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1
Becker, Elizabeth Claire. "From Cuba to Ybor City: Race, Revolution, Nationalism and Afro-Cuban Identity". University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1364315042.
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Bayala, Charlotte A. "Cuban refugees in Atlanta, 1950-1980". unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07242006-160352/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Title from title screen. Clifford Mathew Kuhn, committee chair; Christine Skwiot, committee member. Electronic text (87 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 18, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-87).
3
Shaffer, Alysia Leigh. "What Women Want: Emancipation, Cuban Women, and the New Man Ideology". University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1503624189817034.
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Kronenberg, Clive. "Manifestations of humanism in Cuban history, politics, and culture". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8095.
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The thesis explores what it deems are some of the most perceptible humanistic features in Cuban history, politics, and culture, less specified, or highlighted, or generally not presented in a cohesive body of knowledge in the western scholarly world. In the context of its subject, the thesis embraces rational-critical thinking and supports the custom of non-violent dispute. Insofar as the Cuban Constitution incorporates a range of goals structured on socialist principles, the thesis sets out to scrutinise manifestations in Cuban thinking emblematic of the Marxist-humanist and/or anti-Stalinist philosophical traditions of revolutionary praxis. The thesis' main body investigates, illustrates, and analyses the presence of such features, focussing predominantly on the period 1959 to the late 1960s. Where the thesis does delve into timeframes beyond this era, it endeavours to show the continuity of relevant facets previously identified. Preceding the main examination, the thesis looks into what is widely perceived as the main roots of the country's humanist tradition, the moral ideas and standpoints of Jose Marti, the country's national hero. A further objective of this thesis lies in the belief that aspects of Cuba's national cultural policy in large measure addresses historical issues post-Apartheid South Africa confronts today.
5
Cushion, Stephen. "Organised labour and the Cuban revolution, 1952-1959". Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2013. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/4901/.
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The standard historiography sees the working class as a passive bystander in the insurrectionary phase of the Cuban revolution, assuming that the real struggle was conducted by a rural guerrilla army. However, an examination of the archival evidence contradicts this view and shows that workers played a much more active role in the defeat of the Batista regime than they are normally given credit for. At the start of the 1950s, Cuba was suffering a crisis in profitability as the world price of sugar declined. This led the employers to conduct a productivity drive backed by the full repressive force of the Cuban state. Going on strike in a dictatorship is a life or death decision and workers need to feel some confidence in their chances of survival and in the possibility of successfully gaining a result that would be in their political and economic interests. Thus, following the defeat of a wave of militantly organised strikes in 1955, significant numbers of working class militants felt of the need for armed support to enable them defend their wages and conditions. Starting from the city of Guantánamo and spreading to cover most of the island, these activists constructed an impressive, clandestine, working class organisation in alliance with the rebel army which, after several failed attempts, proved capable of calling a successful general strike in January 1959. This strike was crucial to the rebel victory. This thesis, based on primary source material found in archives and private collections in Havana, Manzanillo, Guantánamo and Santiago de Cuba, will re-examine working class participation in the Cuban insurrection of the 1950s, concentrating on organised labour rather than the role of individual citizens.
6
Dellenback, Richard. "Oregon's Cuban-American community : from revolution to assimilation". PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4046.
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The adjustment and assimilation achieved by Cuban-Americans who arrived in Oregon during the 1960s was notable for its rapidity. Little contact existed between the state and the island prior to the resettlement efforts begun by the Charities Division of the Portland Catholic Archdiocese, where a group of concerned administrators meshed their activities with a nation-wide program created and encouraged by the united States government and private agencies.
7
Litt, Kelly. "The Infamous Stalemate: A Historical View of U.S. Cuban Relations". Ohio Dominican University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oduhonors1398201806.
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Moya, Fabregas Johanna Inés. "The reconfiguration of gender identities in the Cuban revolution, 1953-1975". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3358935.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Feb. 8, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-05, Section: A, page: 1756. Adviser: Arlene Diaz.
9
Bush-Howard, Harold. "Coming to terms with Castro : Britain and the Cuban Revolution 1958-1965". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267871.
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This thesis aims to examine and interpret Britain's relations with Communist Cuba, Britain's attitude towards the Castro regime, and Britain's perception of the role Castro played in the Cold War between 1958 and 1965. In broader terms, it attempts to set British policy towards Cuba in the context of Anglo-American relations, and British opinion on how to deal with Cold War issues and how to contain Soviet expansion into the Third World. Although Castro made strenuous efforts to improve Anglo-Cuban relations, these were not devoid of friction. After 1960, in the context of US anti-Castro attitude, relations between Havana and London remained lukewarm but firm. Following the US embargo in 1961, Castro needed Western European diplomatic and economic connections both as a security against Soviet shortfalls, and as a means of countering Soviet dominance. While America remained hostile to Castro, Britain adopted a conciliatory attitude and wanted to establish a working relationship with the Cuban leader. This situation developed as Cuba strengthened her link with the Soviet Bloc. This was because Britain began to regard US Cuban policy as exacerbating East-West tension, and because London gave Cuba's Communist regime the same treatment granted to the Sino-Soviet Bloc. The British considered that US policy allowed Cuba to slip into the Soviet camp, and that it denied the West the opportunity to regain its lost influence in Cuba. London felt confident that the West still had a chance for influence in Cuba because-particularly after the Cuban Missile Crisis-Castro wanted improved relations with Western Europe, and had shown signs of being unhappy with the Soviet arrangement. The British held hopes that Castro could become a Latin American Tito. For the British, therefore, US policy appeared counterproductive and short-sighted. Disagreement between London and Washington surfaced as early as 1959, but policy conflict only became serious in 1964-as a result of Britain granting export credit to Cuba following an improvement of Cuba's balance of payments situation. This occurred at a time when Washington was celebrating the economic dislocation its embargo was having upon Cuba. Both London and Washington, however, succeeded in suppressing their quarrel, although British trading policy towards Cuba continued to be subject to market conditions, and diplomatic relations continued much as they always had been. A detailed examination is made of the reasons why Britain was interested in a working relationship with Castro. This interest came about as the result of domestic issues, of British opinion on how to deal with nationalist leaders in a Cold War context, and of the nature of Anglo-Cuban and Anglo-American relations. The main value of this dissertation, apart from its intrinsic value, is the attempt to fill a serious gap in the literature on Cuban- European connections following Castro's nationalist-turned-Communist revolution in 1959.
10
Loiacano, Catherine Lynn. "Casualties of a Radicalizing Cuban Revolution: Middle-Class Opposition and Exile, 1961-1968". NCSU, 2010. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03262010-104219/.
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This study explores the major factors contributing to the exodus of the Cuban middle class from 1961 to 1968. For the purpose of this study, the heterogeneous middle class is broken up into middle-class students, professionals, and businessmen. Each of these groups had slightly different values and motivations, yet large percentages of each left Cuba as the revolution radicalized, changing economic, political and social life for all Cubans. In explaining this phenomenon, this paper follows the relationship between Cuba and the United States, focusing particularly on the conflictive dialogue that emerged between Fidel Castro and the US presidents of the 1960âs. In addition, the role of each government in facilitating the exodus must be considered, necessitating attention to US special treatment toward Cuban immigrants. Ultimately, this study asserts that various radicalizations in revolutionary Cuba from the declaration of socialism in April 1961 to the final revolutionary offensive of 1968 pushed the middle class to the United States. Unlike the middles classes of 1940s Costa Rica and Guatemala, they chose to leave in order to retain their standard of living rather than to sacrifice in order for the lower classes to benefit.
11
Aparicio-Torres, Maria. "Spanish and Cuban Politicians, Publicists and Reporters facing the Cuban Crisis at the End of the Nineteenth Century". FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3168.
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In my dissertation, I study a selection of little known Spanish and Cuban texts published during the Cuban War of Independence at the end of the 19th century. In this project, I provide a transatlantic approach of literary texts in various genres and subgenres, and political messages exchanged between Cuba and Spain, which have been neglected by scholars in the field.
By analyzing the emergence of a colonial discourse in the works of novelists, politicians and thinkers who wrote about the Cuban-Spanish confrontation, I establish their ambiguous and frequently contradictory colonial messages. In doing so, this dissertation furthers our understanding of the complexities of the political moment as well as the interest and ideals that ignited the conflict.
The study is of great relevance in view of the recent agreements between the United States and Cuba. The relations between the two countries are evolving in a way that was unthinkable at the beginning of the 20th century. Furthermore, secessionist feelings within the Spanish nation are reemerging and similar allegations and demands that brought Cuba to independence are in place. For all these reasons, it is necessary revisiting and comprehending the complex and, frequently contradictory, discourses that emerged in a moment, which was determinant for the development and future political attitudes of the three nations involved.
12
Gibbs, Beth. "Exploring Cuban Music through the Choral Arrangements of Electo Silva". Scholarly Repository, 2010. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/379.
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A prolific arranger and composer, Electo Silva is an iconic figure in the field of choral music in Cuba. His collection of traditional Cuban songs entitled "30 canciones populares cubanas" presents an array of influential pieces that have enriched the repertoire for mixed a cappella choirs. Six titles have been extracted from the catalog of thirty to more closely examine characteristics of genre and style, composition and structure, and language and performance practice. Historical background is defined, cultural and folkloric traditions are explored, and suggestions for performance are offered. The essay is designed to assist the non-Cuban conductor in creating a successful culturally and historically accurate performance. English translations, International Phonetic Alphabet transcriptions, and musical examples are added to assist in the conductor's research and preparation.
13
Martinez, Alexandra. "The Contention of Space in Contemporary Cuban and Brazilian Film". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193970.
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The purpose of this dissertation is to study women's representation and the contention of space in contemporary Brazilian and Cuban films, in order to analyze the way in which the films reflect societal values regarding gender roles and, consequently the way the nation is represented. The Cuban films I examine are: Retrato de Teresa (1979) and De Cierta Manera (1964), the short "Julia" from Mujer Transparente (1990) and from Brazil I work with the films Gabriela (1983) and A Hora da Estrela (1984.) All of the films have a protagonist that is a woman, and all were successful in the box office and had some international recognition. The films have strong female protagonists and share similar socio-political contexts- the socialist government in Cuba and the military dictatorship in Brazil, as well as a time period marked by social unrest as women's rights groups were very active in both countries. My hypothesis is that although these films were commercially successful, groundbreaking and innovative; they ultimately were marked by some of the gendered contradictions and the feminist questionings of their time. In fact, my analysis reveals that, although they each raise many issues and questions about an egalitarian society for both men and women, they fall short in terms of a progressive politics of gender. A notable exception, the film A Hora da Estrela provides a striking difference to the other films.
14
Beers, Mayra. "Para Subsistir Dignamente: Alberto Yarini and the Search for Cubanidad, 1882-1910". FIU Digital Commons, 2011. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/370.
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This study looks at the broader transformations in Cuban history through the case study of a single, yet symbolic, man, and proposes a new paradigm for understanding the dynamics of Cuban society and culture. It also examines the implications for Cuba’s aspiring national identity at the turn of the twentieth century, by detailing the interplay between fact and fiction in the story of Alberto Yarini: elite born; well-educated; politically and socially well-connected; powerful; and celebrated Cuban racketeer and chulo (pimp).
Yarini was described as vibrant and triumphant at a time when other nation-building forces in Cuba were weak and ambivalent. A century after his dramatic death, Yarini became the quintessential public man in Cuban lore who symbolized a cubanidad (Cuban national identity) not defined in terms of the ideological hegemony of class, race, or gender, and who through his actions dispelled the ambivalence that plagued Cuban nationalism.
Using archival documents, contemporary newspaper accounts, court records, memoirs, and published works, this study analyzes the confluence of national events and individual action in the formation of Cuban national identity. It contends that for Cuba, the failure of nation-building experiments resulted in an ambivalent national identity based on failed philosophical and political ideals of equality and prosperity. These ideals played out within the context of the realities of racial discrimination, political dissonance, and class and gender barriers. Instead of a cohesive sense of national character, for Cubans the result was a competing set of identities including a populist version that was defined through identification with antitypes and pseudo-heroes such as Alberto Yarini y Ponce de León (1882-1910), a rising politician and celebrated chulo of the early republic. The telling and retelling of his story has given rise to what has been termed the island nation’s first national myth – one that continues to evolve and grow in the twenty-first century. For many Cubans, the Yarini antitype provided an idealized national identity which in many ways was—and many argue continues to be— the expression of an elusive and ambivalent cubanidad.
15
Bannah, Maxwell Joseph. "A cause for animation : Harry Reade and Cuban revolution". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16452/1/Max_Bannah_Thesis.pdf.
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This monographic study examines the life of the Australian artist Harry Reade (1927-1998), and his largely overlooked contribution to animation within historical, social, political and cultural contexts of his time.
The project constitutes a biography of Reade, tracing his life from his birth in 1927 through to his period of involvement with animation between 1956 and 1969. The biography examines the forces that shaped Reade and the ways in which he tried to shape his world through the medium of animation. It chronicles his experiences as a child living in impoverished conditions during the Great Depression, his early working life, the influence of left wing ideology on his creative development, and his contribution to animation with the Waterside Workers' Federation Film Unit, in Sydney. The study especially focuses on the period between 1961 and 1969 during which Reade supported the Cuban Revolution's social and cultural reform process by writing and directing animated films at the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (Cuban Institute of the Art and Industry of Cinema - ICAIC), in Havana.
The thesis argues that Reade played a significant role in the development of Cuban animation during the early years of the Cuban Revolution. Further, his animated work in this cultural sphere was informed by a network of political alliances and social philosophies that were directly linked to his experiences and creative development in Australia.
Theoretical approaches to biographical method and animation studies have been used to provide a cohesive framework for an investigation of Reade's life and animation work. The thesis also draws on Reade's autobiography and his animated works, oral histories, newspaper articles, press cartoons, illustrations, photographs, and official government archival documents. This project also has an archival purpose in collecting and compiling Reade's animation work onto CD.
16
Bell, Bobby. "Los anos duros : the experience of young Cuban political exiles arriving in the United States between 1959-1962, an oral history". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2001. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/259.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
History
17
Cordeiro, Ítalo Rodrigo Xavier [UNESP]. "A cultura política da revolução latino-americana na década de 1960: Régis Debray e o foquismo". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93190.
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No presente trabalho buscamos investigar os fundamentos da elaboração, desenvolvimento e repercussão da ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖ produzida pelo intelectual francês Régis Debray, especialmente a partir da análise do seu livro Revolução na Revolução, publicado em 1967. As formulações de Debray, inspiradas na revolução cubana de 1959, marcaram profundamente a cultura política da esquerda latino-americana a partir da década de 1960. Suas teses influenciaram a esquerda radicalizada regional, que adotou a luta armada como única alternativa para realização e consolidação do projeto revolucionário no continente. Régis Debray envolveu-se com a revolução cubana mais do que qualquer outro intelectual da esquerda ocidental, transformando-se em um dos seus principais ideólogos. A partir de sua experiência com os cubanos, Debray criaria a teoria do ―foco‖, e essa cumpriu, especialmente na década de 1960, o papel de uma ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖, tendo a revolução cubana como paradigma
In the present work, we aim at investigating the foundations of the elaboration, development and repercussion of the ―Latin American revolution theory‖, put forth by the French intellectual Régis Debray, from the analysis of his book Revolução na revolução, published in 1967, in particular. Debray's formulations, having taken inspiration in the 1959 Cuban revolution, deeply influenced the political culture of the Latin American left wing from the 1960's onward. His theses influenced the regional radicalized left wing, who adopted armed struggle as the only alternative to the realization and consolidation of the continent's revolutionary project. Régis Debray got more involved with the Cuban Revolution than any other Western left-winged intellectual, becoming one of its main ideologists. From his experience with the Cubans, Debray would create the ―foco‖ theory, which had, particularly in the 1960's, the vole of a ―Latin American revolution theory‖, having the Cuban revolution as its paradigm
18
Stark, Derek Anthony. "Deceptive intentions: Packaging the Cuban Missile Crisis for foreign and domestic consumption". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27044.
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Derek Stark's thesis examines the diplomatic history behind the Cuban Missile Crisis. It focuses on how the crisis was packaged and delivered to its various constituents. The crisis was framed differently to the varying members of the administration of the governments involved, the allies of these nations, the members of the United Nations, and the populations of the countries through their media. Information pertaining to the crisis was being manipulated, not only through inaccurate testimonials that came from Washington after the fact, but during the crisis as well, as a conscious effort was being made to influence how the history would be interpreted. The thesis provides a clear-cut case of information-manipulation from the highest levels of the US government. Were President Kennedy's deceptions required to protect his own political position or were they needed for more valid reasons of international strategy? Stark's thesis includes the complex answer to this question.
19
Bannah, Maxwell Joseph. "A cause for animation : Harry Reade and Cuban revolution". Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16452/.
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This monographic study examines the life of the Australian artist Harry Reade (1927-1998), and his largely overlooked contribution to animation within historical, social, political and cultural contexts of his time. The project constitutes a biography of Reade, tracing his life from his birth in 1927 through to his period of involvement with animation between 1956 and 1969. The biography examines the forces that shaped Reade and the ways in which he tried to shape his world through the medium of animation. It chronicles his experiences as a child living in impoverished conditions during the Great Depression, his early working life, the influence of left wing ideology on his creative development, and his contribution to animation with the Waterside Workers' Federation Film Unit, in Sydney. The study especially focuses on the period between 1961 and 1969 during which Reade supported the Cuban Revolution's social and cultural reform process by writing and directing animated films at the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (Cuban Institute of the Art and Industry of Cinema - ICAIC), in Havana. The thesis argues that Reade played a significant role in the development of Cuban animation during the early years of the Cuban Revolution. Further, his animated work in this cultural sphere was informed by a network of political alliances and social philosophies that were directly linked to his experiences and creative development in Australia. Theoretical approaches to biographical method and animation studies have been used to provide a cohesive framework for an investigation of Reade's life and animation work. The thesis also draws on Reade's autobiography and his animated works, oral histories, newspaper articles, press cartoons, illustrations, photographs, and official government archival documents. This project also has an archival purpose in collecting and compiling Reade's animation work onto CD.
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Lima, Edinaldo Aparecido Santos de. "Preparar, apontar, foto! A construção da imagem fotográfica dos camponeses cubanos nos periódicos Revolución e Campo de Revolución (1959-1961)". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/158300.
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Gestado nas matas da Sierra Maestra, em meio aos conflitos entre rebeldes e a ditadura de Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), o jornal Revolución dirigido por Carlos Franqui cumpria o papel de divulgar as conquistas e os ideais dos insurgentes. Com o triunfo da Revolução em 1959, o periódico deixou a clandestinidade e tornou-se um influente veículo de informação do período. Nele trabalharam vários profissionais entre os quais, fotógrafos cujos frutos de suas produções cooperaram na eternização da Revolução como um dos eventos significativos do século XX. Depois dessa virada histórica, os holofotes dos principais meios de comunicação do mundo passaram a dedicar maior atenção aos passos que seriam dados por aquele país. Logo nos primeiros meses, o jovem governo revolucionário encetou uma série de reformas em vários âmbitos da sociedade, sobretudo em regiões rurais onde predominaram durante décadas a pobreza e a ausência de serviços básicos como educação e saúde. Diante das lentes dos fotógrafos de Revolución, os camponeses cubanos passaram a ter suas condições de vida e seus rostos propagados por toda a Ilha, ao passo em que um imaginário sobre si era construído no intuito de sensibilizar, conscientizar e mobilizar a sociedade, principalmente dos centros urbanos, a participarem do processo de mudanças sociopolíticas do país. Porém, os resultados obtidos a partir da meticulosa análise quantitativa e qualitativa do montante de fotografias presentes tanto no jornal quanto no seu suplemento Campo de Revolución, organizadas e catalogadas mostraram que a moldagem desse imaginário não fora unívoca ou rígida, pois a realidade histórica vivida intensamente pelos cubanos nos primeiros três anos tornou-a flexível. Além disso, a metodologia empregada na análise das fotografias permitiu-nos discutir outros assuntos inerentes ao universo rural cubano.
Raised in the forests of the Sierra Maestra, amid conflicts between rebels and the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958), the newspaper Revolución led by Carlos Franqui played the role of publicizing the achievements and ideals of the insurgents. With the triumph of the Revolution in 1959, the newspaper left the clandestine and became an influential vehicle of information of the period. In it worked several professionals among whom, photographers whose fruits of their productions cooperated in the eternalization of the Revolution like one of the significant events of century XX. After this historic turnaround, the spotlight of the world's mainstream media began to pay more attention to the steps that would be taken by that country. In the early months, the young revolutionary government embarked on a series of reforms in various areas of society, particularly in rural areas where poverty and lack of basic services such as education and health prevailed for decades. Faced with the lenses of the photographers of Revolución, the Cuban peasants began to have their living conditions and their faces propagated throughout the Island, while an imaginary about themselves was built in order to raise awareness, raise awareness and mobilize society, especially the urban centers to participate in the process of socio-political changes in the country. However, the results obtained from the meticulous quantitative and qualitative analysis of the amount of photographs present in both the newspaper and its Campo de Revolución supplement, organized and cataloged, showed that the molding of this imagery was not unequivocal or rigid, since the historical reality lived intensely by Cubans in the first three years made it flexible. In addition, the methodology used in the analysis of the photographs allowed us to discuss other subjects inherent to the Cuban rural universe.
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Crawford, Stephanie A. "Altered Perceptions; Exposing the Political Alignment of the American Press During the Cuban Period of the Cold War, 1959-1962". University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1301665944.
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Ikeda, James Chiyoki. ""Black is a Country"| The Impact of the Cuban Revolution on American Black Radical Solidarities". Thesis, Tufts University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10276727.
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This Master’s thesis looks at the solidarities of black radicals in the mid-20th century and traces how they evolved in contact with the Cuban Revolution. I argue that the Cuban Revolution refracted and altered existing threads of black radical solidarity by acting as a discursive site for theorizing and debating the tactics and ideology of black freedom. This resulted in the strengthening of black American Third World identity, the proliferation of a colonial understanding of the black condition, and the development of competing forms of black nationalism. This thesis positions the Cuban Revolution as a definitive moment in black radical intellectual history which did not necessarily originate any of the major threads of black radical solidarity, but which had a profound impact on the ways that the animating ideas of mid-20th century black radicalism were theorized and expressed from the 1960s through the 1970s and beyond.
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de, Sousa E. Santos Dina Sebastiana. "Jineterismo in Havana : narrating the daily struggles of Afro-Cuban Jineteras". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2009. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/360560/.
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Jineterismo, frequently used as a synonym of prostitution, became a widely used term in Cuba in the 1990s. Perceived by some as a social problem that needed to be eliminated, and as a liberating economic strategy by others, the term is discussed in major studies on contemporary Cuba and often mentioned by travel writers outside of Cuba. Some scholars define jineterismo as the new female strategy adopted by young women to obtain hard currency, on the other hand, an influential Cuban politician, criticised jineteras, stating that they were immoral and embarrassing to Cuba. This study seeks to understand the meanings and practices of jineterismo from a bottom up perspective. Using ethnography to locate answers about jineterismo, I explore the meanings of the concept based on the views of those that Cuban society labels as jineteras. The central argument put forward in this study is that jineterismo has to be analysed as a diverse set of practices caused by a diverse set of factors, and that it involves a heterogeneous group of individuals. Jineterismo, I argue, ranges from the struggle to obtain hard currency to the practices involved in developing and maintaining romantic relationships with tourists, and is strongly informed by the desire to emigrate abroad. While jineterismo currently appears to be embedded in discourses of prostitution, this thesis highlights the romantic side of jineterismo and brings to the fore young Cuban women’s perceptions of Cuban men and life in Cuba, views that contrast significantly with their positive images of Europeans and the Western world. More importantly, the thesis improves our knowledge of jineterismo by offering a new perspective into the reasons that lead young Cuban women to seek relationships outside Cuba.
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Minichino, Mario John. "In Our Image: The Attempted Reshaping of the Cuban Education System by the United States Government, 1898-1912". Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5275.
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Abstract
During the fourteen years between 1898 and 1912, the influences imparted upon the School System of Cuba were substantial. In the period immediately following the conflict with Spain, known in the U.S. as the Spanish American War, a concerted effort was underway to annex the island of Cuba. This study was undertaken to discover what courses were introduced into the K-12 curricula following the U.S. intervention, who introduced those changes, and what, if any influence those changes brought to the culture of the island. This investigation and analysis was necessary to reinvigorate the discussion regarding the history of the Cuban education system in view of the attempted cultural change brought about by the U.S. intervention. While many actions were underway by various factions both within the U.S. government and without to ensure that the annexation would be successful, one concerted effort was undertaken through the reconstruction of Cuba's schools. Changes that were made include: coursework, textbooks, structure of schools, selection process for teachers and professors at the University of Havana, holiday schedule, and the school-day and school-year. While the language of instruction remained Spanish, the method of delivery and training of Cuban school teachers was adapted through an extended summer Normal School program in association with Harvard University and a fulltime program at the New Paltz Normal School in New York. From the results collected regarding the coursework, individuals involved, and the changes imparted upon the culture of Cuba, it appears that a concerted effort was underway to impose a U.S.-styled school system on Cuba with the intended result of annexation of the island of Cuba by acclamation of the Cuban people.
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Rossodivito, Anthony M. "The Struggle Against Bandits: The Cuban Revolution and Responses to CIA-Sponsored Counter-Revolutionary Activity, 1959-1963". UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/508.
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Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.
26
McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
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Cordeiro, Ítalo Rodrigo Xavier. "A cultura política da revolução latino-americana na década de 1960 : Régis Debray e o foquismo /". Franca : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93190.
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Orientador: Alberto AggioBanca: Adriane Vidal Costa
Banca: Marcos Sorrilha Pinheiro
Resumo: No presente trabalho buscamos investigar os fundamentos da elaboração, desenvolvimento e repercussão da ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖ produzida pelo intelectual francês Régis Debray, especialmente a partir da análise do seu livro Revolução na Revolução, publicado em 1967. As formulações de Debray, inspiradas na revolução cubana de 1959, marcaram profundamente a cultura política da esquerda latino-americana a partir da década de 1960. Suas teses influenciaram a esquerda radicalizada regional, que adotou a luta armada como única alternativa para realização e consolidação do projeto revolucionário no continente. Régis Debray envolveu-se com a revolução cubana mais do que qualquer outro intelectual da esquerda ocidental, transformando-se em um dos seus principais ideólogos. A partir de sua experiência com os cubanos, Debray criaria a teoria do ―foco‖, e essa cumpriu, especialmente na década de 1960, o papel de uma ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖, tendo a revolução cubana como paradigma
Abstract: In the present work, we aim at investigating the foundations of the elaboration, development and repercussion of the ―Latin American revolution theory‖, put forth by the French intellectual Régis Debray, from the analysis of his book Revolução na revolução, published in 1967, in particular. Debray's formulations, having taken inspiration in the 1959 Cuban revolution, deeply influenced the political culture of the Latin American left wing from the 1960's onward. His theses influenced the regional radicalized left wing, who adopted armed struggle as the only alternative to the realization and consolidation of the continent's revolutionary project. Régis Debray got more involved with the Cuban Revolution than any other Western left-winged intellectual, becoming one of its main ideologists. From his experience with the Cubans, Debray would create the ―foco‖ theory, which had, particularly in the 1960's, the vole of a ―Latin American revolution theory‖, having the Cuban revolution as its paradigm
Mestre
28
Sweeney, Dwight Paul. "The connectors of two worlds: Chano Pozo, Dizzy Gillespie, and the continuity of myth through Afro-Cuban jazz". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2823.
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Explains how Afro-Cuban culture influenced African-American jazzmen and led to the formation of Afro-Cuban or Latin jazz in 1947 by Dizzy Gillespie and Chano Pozo. Explores the musical connections between the physical plane of Cuba and the United States, and the esoteric spiritual world of the orishas and myths coming to life in sacred and secular music forms.
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Domingos, Charles Sidarta Machado. "Questão de Cuba : a política externa independente e a crise dos mísseis". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/107267.
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Com a Revolução Cubana a Guerra Fria se torna mais presente no continente americano. O governo dos Estados Unidos da América começa a desenvolver ações para combater o governo revolucionário que assume o poder naquele país. Essas ações são baseadas no emprego da força militar e em soluções diplomáticas. Nesse mesmo período, João Goulart se torna presidente do Brasil. Ele continua a Política Externa Independente do governo Jânio Quadros. E o governo brasileiro acaba se envolvendo na questão de Cuba. Esta tese procura investigar a participação do governo de João Goulart na Crise dos Mísseis (1962) e compreender o que esse episódio representa para a Política Externa Independente. Nossos objetivos são demonstrar como o Brasil percebe a evolução da questão de Cuba; perceber como o país se posicionou na Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e quais foram as repercussões decorrentes; procurar entender qual a razão do envio do general Albino Silva à Cuba; compreender a posição brasileira na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) através do projeto de desnuclearização da América Latina; verificar como a sociedade brasileira se manifestou a respeito desse episódio; e, por fim, analisar se a Crise dos Mísseis modifica as relações entre os governos de Goulart e Kennedy.With the Cuban Revolution to Cold War becomes more present in the Americas. The government of the United States of America begins to develop actions to combat the revolutionary government that assumes power in that country. These actions are based on the use of military force and diplomatic solutions. In the same period, becomes president of Brazil João Goulart. He continues the Política Externa Independente of Quadros government. And the brazilian government gets involved in the issue of Cuba. This thesis investigates the involvement of the government of João Goulart in Missile Crisis (1962) and understand what this episode is for the Política Externa Independente. Our objectives are to demonstrate how Brazil sees the evolution of the issue of Cuba; see how the country stood at the Organization of American States (OAS) and what were this repercussions; seek to understand the reason of sending general Albino Silva the Cuba; understand the brazilian position at the United Nations (UN) through the project of denuclearization of Latin America; check how brazilian society manifested related to this episode; finally, analyze the Missile Crisis produced some effect in relations between the governments of Goulart and John Kennedy; analyze if the Missile Crisis modifies the relations between the government of Goulart and Kennedy.
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Felippe, Eduardo Ferraz. "A resignação de Sísifo: tradição, cultura política e história na obra do moderno vetusto Alejo Carpentier (1928-1980)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-30072013-121934/.
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Essa tese ilumina as relações entre tradição, ensaio e história na obra de Alejo Carpentier, entre 1928 e 1980, com o intuito de compreender seu caminho para o antigo. O estudo recoloca a discussão sobre a proposta estética de escritores e movimentos de vanguarda europeus e latino-americanos. Minha principal consideração é de que a visão negativa de Carpentier acerca das vanguardas foi produto de uma estratégia de sagração de seu nome como intelectual e da separação de sua obra dos bens culturais da modernidade, como o rádio. Duas faces de uma mesma moeda colocou no esquecimento uma obra fundamentalmente vinculada à legitimidade moderna, especialmente por uma experiência do tempo vinculada ao presente e a constituição de uma rede intelectual latino-americana da qual Carpentier era partícipe. Por meio da análise de sua obra e do contexto europeu e latino-americano, este estudo realça que o conceito de formação é apropriado pelo autor para valorizar uma trajetória intelectual coesa que rejeitou os padrões de percepção e representação legados pelo surrealismo. Ao mesmo tempo, as múltiplas formas de leitura da tradição clássica inclusive utilizando os mitos de Sísifo e Adão valorizam o lugar autêntico de sua escrita, porém não deixam de ressaltar a presença da artificialidade do surrealismo.The issue of this thesis is the relation amid tradition, political culture and history in the work of Alejo Carpentier (1928-1980) to understand his way to ancient. This proposal reassesses the dialogue between the aesthetic avant-garde European writers and Latin American manifestations. My main assertation is that Carpentiers negative appraisals by the avant-garde were the product of Rite of his name as intellectual and the distance of his work on the belongings of modernity, like a radio. Two faces on the same coin have been left behind a work linked to the modernity mainly connected to the present and the constitution of an intellectual latin-american web. By the annalisys of the work and the European and latin-american context, this work underlines that the concept of formation emphatizes an intellectual path that was opposed to the patterns of perception and representation legacy by the surrealism. Meanwhile, the different forms of lecture of classical tradition with the myths of Sisifo and Adam who praised the authentic writing on its own, although it maintains the artificiality of surrealism.
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Sarmiento, Oddveig Nicole. "A postcolonial analysis of Cuban foreign policy towards South African liberation movements, 1959-1994". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4300.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.
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Leyva-Perez, Irina. "Alchemy and Symbolism in the Work of Carlos Estevez". FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/740.
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The purpose of this thesis was to explore how alchemy has influenced Carlos Estevez’s work through a study of the symbolic repertoire and the philosophical concepts associated with it in his art, particularly how these are expressed in his artworks and how alchemy has evolved thematically in his oeuvre. The study of alchemy influenced this artist so deeply that even pieces that were not primarily inspired by this philosophical system show traces of it, essentially by representing the concept of transformation, crucial to understanding the alchemical process. This thesis is based on Carl Gustav Jung’s idea of metaphysical transformation as one of the main aspects of alchemy, and on his theory of active imagination as a tool to represent thoughts through artworks. Alchemy transformed Estevez’s art, and by extension the way he approaches life, making him conscious of the importance of transmutation and alchemical concepts.
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Esqueda, Octavio J. "Theological Higher Education in Cuba: A Case Study of the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4331/.
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This research attempted to provide a comprehensive overview of the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary within the context of theological education in Cuba and the Cuban Revolution. Three major purposes directed this research. The first one was historical: to document and evaluate the rise, survival and achievements of the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary, which has continued its mission through extraordinary political opposition and economical difficulties. The second major purpose was institutional: to gain insight into Cuban seminary modus operandi. The third purpose of the study was to identify perceived needs of the seminary. This study sought to provide information that can facilitate a better understanding of Cuban Christian theological higher education. The Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary was founded in the city of Santiago the Cuba on October 10, 1949 by the Eastern Baptist Convention. This seminary exists for the purpose of training pastors for the Eastern Baptist Convention. The school offers a four-year program leading to a bachelor in theology degree.
The Eastern Cuba Baptist Convention experienced the same oppression from the communist revolution as the rest of the evangelical denominations during the sixties and seventies. The worst period for the convention and the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary started in 1965 when many important people were recruited to work at the Military Units to Aid Production (UMAP). Fidel Castro recognized in 1991 that the Cuban Communist Party erroneously made atheism its religion. Although the Cuban communist regime never issued an antireligious policy, in subtle ways Christians suffered the consequences of the religious ideological conflict. Nevertheless, today the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary operates independently and without the direction of the Cuban government. Communism and Christianity have learned to live together in Cuba even though they started with difficulties. Theological education in Cuba not only survived the negative effects of the Cuban revolution, but also has emerged stronger than ever.
Economic resources are the primary need of the Eastern Cuba Baptist Theological Seminary. The seminary has been through many difficulties during its history. Nevertheless, these days represent the best time in the seminary history.
34
Silva, Júnior José Antonio Ferreira da 1987. "Retórica americana : temas e ideias político-culturais em Casa de las Américas (1965-1976)". [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279654.
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Orientador: José Alves de Freitas NetoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:47:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SilvaJunior_JoseAntonioFerreirada_M.pdf: 1700054 bytes, checksum: 09c1830a8d95d190c305110e85ba4e6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Resumo: Este trabalho procura levantar e mapear discussões e debates político-culturais da segunda metade do século XX em Cuba, nas primeiras décadas da Revolução Cubana. A difusão de periódicos e impressos contribuiu para uma circulação diferenciada de ideias e discursos, envolvendo sujeitos históricos em diferentes dinâmicas entre o político e o cultural. Os intelectuais encontraram nesse tipo de meio de comunicação um espaço de expressão e engajamento com o processo revolucionário. A revista cubana Casa de las Américas se constituiu como centro de uma rede intelectual, a partir da qual se construiu e se difundiu um discurso revolucionário. Nossa proposta é partir desta revista, como objeto e fonte histórica, para aproximarmo-nos das ideias e noções conformadas entre intelectuais relacionados com o imaginário esquerdista da América Latina nos anos 1960 e 1970. Um dos nossos temas principais é a conformação de discursos identitários na revista. Defendemos que as identidades construídas discursivamente por Casa fazem parte da concepção que a própria revista tinha sobre sua atuação no processo revolucionário. Também, a questão em torno do papel do letrado é aqui analisada por nós. A publicação deu suporte para a formação de um discurso que valorizou e favoreceu uma estética e uma concepção de intelectual específicas para cumprir o que era visto como revolucionário. Devido à importância e à vigência que Casa estabelece para José Martí (1853-1895), as formas de discussão e apropriação da vida e obra deste letrado cubano figuram também em nossa argumentação, destacando mecanismos discursivos e formas de apropriação da história de Cuba. Dessa forma, passando por alguns temas político-culturais da revista, pretendemos abordar a história da esquerda latino-americana e da conformação de seu imaginário
Abstract: This work discusses and analyses the political and cultural debates during the first decades of the Cuban Revolution in the second half of the 20th century. In this context the dissemination of printed journals had contributed for the exchange of ideas and discourses, allowing the historical subjects to be immersed in a variety of political and cultural dynamics. Intellectuals found a space for expression and engagement with the revolutionary process in this type of media. The Cuban cultural journal Casa de las Américas was the center of an intellectual network from which the revolutionary discourse was built and spread. With the analysis of this journal we intend to get closer to the ideas and concepts that were being created and used by the Latin American leftist intellectuals of the 1960s and 1970s. One of our main themes is the conformation of identity discourses in the journal Casa de las Américas. The importance of the figure of the intellectual is another focused subject. We argue that the identities constructed discursively by this cultural journal are part of the design that the magazine itself had on its performance in the revolutionary process. The publication gave support to the formation of a discourse that valued and promoted a specific aesthetic and conception of intellectual which would fulfill what was seen as revolutionary. The important role that was reserved for José Martí (1853-1895) in Casa justifies our analysis of how his life and works were discussed and presented in the journal, emphasizing the discursive mechanisms and the different forms of appropriation of Cuban history. Thus, with the analysis of some political and cultural themes from Casa we intend to study the history of Latin-American left and the conformation of its imaginary
Mestrado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Mestre em História
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Ramos, Miguel. "Lucumí (Yoruba) Culture in Cuba: A Reevaluation (1830S -1940s)". FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/966.
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The status, roles, and interactions of three dominant African ethnic groups and their descendants in Cuba significantly influenced the island’s cubanidad (national identity): the Lucumís (Yoruba), the Congos (Bantú speakers from Central West Africa), and the Carabalís (from the region of Calabar). These three groups, enslaved on the island, coexisted, each group confronting obstacles that threatened their way of life and cultural identities. Through covert resistance, cultural appropriation, and accommodation, all three, but especially the Lucumís, laid deep roots in the nineteenth century that came to fruition in the twentieth.
During the early 1900s, Cuba confronted numerous pressures, internal and external. Under the pretense of a quest for national identity and modernity, Afro-Cubans and African cultures and religion came under political, social, and intellectual attack. Race was an undeniable element in these conflicts. While all three groups were oppressed equally, only the Lucumís fought back, contesting accusations of backwardness, human sacrifice, cannibalism, and brujería (witchcraft), exaggerated by the sensationalistic media, often with the police’s and legal system’s complicity. Unlike the covert character of earlier epochs’ responses to oppression, in the twentieth century Lucumí resistance was overt and outspoken, publically refuting the accusations levied against African religions.
Although these struggles had unintended consequences for the Lucumís, they gave birth to cubanidad’s African component. With the help of Fernando Ortiz, the Lucumí were situated at the pinnacle of a hierarchical pyramid, stratifying African religious complexes based on civilizational advancement, but at a costly price. Social ascent denigrated Lucumí religion to the status of folklore, depriving it of its status as a bona fide religious complex. To the present, Lucumí religious descendants, in Cuba and, after 1959, in many other areas of the world, are still contesting this contradiction in terms: an elevated downgrade.
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Tejero, Nikolasa. "NATIONALISM AND ITS EXPRESSION IN CUBA’S ART MUSIC: THE USE OF FOLKLORE IN MARIO ABRIL’S “FANTASIA (INTRODUCTION AND PACHANGA)” FOR CLARINET AND PIANO". UKnowledge, 2011. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/215.
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In the centuries since the colonization of the New World, the people of Cuba created a strong musical tradition. Initially, their music mirrored the European composition canons of structural, melodic and harmonic order. The eventual confluence of its distinct cultural elements (i.e. the European, African, and, to a lesser extent, Amerindian) led to the emergence of a new, distinctly Cuban musical tradition.
The wars for independence that began in the United States and Europe in the eighteenth century created a surge towards political and cultural autonomy that swept across the Latin American colonies, generating a wave of nationalism during the nineteenth century. After finally gaining its independence in 1902, Cuba sought to define itself as a nation. Cubans looked inward to their regional folklore—their indigenous and popular traditions—for the source of their national identity, a trend that became of primary interest to Cuban artists. The nationalist trend found full musical expression during the twentieth century, when composers turned to folklore for their inspiration in creating new art music (works for the concert hall) with a unique sound and vitality.
This study concerns itself with the Cuban nationalist movement and its role in the creation of art music by twentieth-century Cuban composers, most specifically that of Mario Abril. The monograph is organized into three general sections: the first section (Chapters 2 and 3) identifies the significant characteristics of nationalism, describes the manifestation of some relevant nationalist movements (e.g., in Europe and Latin America), and explores the manifestation of the nationalist movement in Cuba. The second section (Chapters 4 and 5) provides a history of Cuban art music, concluding with a biographical sketch of composer Mario Abril. The third part (Chapters 6 and 7)consists of a study of the music, beginning with a description of the pertinent characteristics of Cuban popular music, followed by an examination Mario Abril’s Fantasía (Introduction and Pachanga) for clarinet and piano. The document concludes with remarks about the characteristics that qualify the work as an example of Cuban nationalist art music with suggestions for the study and interpretation of the work.
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Johnston, Laurie Ann. "Por la escuela Cubana en Cuba libre : themes in the history of primary and secondary education in Cuba, 1899-1958". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244509.
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Jacobs, Matthew D. "A “Psychological Offensive”: United States Public Diplomacy, Revolutionary Cuba, and the Contest for Latin American Hearts and Minds during the 1960s". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1427980665.
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de, los Reyes Vanessa. "I Love Ricky: How Desi Arnaz Challenged American Popular Culture". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1209136075.
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Farnia, Navid. "National Liberation in an Imperialist World: Race and the U.S. National Security State, 1959-1980". The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1563474429728204.
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Ersson, Elin. "Janus ala Cuba : Filmiska gestaltningar av den kubanska revolutionen". Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-21119.
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Denna uppsats undersöker hur samma historiska händelse kan ha olika betydelser i film. Idag är människor mer benägna att se en film om en historisk händelse än att läsa en historiebok, och detta innebär att vi måste lära oss att förstå de konventioner som används för att placera historia på film. Historiefilmen kan sägas besitta en palimpsestisk historiskt medvetenhet där lager av fakta och myt smälter samman, hellre än att skiljas åt. Men för att en historisk händelse ska passa in i filmens tidsram måste den bearbetas och detta resulterar i att vissa människor, händelser och rörelser prioriteras, medan andra utesluts. Därför undersöker denna uppsats vad som lagts till / uteslutits och effekterna på sammanhanget och trovärdighet, hur filmen hävdar sin autenticitet, och hur upphovsmannen påverkar trovärdigheten. Analysresultaten av två filmer om den kubanska revolutionen, visar att beroende på vilken del av den historisk händelsen som skildras, skapar filmerna helt olika berättelser med olika budskap. Medan filmen Che-Argentinaren (2008) fungerar som en hyllning av gerillanledaren Che Guevara som Kubas frälsare, visar en vänsterideologi och uttrycker USA förakt, skildrar däremot den andra filmen The Lost City (2005) revolutionens baksida. Den visar en högerideologi, familjevärderingar och USA som frihetens och drömmarnas land. Båda filmerna använder sig av liknande stilistiska strategier för att uppnå illusionen av autenticitet, och filmernas upphovsmän påverkar filmernas trovärdighet i olika grad. Vad jag i uppsatsen till sist menar är att historiefilmen inte bör tas som sanning, utan har en viktig roll som intresseväckare, som förhoppningsvis leder till att åskådaren blir intresserad av att söka sig mer kunskap.This paper examines how the same historical event can have different meanings in films. Today people are more likely to watch a film about a historical event than to read a history book, and this means that we must learn and understand the conventions used to place history on film. The history film can be said to possess a palimpsetic historical consciousness in which layers of fact and myth come together rather than be separated. But for a historical event to fit within the film's time frame, it must be processed and this results in that certain people, events and movements are given priority, while others are excluded. Therefore, this paper studies what has been added/excluded and the effects on the context and credibility,how the film claims its authenticity, and how the author/filmmakers affects the credibility. The results of the analysis of two films about the Cuban revolution, shows that depending on which part of the historical event depicted, the films create entirely different stories with very different message. While the film Che-Part One (2008) serves as a celebration of the guerrilla fighter Che Guevara as Cuba's savior, according to a leftist ideology and the film is expressing U.S. disdain, the other film The Lost City (2005) however, portrays the revolutions backside, it shows a right-wing ideology, family values and the U.S. as the land of freedom and dreams. Both films use similar stylistic strategies to achieve illusion of authenticity, and the films' creators affect the films credibility in different amounts. What I finally conclude, is that the history film should not be considered as truth, but serve to arouse interest, which will hopefully lead the spectator to seek more knowledge about the historical event.
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Nardo, Flavia. "La "cubanía théâtrale" : la spécificité du théâtre cubain de 1959 à nos jours". Phd thesis, Université de Strasbourg, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00809641.
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Il est très délicat de parler " d'identité " cubaine sans la problématiser, la nuancer ou la circonstancier. Cuba est pourtant une île fouettée par des courants venus de tous les horizons, un creuset où se sont mêlées les cultures qui semblent définir son caractère propre. Le cas du théâtre est un exemple incontestable. Le théâtre cubain est un art plus ou moins sinistré à l'intérieur même de ses frontières. Mais après la révolution il commence à renaître. Le théâtre cubain a accompagné l'histoire de la révolution cubaine au milieu d'un siècle de grandes guerres et de mouvement de libération nationale. L'éclosion des années 1960 paraît ainsi être l'apogée de l'écriture dramatique cubaine, et la représentation dans le pays, de ce fait, le théâtre cubain rencontre une spécificité propre à l'intérieur et en dehors de l'île. Les dramaturges cubains représentent dans leurs œuvres la thématique cubaine dans et en dehors de l'île, intimement lié à la circonstance politique révolutionnaire et à ses conséquences dans la famille cubaine et l'individu. Tout ceci participe du " cubain ", autant d'exemples qui montrent la difficulté de parler d'un théâtre cubain. Il n'y pas qu'une seule façon de faire du cubain, car chaque auteur, chaque histoire est différente et implique différentes manières de percevoir " la cubania ", que ce soit dans l'aspect comique, tragique, réaliste, " absurdiste " ou politique, la spécificité de l'île est bien là.
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Olivio, Mariana Peters [UNESP]. "Reinaldo Arenas: encarceramento no mundo, voz no exílio". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/99094.
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A autobiografia do escritor cubano Reinaldo Arenas, intitulada Antes que Anoiteça (Antes que Anochezca, 2006), é o objeto de estudo deste trabalho que tem como objetivo analisar como se processa a representação do sentimento de encarceramento, experimentado pelo autor diante do contexto sócio-político do regime socialista de Fidel Castro em Cuba, no foco narrativo desta obra e de sua adaptação cinematográfica (Antes do Anoitecer – Before Night Falls, 2000) pelo diretor americano Julian Schabel. O contexto do século XX, chamado por Márcio Seligmann-Silva como a “Era das Catástrofes” (2003) por ter sido palco de guerras, revoluções e genocídios, demonstra a necessidade de um conceito de história, baseada na memória e não no progresso linear da história oficial. A obra autobiográfica de Arenas, se entendida como um testemunho dos eventos históricos que tiveram lugar em Cuba a partir da implantação do regime pós-Revolução de 1959, servirá como base para um novo olhar sobre a história de Cuba, na medida em que será capaz de revelar acontecimentos que não foram registrados pela história oficial.
The object of this study is Cuban writer Reinaldo Arenas’ autobiography, entitled Antes que Anoiteça, 1994 (Antes que Anochezca, 2006), and its aim is to analyze how this book represents the sense of imprisonment, experienced by the author because of the sociopolitical context of Fidel Castro’s socialist system in Cuba. Such aspect is investigated in the narrative focus of both the book and its film adaptation (Antes do Anoitecer - Before Night Falls, 2000) by American director Julian Schnabel. The twentieth century context, called the “Era of Disaster” by Márcio Seligmann-Silva (2003), due to its having been the scene of wars, revolutions and genocides, suggests the need for a concept of history based on memory and not on official history linear progress. Arenas’ autobiographical work, if seen as a testimony of the historical events which took place in Cuba during the regime established after 1959 Revolution, will serve as the basis for a new look at Cuban history, since it may disclose events which were not reported by official history.
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Rodriguez, Linda Marie. "Artistic Production, Race, and History in Colonial Cuba, 1762-1840". Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10467.
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This dissertation addresses the works of art of two free men of color, Vicente Escobar (1762-1834) and José Antonio Aponte (date of birth unknown-1812), who lived in late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century Havana. I offer the first consideration of these two artists together in order to illuminate the scope of visual artistic practice of free people of color prior to the foundation of the fine arts academy, the Academia de San Alejandro, in 1818. Creole and Spanish elites who supported the foundation of the school expressed concern that blacks had been “dominating” the arts and excluded them from studying there. I posit that both Escobar and Aponte worked as self-aware artists prior to the elite project of the fine arts academy, which followed an unclear path after its foundation. Escobar painted the portraits of colonial society’s Spanish and creole elites. The works span the dates from 1785 to 1829. Aponte’s only known work of art – a so-called libro de pinturas (book of paintings) found in 1812 – no longer exists. However, a textual description of the book survives in the court record that documents his trial for conspiring to plan slave rebellions across the island. Aponte collaged together an array of images to depict a “universal black history” that we are now forced to imagine as the original work of art has been lost. I argue that both artists, through their artistic practices, embodied a self-awareness as artists that they directed to transformative ends. These artistic practices – as advanced by the works themselves as well as how they were produced and received – involved the articulation of two axes. The first axis moved from the representation of the visible, in the case of Escobar’s portraits, to the representation of the invisible, in the case of Aponte’s book of paintings. The second axis measures how the works themselves could be “historically effective” – following T.J. Clark – and transform a colonial black identity, operating on the scale of the individual to that of a larger community. For Escobar, his artistic practice was personal; for Aponte, his artistic vision extended beyond himself.History of Art and Architecture
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Olivio, Mariana Peters. "Reinaldo Arenas : encarceramento no mundo, voz no exílio /". São José do Rio Preto : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/99094.
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Orientador: Orlando Nunes de AmorimBanca: Maria Lídia Lichtscheidl Maretti
Banca: Lúcia Granja
Resumo: A autobiografia do escritor cubano Reinaldo Arenas, intitulada Antes que Anoiteça (Antes que Anochezca, 2006), é o objeto de estudo deste trabalho que tem como objetivo analisar como se processa a representação do sentimento de encarceramento, experimentado pelo autor diante do contexto sócio-político do regime socialista de Fidel Castro em Cuba, no foco narrativo desta obra e de sua adaptação cinematográfica (Antes do Anoitecer - Before Night Falls, 2000) pelo diretor americano Julian Schabel. O contexto do século XX, chamado por Márcio Seligmann-Silva como a "Era das Catástrofes" (2003) por ter sido palco de guerras, revoluções e genocídios, demonstra a necessidade de um conceito de história, baseada na memória e não no progresso linear da história oficial. A obra autobiográfica de Arenas, se entendida como um testemunho dos eventos históricos que tiveram lugar em Cuba a partir da implantação do regime pós-Revolução de 1959, servirá como base para um novo olhar sobre a história de Cuba, na medida em que será capaz de revelar acontecimentos que não foram registrados pela história oficial.
Abstract: The object of this study is Cuban writer Reinaldo Arenas' autobiography, entitled Antes que Anoiteça, 1994 (Antes que Anochezca, 2006), and its aim is to analyze how this book represents the sense of imprisonment, experienced by the author because of the sociopolitical context of Fidel Castro's socialist system in Cuba. Such aspect is investigated in the narrative focus of both the book and its film adaptation (Antes do Anoitecer - Before Night Falls, 2000) by American director Julian Schnabel. The twentieth century context, called the "Era of Disaster" by Márcio Seligmann-Silva (2003), due to its having been the scene of wars, revolutions and genocides, suggests the need for a concept of history based on memory and not on official history linear progress. Arenas' autobiographical work, if seen as a testimony of the historical events which took place in Cuba during the regime established after 1959 Revolution, will serve as the basis for a new look at Cuban history, since it may disclose events which were not reported by official history.
Mestre
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Routon, Kenneth. "'Open the roads!' : religious sensibilities of power and history in Havana, Cuba /". Available to subscribers only, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1208132671&sid=22&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Castro, Nathália Santos de. "Che Guevara vai ao cinema: possibilidades e perspectivas para o ensino de História". Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2017. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/6982.
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This text outlines the development of our research contained in the Postgraduate Program in History - Professional Masters of UFG – Catalão/Go. Our research theme was the use of cinema in the classroom as a didactic aid working in specific the history of Che Guevara, showing how his history is inserted in two textbooks - in specific - and still in the biographies of Jorge Castañeda - "Che Guevara: Life in Red "(2006) and Jon Lee Anderson -" Che Guevara: A Biography "(1997). Our general objective will be to change the teaching of History, thinking how the images and the films can bring a different perception of the history of Che Guevara and also, in a more complex field, the History of the Cuban Revolution. One of the main problems that emerged during our research can be explained by the following question: how can the history teacher teach the context of the Cuban Revolution through the images of Che Guevara and the proposed films? It is worth mentioning that the films to be worked on in our research were "Che Guevara - The Argentine" and "Che Guevara - The Guerrilla" both directed by Steven Soderbergh of the year 2008. The various faces of Che Guevara allows us to question the character, Allowing us to present a more collective story. Several constructions were made regarding Che Guevara, now being presented as a hero and now as a homicide. It should be noted that there are some appropriations from both the right and the left that contribute to the construction of these various faces. From then on, the teacher will introduce students to the various ways of understanding History as well as making the student realize that he is also a builder of history.
Este texto esboça o desenvolvimento de nossa pesquisa contida no Programa de Pós-graduação em História – Mestrado Profissional da UFG – Regional Catalão. Nosso tema de pesquisa foi o uso do cinema em sala de aula como um auxílio didático trabalhando em específico a história de Che Guevara, mostrando como sua história está inserida em dois livros didáticos – em específico – e ainda nas biografias de Jorge Castañeda – “Che Guevara: a vida em vermelho” (2006) e de Jon Lee Anderson – “Che Guevara: uma biografia” (1997). Nosso objetivo geral será a mudança no ensino de História, pensando como as imagens e os filmes podem trazer uma percepção diferente da história de Che Guevara e ainda, em um campo mais complexo, a História da Revolução Cubana. Um dos principais problemas que emergiu durante nossa pesquisa pode ser explanado pela seguinte pergunta: como o professor de História pode ensinar o contexto da Revolução Cubana por meio das imagens de Che Guevara e os filmes propostos? Vale ressaltar que os filmes a serem trabalhados em nossa pesquisa foram “Che Guevara – O Argentino” e “Che Guevara – A Guerrilha” ambos dirigidos por Steven Soderbergh do ano de 2008. As várias faces de Che Guevara nos permite fazer um questionamento do personagem, nos permitindo apresentar uma história mais coletiva. Foram feitas várias construções em relação a Che Guevara, ora sendo apresentado como um herói e ora como um homicida. Deve-se atentar que existe algumas apropriações tanto da direita quanto da esquerda que contribui para construção dessas diversas faces. A partir de então, o professor irá apresentar aos alunos as diversas formas de compreender a História bem como fazer o aluno perceber que ele é também um construtor da história.
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Bemvindo, Vitor. "Os impactos da revolução cubana na política externa brasileira (1958 1961)". Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2009. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3366.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorA Revolução Cubana foi o evento mais importante das relações interamericanas no século XX. Ela foi responsável pela quebra da homogeneidade da sociedade americana, introduzindo, no continente, tensões típicas da Guerra Fria. O processo revolucionário cubano obrigou aos Estados Unidos a rever a sua política para a América Latina que, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1950, tratava o subcontinente como uma área secundária. A Revolução nas Caraíbas teve impactos diretos também na formulação da política externa brasileira. Durante o governo Juscelino Kubitschek, a Operação Pan-Americana previa um plano de integração com o objetivo de eliminar o subdesenvolvimento. O rechaço da iniciativa por parte do governo cubano, foi um dos fatos determinantes para o abandono da Operação. A administração subseqüente, do presidente Jânio Quadros, foi responsável por uma profunda reformulação na diplomacia do Brasil. A Política Externa Independente previa a defesa da autodeterminação dos povos e não-intervenção em assuntos internos que, aplicados ao caso cubano, foram encarados por setores conservadores como apoio a um regime socialista. A condecoração do líder revolucionário Ernesto Che Guevara e a oposição aos princípios da Política Externa Independente (PEI) foram fatores que culminaram na renúncia do presidente brasileiro.
The Cuban Revolution was the most important inter-American relations in the 20th Century. It was responsible for breaking the homogeneity of American society, introducing, on the continent, tensions typical of the Cold War. The Cuban revolutionary process has forced the United States to revise its policy for Latin America that, between the 1940s and 1950, involved the subcontinent as a secondary area. The Revolution in the Caribbean also had direct impacts on the formulation of Brazilian foreign policy. During the Juscelino Kubitschek government, Pan American Operation provided an integration plan with the objective to eliminate underdevelopment. The rejection of the initiative by the Cuban government, was one of the determinants for the abandonment of the operation. The subsequent administration, of President Jânio Quadros, was responsible for a major overhaul in diplomacy in Brazil. The independent foreign policy included the defense of self-determination and non-intervention in internal affairs, which, applied to the Cuban case, were seen by the conservative sectors to support a socialist regime. The decoration of the revolutionary leader Ernesto Che Guevara and the opposition to the principles of Brazilian independent foreign policy were factors that led to the resignation of Brazilian president.
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Graham, Tracey E. "Jamaican migration to Cuba, 1912--1940". Thesis, The University of Chicago, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3557406.
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This study helps to broaden a growing body of literature by examining the growth of an urban Jamaican community in the southeastern port of Santiago de Cuba, Cuba.
Background: When the British colony of Jamaica abolished slavery in 1838, the upper classes attempted to tie free workers to sugar plantations; ex–slaves attempted to move away from the estates as soon as possible. Despite an increase in internal migration after abolition, the majority of the black population remained in rural areas, and dedicated their labor to the land. The Jamaican elite successfully argued for the introduction of contract laborers from Asia as a replacement for the slavery system. It brought the planters some limited economic success as export crops—particularly sugar—had the chance to rebound, but planters used immigrants to drive down wages. Increasing population pressure on the land, a series of natural disasters, few economic opportunities, and ineligibility for political participation prompted Jamaicans to look outside of their homeland for socioeconomic improvement by the late 1800s. Travelers emigrated in significant numbers to Panama, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua with the hope of earning higher wages, sending remittances to family members, and returning home with enough money to live independently. As work on the Panama Canal ended by the 1910s, Jamaicans turned their sights back to the Caribbean. During the second half of the 19th century, Cuba was one of Spain's two remaining Caribbean colonies despite attempting several wars of independence. At the end of the final effort in 1898, the United States intervened against the metropolis; the two powers reached an agreement giving possession of Cuba to the US, who would help to establish political order and assist the islanders in ruling themselves. US investment in Cuban industry, especially in sugar, allowed foreigners to purchase enormous tracts of land and to influence the restructuring of the island's political, social, and economic landscape. The seasonal sugar cane harvest attracted foreign workers from Europe, Latin America, and the Caribbean seeking better wages than what they could find at home; between 1912 and 1920, thousands of British West Indians traveled to Cuba to labor in the agricultural industry or to occupy niches in the service industry.
However, Cubans scrutinized and discriminated against them for being black, for being foreign, for driving down wages, or some combination thereof. Though Cubans claimed to live in a color-blind society, racial discrimination persisted and the white elite supported a policy of “whitening” the island through selective immigration from Spain and miscegenation; these racial and cultural prejudices were particularly divisive given that a significant percentage of Cubans were of African descent. Furthermore, the general population was frustrated by the lack of Cuban sovereignty and saw foreign workers as complicit in the US intervention. As a result, calls for nationalism tended to veer into xenophobia and racism during economic downturns in the early 1920s and 1930s.
Methods/Sources: Due to limited access to archival sources in Cuba, the bulk of the data is from the British National Archives: the consular reports summarized political and social upheaval in Cuba, collected publications from the Cuban government, and gave a perspective of the migration from the viewpoint of the British government. Similar information came from the U.S. National Archives at College Park, Maryland. The provincial archive of Santiago de Cuba provided information on migrant activities: marriage and citizenship documents; and social, cultural, and political organizations. It also yielded the Cuban government's responses to West Indian immigration. Correspondence between colonial officials and international organizations came from the Jamaican National Archives; the Sir Arthur Lewis Institute for Social and Economic Studies at the University of the West Indies, Mona, held interviews of Jamaicans who lived during the period under study. Cuban and Jamaican newspaper reports detailed economic and political conditions in the two islands from journalists' investigations, letters from migrants, and governmental decrees.
Findings: I relate how different groups in Cuba reacted to Jamaican migration: the support for and against it, how this support changed over time, and how it differed by geography. I also attempt to give a fuller description of who these migrants were. I discuss their relationships with other West Indians and Cubans, their marriages, and the paths that they took to Cuban citizenship. How gender influenced and differentiated Jamaicans' experiences when they went abroad—how they were perceived and treated, and how they fared—receives special attention.
The work concludes by examining the reaction of the British officials who represented British West Indians in Cuba. It also puts the migration into a broader context by examining black British subjects who traveled to other parts of Latin America and the Caribbean during this era. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Allison, Jessica Leigh. "Developing Medicine: Cuba, Modernization, and Public Health, 1898-1945". FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3570.
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This dissertation examines the modernization of aspects of Cuba’s public health programs through the influence of the Rockefeller Foundation. As a result of its sponsorship of projects, the Rockefeller Foundation contributed to the spread of modernizing practices and policies from 1913 through 1945. An evaluation of medical modernization remains an important chapter in the study of post-colonial development. Current research has often portrayed public health modernization efforts as unidirectional with the United States imposing its ideas and practices onto developing nations. By examining institutional records, personal correspondence, and reports, this dissertation provides a more nuanced analysis of the relationship between Cuba and the United States during this period. This dissertation also argues that efforts to modernize Cuban public health were in fact the result of bilateral cooperation between Cubans and the United States.
This study evaluates efforts made by scientists, researchers, and professionals to expand educational programs, to implement public health structures, and to develop new techniques for treating disease. During its occupations of Cuba at the turn of the century, the United States advanced public health programs and infrastructure. This work was later continued under the Cuban Republic with the support of private US interests, the Rockefeller Foundation.
This dissertation addresses a significant gap in existing research by providing a different lens with which to view public health modernization in Cuba. Despite the past and ongoing presence of United States government interests in Cuba, the Rockefeller Foundation only pursued projects in Cuba after obtaining permission by the Cuban government. In one instance, Cuban physicians persistently requested for the involvement of the Foundation to forward their own aims. Both the Foundation and the Cuban government were interested in adopting successful programs established elsewhere and in using scientific findings from surrounding regions to advance research in Cuba. Instability in the newly formed Cuban Republic undermined these projects and prevented them from achieving their primary aims. Although these public health modernization plans made strong gains in some areas, at times they fell short in their primary agendas.