois autores a fim de compreender os meandros que os levaram do engajamento à dissidência, mapeando as nuances de uma página recente da história cultural de Cuba: o exílio levado a cabo pela intelectualidade cubana de esquerda em relação ao regime de Fidel Castro<br>Between the sweet and the bitter, the culture and the politics, the revolution and the exile, opens up the fragile and almost imperceptible boundary representations of the captured memoirs of Carlos Franqui and Guillermo Cabrera Infante who place contours and define the cultural and political routes of these two left-wing intellectuals in the Cuban Revolution. Longtime friends from early youth in Habana Vieja, the journalist Carlos Franqui and the writer Guillermo Cabrera Infante had not only active participation in the Cuban revolutionary process as well as a few years later became its dissidents and critics acids. In this research, we used the autobiographies produced by the two authors in order to understand the intricacies leaving them from the commitment to the dissent, mapping the nuances of a page's recent cultural history of Cuba: the exile carried out by Cuban intellectuals of the left against the Castro regime
43
Sales, Jean Rodrigues. "O impacto da revolução cubana sobre as organizações comunistas brasileiras (1959-1974)." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279829.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Orientadores: Claudio Henrique de Moraes Batalha, Serge Wolikow<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T11:05:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Sales_JeanRodrigues_D.pdf: 1420159 bytes, checksum: a41a447a629b550f4035205bfb457c2c (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2005<br>Resumo: O objetivo principal desta tese é analisar as relações entre as esquerdas comunistas brasileiras e a revolução cubana entre 1959 e 1974. Trata-se de entender em que medida essa revolução influenciou o debate ideológico dos comunistas brasileiros e quais os desdobramentos para as suas formulações teóricas e prática política. A conclusão geral é a de que o processo revolucionário cubano esteve presente, sobretudo, no debate a respeito da definição da luta armada contra a ditadura militar e na adoção da bandeira do socialismo por uma parte dessa esquerda. Foi importante ainda na crise que se abateu após 1964 sobre as organizações que já existiam antes do golpe militar, que vieram a se fragmentar e dar origem a diversos grupos da Esquerda Revolucionária<br>Abstract: The main objective of the present thesis is to analyze the relationships between the Brazilian communist leftist movements and the Cuban revolution between 1959 and 1974. We aim at understanding how far that revolution influenced the ideological debate of the Brazilian communists and the consequences for its theoretical formulations and the political practice. The general conclusion is that the Cuban revolutionary process was mainly present in the debate on the definition of the armed resistance to the military dictatorship and the adoption of socialism by a part of that leftist movement. It was further important during the crisis that took place after 1964 among those organizations that had existed before the military coup, which then fragmented and gave birth to several groups of the Revolutionary Left<br>Doutorado<br>Historia Social<br>Doutor em História
44
Fernandez, Cecilia. "Leaving Little Havana." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/306.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Leaving Little Havana is the story of a young girl who leaves her comfortable middle-class home in La Habana just after the Cuban Revolution and, fighting to overcome cultural and language barriers, forges a new life in Miami. Dealing with a torn identity and discovering her voice are at the center of the narrative. After an endless string of escapades, she finally pulls herself together, learns the value of her inner strength by rising above bleak circumstances and gets accepted to journalism school in California. The book examines the devastating effects of immigration on a family and the struggle of a child of Cuban exiles, coming of age in a foreign society, to beat the obstacles that stand in her way to a stable and satisfying life. The narrator shows that Cuban immigrants share similar challenges with all who have aspired to make America their home.
45
Gustavsen, John Andrew. "Tension under the Sun: Tourism and Identity in Cuba, 1945-2007." Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/298.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
My dissertation on Cuban tourism links political, economic, social, and cultural history to show how the development of tourism on the island between 1945 and 2007 has been crucial in helping to cultivate identities for Cuba and the Cuban people on multiple levels. I focus on three distinct periods - 1945 to 1958, 1959 to 1979, and 1980 to 2007. While significant shifts occurred within each of these three phases, this periodization best illuminates the relationship between tourism development and identity. The fall of the Soviet Union, for example, certainly altered the pace of the industry's growth. Arrivals soared beginning in the 1990s, yet much of the institutional framework for conditioning the relationships between touristic actors had been established years earlier. Cuban planners had begun to target a range of specific markets by 1980, over a decade before the economic strife of the 'Special Period' in the early 1990s virtually forced them to move in this direction. For the entire period between 1945 and 2007, tourism and Cuban identity were linked in two very important ways. Tourism provided a lens for foreign visitors to view the island, its people, and its culture; to know what it meant to be Cuban. As well, the industry offered a framework for powerful interests to control the behaviors of Cuban citizens; to instruct them on how to be Cuban.
46
Ferreira, André Lopes [UNESP]. "A Extrema Esquerda brasileira e a Revolução Cubana (1959-1974)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93412.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2004-04-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:54:53Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
ferreira_al_me_assis.pdf: 528444 bytes, checksum: 0a4bf4b165aa6996d94d3c5d79a2361c (MD5)<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)<br>O advento da Revolução Cubana em 1959 representou um ponto de inflexão na trajetória dos movimentos sociopolíticos da América Latina no século XX. Inspiradas pela vitória dos rebeldes em Cuba, várias organizações de extrema esquerda do continente aderiram à luta armada e à teoria do foco guerrilheiro nos anos 60 e 70. No Brasil, após o Golpe de Estado de 1964, diferentes grupos promoveriam ações revolucionárias contra a ditadura militar instaurada. As idéias de Che Guevara, Fidel Castro e Régis Debray desencadeariam intermináveis debates político-ideológicos entre as diversas correntes de orientação marxista. No presente trabalho procuramos avaliar como a experiência da Revolução Cubana foi apropriada pelas organizações clandestinas brasileiras e, da mesma forma, como seu exemplo serviu para legitimar determinadas posições de setores do movimento comunista no país.<br>The Cuban Revolution advent in 1959 represented a point of inflection in the trajectory of sociopolitical movements in Latin America in the century XX. Inspired for the rebel's victory in Cuba, several extreme left wing organizations of the continent adhered to the armed combat and the theory of guerrilla focus in the 60's and 70's. In Brazil after the coup d'etat in 1964, different groups would promote revolutionary actions against the established military dictatorship. Che Guevara's, Fidel Castro's and Régis Debray's ideas would trigger endless political-ideological arguments among several groups of Marxist orientation. In the present work we try to evaluate how the experience of the Cuban Revolution was appropriate to the Brazilian clandestine organizations and, in the same way, how their example served to legitimate certain positions of the communist movement in the country.
47
Esqueda, Octavio J. "Theological Higher Education in Cuba: A Case Study of the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4331/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This research attempted to provide a comprehensive overview of the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary within the context of theological education in Cuba and the Cuban Revolution. Three major purposes directed this research. The first one was historical: to document and evaluate the rise, survival and achievements of the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary, which has continued its mission through extraordinary political opposition and economical difficulties. The second major purpose was institutional: to gain insight into Cuban seminary modus operandi. The third purpose of the study was to identify perceived needs of the seminary. This study sought to provide information that can facilitate a better understanding of Cuban Christian theological higher education. The Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary was founded in the city of Santiago the Cuba on October 10, 1949 by the Eastern Baptist Convention. This seminary exists for the purpose of training pastors for the Eastern Baptist Convention. The school offers a four-year program leading to a bachelor in theology degree.
The Eastern Cuba Baptist Convention experienced the same oppression from the communist revolution as the rest of the evangelical denominations during the sixties and seventies. The worst period for the convention and the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary started in 1965 when many important people were recruited to work at the Military Units to Aid Production (UMAP). Fidel Castro recognized in 1991 that the Cuban Communist Party erroneously made atheism its religion. Although the Cuban communist regime never issued an antireligious policy, in subtle ways Christians suffered the consequences of the religious ideological conflict. Nevertheless, today the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary operates independently and without the direction of the Cuban government. Communism and Christianity have learned to live together in Cuba even though they started with difficulties. Theological education in Cuba not only survived the negative effects of the Cuban revolution, but also has emerged stronger than ever.
Economic resources are the primary need of the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary. The seminary has been through many difficulties during its history. Nevertheless, these days represent the best time in the seminary history.
48
Enoa, Barban Olga Lidia. "Las cubanas y los nuevos desafíos societales del siglo XXI." Thesis, Limoges, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LIMO0068.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Dans le domaine des conquêtes obtenues par les femmes, la Révolution Cubaine depuis 1960, réalise des progrès remarquables. La Fédération des Femmes Cubaines (FMC), fondée en 1960, jouera un rôle essentiel en faveur de l’émancipation féminine, de l’insertion des femmes cubaines dans le monde du travail et de leur participation active à la construction de la nouvelle société socialiste. Cependant, ces progrès obtenus dans le cadre d’un processus idéologique et d’une volonté gouvernementale d’une participation forte des Cubaines dans la construction de la nouvelle société socialiste, cohabitent et se heurtent encore à des croyances propres à une culture machiste et patriarcale, laquelle aujourd'hui, à côté de la crise économique et des changements actuels que connaît le contexte cubain, montrent que la construction de la «nouvelle femme» n’est pas tout à fait aboutie et risque même de menacer les victoires obtenues par les Cubaines au sein de la société et en matière d’égalité des droits. L'analyse de la situation des Cubaines au XXIe siècle, leur rôle dans la construction « d’une société plus ouverte sur le monde » et la création de « nouvelles façons de penser le quotidien cubain » dans la lutte en faveur de l'équité du genre, nous permettra d’étudier les nouveaux défis sociétaux auxquels elles se sont confrontées et les solutions envisagées pour les résoudre<br>From the first years of the Cuban Revolution, the respect and the defense of the women's rights constituted a priority for the Cuban authorities. The Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), founded in 1960, will play an essential role in the feminine emancipation, the insertion of the Cuban women in the working world and their active participation in the construction of the new socialist society. Nevertheless, serious challenges remain that render the progress made fragile and liable to setbacks. The analysis of the situation of the Cuban Women of the 21st century, her role in the creation of a “society more opened for the world” and in the conception of “new ways of thinking the daily cuban life”, it will allow us to understand the new societal challenges that this arduous mission imposes them<br>Desde los primeros años de la Revolución Cubana, el respeto y la defensa de los derechos de la mujer constituyeron una prioridad para las autoridades cubanas. La Federación de Mujeres Cubanas (FMC), fundada en 1960, desempeñará un rol esencial a favor de la emancipación femenina, de la inserción de las cubanas en el mundo laboral y de su participación activa en la construcción de la nueva sociedad socialista. Sin embargo, después de una larga trayectoria de lucha en la que han conocido avances y retrocesos, las cubanas de hoy se enfrentan a una realidad plagada de preceptos, normas y comportamientos dictados por una cultura patriarcal que perdura y se manifiesta cada día más en la cotidianidad cubana. La misma, junto a la crisis económica y las transformaciones actuales por las que atraviesa el contexto cubano, hacen que la construcción de “la nueva mujer” continúe siendo una tarea pendiente para la Revolución. El análisis de la situación de las cubanas del siglo XXI, de su rol en la creación de una “sociedad más abierta al mundo” y en la formación de “nuevas formas de pensar la vida cotidiana cubana”, nos permitirá comprender los nuevos desafíos societales que esta ardua tarea les impone
49
Silva, Júnior José Antonio Ferreira da 1987. "Retórica americana : temas e ideias político-culturais em Casa de las Américas (1965-1976)." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279654.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Orientador: José Alves de Freitas Neto<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:47:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
SilvaJunior_JoseAntonioFerreirada_M.pdf: 1700054 bytes, checksum: 09c1830a8d95d190c305110e85ba4e6b (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2014<br>Resumo: Este trabalho procura levantar e mapear discussões e debates político-culturais da segunda metade do século XX em Cuba, nas primeiras décadas da Revolução Cubana. A difusão de periódicos e impressos contribuiu para uma circulação diferenciada de ideias e discursos, envolvendo sujeitos históricos em diferentes dinâmicas entre o político e o cultural. Os intelectuais encontraram nesse tipo de meio de comunicação um espaço de expressão e engajamento com o processo revolucionário. A revista cubana Casa de las Américas se constituiu como centro de uma rede intelectual, a partir da qual se construiu e se difundiu um discurso revolucionário. Nossa proposta é partir desta revista, como objeto e fonte histórica, para aproximarmo-nos das ideias e noções conformadas entre intelectuais relacionados com o imaginário esquerdista da América Latina nos anos 1960 e 1970. Um dos nossos temas principais é a conformação de discursos identitários na revista. Defendemos que as identidades construídas discursivamente por Casa fazem parte da concepção que a própria revista tinha sobre sua atuação no processo revolucionário. Também, a questão em torno do papel do letrado é aqui analisada por nós. A publicação deu suporte para a formação de um discurso que valorizou e favoreceu uma estética e uma concepção de intelectual específicas para cumprir o que era visto como revolucionário. Devido à importância e à vigência que Casa estabelece para José Martí (1853-1895), as formas de discussão e apropriação da vida e obra deste letrado cubano figuram também em nossa argumentação, destacando mecanismos discursivos e formas de apropriação da história de Cuba. Dessa forma, passando por alguns temas político-culturais da revista, pretendemos abordar a história da esquerda latino-americana e da conformação de seu imaginário<br>Abstract: This work discusses and analyses the political and cultural debates during the first decades of the Cuban Revolution in the second half of the 20th century. In this context the dissemination of printed journals had contributed for the exchange of ideas and discourses, allowing the historical subjects to be immersed in a variety of political and cultural dynamics. Intellectuals found a space for expression and engagement with the revolutionary process in this type of media. The Cuban cultural journal Casa de las Américas was the center of an intellectual network from which the revolutionary discourse was built and spread. With the analysis of this journal we intend to get closer to the ideas and concepts that were being created and used by the Latin American leftist intellectuals of the 1960s and 1970s. One of our main themes is the conformation of identity discourses in the journal Casa de las Américas. The importance of the figure of the intellectual is another focused subject. We argue that the identities constructed discursively by this cultural journal are part of the design that the magazine itself had on its performance in the revolutionary process. The publication gave support to the formation of a discourse that valued and promoted a specific aesthetic and conception of intellectual which would fulfill what was seen as revolutionary. The important role that was reserved for José Martí (1853-1895) in Casa justifies our analysis of how his life and works were discussed and presented in the journal, emphasizing the discursive mechanisms and the different forms of appropriation of Cuban history. Thus, with the analysis of some political and cultural themes from Casa we intend to study the history of Latin-American left and the conformation of its imaginary<br>Mestrado<br>Politica, Memoria e Cidade<br>Mestre em História
50
Amrhein, Saundra Marie. "Cuba's Chords of Change: Music, Race, Class & Motherhood at the turn of the 21st Century." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4277.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis is an ethnography and biographical study that examines the impact of the immense socioeconomic changes underway in Cuba at the turn of the 21st century and the flexible identity categories through which individuals navigate a social crisis.
The biography and ethnography in this thesis are centered on the life of Violeta Aldama, an aging revolutionary and Afro-Cuban mother who struggles to make ends meet while fighting to steer her son, Brian, through a classical music education and into a music career. Amid growing racial inequalities when many Afro-Cubans are locked out of the most lucrative jobs in the new tourism sector and less likely to have family abroad sending remittances, the booming dance music industry offers the greatest promise for advancement and wealth than possibly any other profession. With the retraction of the state in a growing market economy, Violeta must scramble to build new networks of support while also coming to terms with the idea that the system she fought for all of her life will no longer be able to sustain her son.
This study argues that individuals navigate through social crises through identity categories that are both socially constructed and subjectively fluid. In the process, they rely on these identity categories to build new contacts for support while also finding in them meaning and agency. I frame this thesis around three broad identity categories - race, class and national identity. The study also shows how Violeta in turn experienced these categories - as well as motherhood and her revolutionary roles - and the ways that she used them to build networks of support.
The thesis is guided by the theory on lo informal developed by scholar Damián Fernández: the split in individuals between ideals and passionate beliefs versus life on the black market to help loved ones survive.
The study's methodology draws from feminist ethnography, examining not only Violeta's position in society as an Afro-Cuban woman and aging revolutionary, but also my relationship with her and her son as a white, middle-class American researcher during a time when relationships with foreigners became a crucial means of social advancement.
This research bridges academic areas of study regarding Cuba's growing racial inequalities and the rising economic power of the music industry. It also contributes to the academic canon on social movements by highlighting roles of individuals - not just the state or opposition alliances - as social actors.