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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Cuban history"

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Keller, Renata. "Fan Mail to Fidel". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 33, nr 1 (2017): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/mex.2017.33.1.6.

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This article analyzes the newly-declassified letters that Mexicans and people residing in Mexico sent to the Cuban government in the first decade after the Cuban Revolution. The letters reveal that the Cuban Revolution found supporters among a variety of Mexicans because the events in Cuba reflected their own nation’s history of revolution and U.S. intervention. In addition to praising the Cuban Revolution, the Mexicans who put pen to paper confessed their hopes and fears for their own country. While these letters were ostensibly about Cuba, they in fact reveal more about political culture in 1960s Mexico. Este artículo analiza las cartas que mexicanos y foráneos residentes en México enviaron al gobierno cubano en la primera década después de la Revolución Cubana. Las cartas revelan que varios mexicanos apoyaron a la revolución porque los eventos en Cuba reflejaban la historia de revolución e intervencionismo estadounidense en México. Asimismo, estos mexicanos describían las ilusiones y miedos sobre su propio país. A pesar de tratar sobre Cuba, estas cartas revelan aún más sobre la cultura política de México en los años sesenta.
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Helg, Aline. "Os afro-cubanos, protagonistas silenciados da história cubana". Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 8, nr 1 (12.08.2014): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v8i1.11447.

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Por que desde José Martí até a revolução de 1959, a história oficial cubana silenciou sobre o papel extraordinário dos afro-cubanos nas lutas contra a escravidão, pela independência e pela igualdade republicana? Este artigo responde a essa pergunta analisando os movimentos de escravos e livres de cor no século XIX, a liderança de Antonio Maceo e dos combatentes afro-cubanos nas guerras da independência e a formação em 1908 do Partido Independiente de Color, primeiro partido negro das Américas, até o aniquilamento do partido pelo Exército de Cuba em um massacre racista em 1912. O artigo também mostra como, desde 1959, a Revolução confirma a negação do protagonismo histórico dos afro-cubanos e evita todo debate sobre o racismo no país.Palavras chaves: Cuba, Diáspora africana, história, discriminação racial, política racial.---Cubano-africano, los protagonistas silenciados de la historia cubanaPor qué, desde José Martí hasta la revolución de 1959, la historia oficial cubana ha tenido bajo silencio el papel extraordinario de los Afro-cubanos en las luchas contra la esclavización, por la independencia y por la igualdad republicana? Este articulo responde a esta pregunta examinando los movimientos de esclavos y de libres de color en el siglo XIX, el liderazgo de Antonio Maceo y de los combatientes afrocubanos en las guerras de independencia y la formación en 1908 del Partido Independiente de Color, primer partido negro de las Américas, hasta el aniquilamiento del partido por el Ejercito de Cuba en una masacre racista en 1912. El articulo muestra como desde 1959 la Revolución confirma la negación del protagonismo histórico de los afrocubanos y ha evitado todo debate sobre el racismo en Cuba.Palabras clave: Cuba—Diáspora africana—Historia—Discriminación racial—Política racial---The african-Cuban, the silenced heros of Cuban historyFrom José Martí up to the 1959 revolution, why has the Cuban official history remained silent on the extraordinary role of african-Cubans in the fight against slavery, for independence and for republican equality? This article answers this question by analyzing the movements of slaves and free men of color in the nineteenth century, the leadership of Antonio Maceo and african-Cuban combatants in the wars of independence and the formation, in 1908, of the Partido Independiente Color, the first black party of the Americas until its annihilation by the Cuban Army in a racist massacre in 1912. This article also shows how, since 1959, the Revolution continues to deny the historical role of the african-Cuban and avoids any debate about racism in the country.Key Words: Cuba, African Diaspora, history, racial discrimination, racial politics.
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Seidman, Sarah J. "Angela Davis in Cuba as Symbol and Subject". Radical History Review 2020, nr 136 (1.01.2020): 11–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857227.

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Abstract This essay examines how gender facilitated the encounters between Angela Y. Davis and the Cuban Revolution in the late 1960s and 1970s. Davis’s multifaceted identity as a black woman and communist shaped both her representation and reception in Cuba. Cubans supported Davis by participating in the global campaign for her freedom and welcoming her to the island several times, often with delegations from the Communist Party, beginning in 1969. The Cuban state propagated an iconography of Davis that cast her as a global signifier for both repression and international solidarity. Furthermore, at a transitional moment when Cuban leadership advocated institutionalization of the revolution, the Federation of Cuban Women provided highly visible opportunities for Davis to speak and be seen not afforded to men in the black liberation movement. Davis’s time in Cuba proved transformative and foundational in shaping her view of global liberation.
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Benson, Devyn Spence. "Cuba Calls: African American Tourism, Race, and the Cuban Revolution, 1959–1961". Hispanic American Historical Review 93, nr 2 (1.05.2013): 239–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2077144.

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Abstract This essay explores the role that conversations about race and racism played in forming a partnership between an African American public relations firm and the Cuban National Tourist Institute (INIT) in 1960, just one year after Fidel Castro’s victory over Fulgencio Batista. The article highlights how Cuban revolutionary leaders, Afro-Cubans, and African Americans exploited temporary transnational relationships to fight local battles. Claiming that the Cuban Revolution had eliminated racial discrimination, INIT invited world champion boxer Joe Louis and 50 other African Americans to the island in January 1960 to experience “first class treatment — as first class citizens.” This move benefited Cuban revolutionary leaders by encouraging new tourism as the number of mainstream white American travelers to the island declined. The business venture also allowed African Americans to compare racial violence in the US South to the supposed integrated racial paradise in Cuba and foreshadowed future visits by black radicals, including NAACP leader Robert F. Williams. The politics expressed by Cuban newspapers and travel brochures, however, did not always fit with the lived experiences of Afro-Cubans. This essay uncovers how Afro-Cubans threatened national discourses by invoking revolutionary promises to denounce continued racial segregation in the very facilities promoted to African American tourists. Ultimately, ideas about race did not just cross borders between Cuba and the United States in 1960. Rather, they constituted and constructed those borders as Afro-Cubans used government claims to reposition themselves within the new revolutionary state.
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Cezar Miskulin, Sílvia. "A POLÍTICA CULTURAL NA REVOLUÇÃO CUBANA: as disputas intelectuais nos anos 1960 e 1970". Caderno CRH 32, nr 87 (31.12.2019): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v32i87.31027.

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<p>A Revolução Cubana promoveu grandes transformações na sociedade da ilha. Novas publicações, instituições culturais e manifestações artísticas acompanharam a efervescência política e cultural ao longo dos anos 60. Esta pesquisa analisou o suplemento cultural Lunes de Revolución, a editora El Puente e o suplemento cultural El Caimán Barbudo, com o objetivo de mostrar o surgimento das novas publicações e manifestações culturais em Cuba após o triunfo da Revolução. O trabalho demonstra que o surgimento de uma política cultural acarretou a normatização e o controle das produções culturais pelo governo cubano desde os anos 1960, e mais ainda após 1971, quando se acentuou o fechamento e o endurecimento no meio cultural cubano.</p><p> </p><p>CULTURAL POLICY IN THE CUBAN REVOLUTION: intellectual disputes in the 1960s and 1970s</p><p>The Cuban Revolution promoted great transformations in the society of the island. New publications, cultural institutions and artistic manifestations accompanied the political and cultural effervescence throughout the 1960s.This research analyzed the cultural supplement Lunes de Revolución, the El Puente publishing house and the El Caimán Barbudo cultural supplement, with the aim of showing the emergence of new publications and cultural manifestations in Cuba after the triumph of the Revolution. However, the emergence of a cultural policy has led to the normalization and control of cultural productions by the Cuban government since the 1960s, and especially after 1971, when the closing and hardening of the Cuban cultural milieu became more pronounced.</p><p>Key words: Cuba. Revolution. Culture. History. Intellectual.</p><p> </p><p>LA POLITIQUE CULTURELLE DANS LA REVOLUTION CUBAINE: controverses intellectuelles dans les annees 1960 et 1970</p><p>La révolution cubaine a promu de grandes transformations dans la société de l’île. De nouvelles publications, des institutions culturelles et des manifestations artistiques ont accompagné l’effervescence politique et culturelle tout au long des années 1960.Cette recherche a analysé le supplément culturel Lunes de Revolución, la maison d’édition El Puente et le supplément culturel El Caimán Barbudo, dans le but de montrer l’émergence de nouvelles publications et manifestations culturelles à Cuba après le triomphe de la Révolution. Cependant, l’émergence d’une politique culturelle a conduit à la normalisation et au contrôle des productions culturelles par le gouvernement cubain depuis les années 1960, et encore plus après 1971, lorsque la fermeture et l’endurcissement du milieu culturel cubain se sont accentués.</p><p>Mots clés: Cuba. Révolution. Culture. Histoire. Intellectuel.</p>
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Medel Toro, Juan Carlos. "Socialist governmentality: political formation, revolutionary instruction, and socialist emulation in the CDR, Cuba, 1961-1965". Revista Tempo e Argumento 12, nr 29 (20.04.2020): e0203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180312292020e0203.

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During the 1960s, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (Comités de Defensa de la Revolución [CDR]) took relevant actions along with the Cuban masses, organizing cultural, social, and economic activities that shaped socialism from below. Thereby, through their work, the CDR gave meaning to their own idea of Cuban socialism. In the context of revolutionary upheaval, they were major players in the process of governmentality deployed by the revolutionary project. They willingly participated in their own governance. As a result, the CDR deployed a productive power that actually aimed at improving the lives of fellow Cubans. This article highlights the political formation of CDR members through revolutionary instruction and ideological formation. Also, this is an analysis of the role of CDR members in the revolutionary process beyond political surveillance, focusing on their impact in the everyday lives of Cuban people. The work of the CDR was key to build a new hegemonic project in revolutionary Cuba. They took a significant ideological role, creating and promoting a new cultural hegemony that sought to convince fellow Cubans about the potential benefits that the revolution could eventually bring. Thus, through the work of the CDR, we may see the Cuban Revolution beyond the vanguard.Keywords: Governmentality. Ideology. Socialist Emulation. Representations. Political Formation.
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Casimir, Enver M. "Contours of Transnational Contact: Kid Chocolate, Cuba, and the United States in the 1920s and 1930s". Journal of Sport History 39, nr 3 (1.10.2012): 487–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.39.3.487.

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Abstract Boxer Kid Chocolate was one of the most prominent and popular athletes in Cuba in the 1920s and 1930s. An analysis of his career and the reasons for his popularity in Cuba shed light on the cultural dimensions of U.S.-Cuban relations during this time. Appreciation of the career of Kid Chocolate in both the U.S. and Cuba suggests that Cubans and Americans shared a cultural world that centered on the appreciation of sport in general and was characterized by extensive Cuban consumption of North American sporting culture. But Cubans were not simply passive consumers of this culture. Instead they infused their own meaning into the career of Kid Chocolate, subtly invoking it as a challenge to North American hegemony in Cuba while also critiquing North American racism.
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Snyder, Emily. "“Cuba, Nicaragua, Unidas Vencerán”: Official Collaborations between the Sandinista and Cuban Revolutions". Americas 78, nr 4 (październik 2021): 609–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.5.

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AbstractThe Cuban and Sandinista Revolutions stand together as Latin America's two socialist revolutions achieved through guerrilla insurgency in the latter half of the twentieth century. But beyond studies that demonstrate that Cuba militarily trained and supported the Sandinistas before, during, and after their guerrilla phase, and observations that the two countries were connected by the bonds of socialist revolution, the nature of Cuba and Nicaragua's revolutionary relationship remains little explored. This article traces exchanges of people and expertise between each revolutionary state's Ministry of Foreign Relations and Ministry of Culture. It employs diplomatic and institutional archives, personal collections, and oral interviews to demonstrate the deep involvement of Cuban experts in building the Sandinista state. Yet, Cuban advice may have exacerbated tensions within Nicaragua. This article also shows that tensions marked the day-to-day realities of Cubans and Nicaraguans tasked with carrying out collaborations, revealing their layered and often contradictory nature. Illuminating high-level policy in terms of Cuban-Nicaraguan exchanges and how they unfolded on the ground contributes to new international histories of the Sandinista and Cuban revolutions by shifting away from North-South perspectives to focus instead on how the Sandinistas navigated collaboration with their most important regional ally.
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Stubbs, Jean. "Cuba Through A New Lens". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, nr 3-4 (1.01.2007): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002484.

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[First paragraph]The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered. Samuel Farber. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. x + 212 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Cuba: A New History. Ric hard Gott . New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. xii + 384 pp. (Paper US$ 17.00)Havana: The Making of Cuban Culture. Antoni Kapcia. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2005. xx + 236 pp. (Paper US$ 24.95) Richard Gott, Antoni Kapcia, and Samuel Farber each approach Cuba through a new lens. Gott does so by providing a broad-sweep history of Cuba, which is epic in scope, attaches importance to social as much as political and economic history, and blends scholarship with flair. Kapcia homes in on Havana as the locus for Cuban culture, whereby cultural history becomes the trope for exploring not only the city but also Cuban national identity. Farber revisits his own and others’ interpretations of the origins of the Cuban Revolution.
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Stubbs, Jean. "Cuba Through A New Lens". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, nr 3-4 (1.01.2008): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002484.

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[First paragraph]The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered. Samuel Farber. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. x + 212 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Cuba: A New History. Ric hard Gott . New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. xii + 384 pp. (Paper US$ 17.00)Havana: The Making of Cuban Culture. Antoni Kapcia. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2005. xx + 236 pp. (Paper US$ 24.95) Richard Gott, Antoni Kapcia, and Samuel Farber each approach Cuba through a new lens. Gott does so by providing a broad-sweep history of Cuba, which is epic in scope, attaches importance to social as much as political and economic history, and blends scholarship with flair. Kapcia homes in on Havana as the locus for Cuban culture, whereby cultural history becomes the trope for exploring not only the city but also Cuban national identity. Farber revisits his own and others’ interpretations of the origins of the Cuban Revolution.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Cuban history"

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Becker, Elizabeth Claire. "From Cuba to Ybor City: Race, Revolution, Nationalism and Afro-Cuban Identity". University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1364315042.

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Bayala, Charlotte A. "Cuban refugees in Atlanta, 1950-1980". unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07242006-160352/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Title from title screen. Clifford Mathew Kuhn, committee chair; Christine Skwiot, committee member. Electronic text (87 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 18, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-87).
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Shaffer, Alysia Leigh. "What Women Want: Emancipation, Cuban Women, and the New Man Ideology". University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1503624189817034.

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Kronenberg, Clive. "Manifestations of humanism in Cuban history, politics, and culture". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8095.

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The thesis explores what it deems are some of the most perceptible humanistic features in Cuban history, politics, and culture, less specified, or highlighted, or generally not presented in a cohesive body of knowledge in the western scholarly world. In the context of its subject, the thesis embraces rational-critical thinking and supports the custom of non-violent dispute. Insofar as the Cuban Constitution incorporates a range of goals structured on socialist principles, the thesis sets out to scrutinise manifestations in Cuban thinking emblematic of the Marxist-humanist and/or anti-Stalinist philosophical traditions of revolutionary praxis. The thesis' main body investigates, illustrates, and analyses the presence of such features, focussing predominantly on the period 1959 to the late 1960s. Where the thesis does delve into timeframes beyond this era, it endeavours to show the continuity of relevant facets previously identified. Preceding the main examination, the thesis looks into what is widely perceived as the main roots of the country's humanist tradition, the moral ideas and standpoints of Jose Marti, the country's national hero. A further objective of this thesis lies in the belief that aspects of Cuba's national cultural policy in large measure addresses historical issues post-Apartheid South Africa confronts today.
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Cushion, Stephen. "Organised labour and the Cuban revolution, 1952-1959". Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2013. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/4901/.

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The standard historiography sees the working class as a passive bystander in the insurrectionary phase of the Cuban revolution, assuming that the real struggle was conducted by a rural guerrilla army. However, an examination of the archival evidence contradicts this view and shows that workers played a much more active role in the defeat of the Batista regime than they are normally given credit for. At the start of the 1950s, Cuba was suffering a crisis in profitability as the world price of sugar declined. This led the employers to conduct a productivity drive backed by the full repressive force of the Cuban state. Going on strike in a dictatorship is a life or death decision and workers need to feel some confidence in their chances of survival and in the possibility of successfully gaining a result that would be in their political and economic interests. Thus, following the defeat of a wave of militantly organised strikes in 1955, significant numbers of working class militants felt of the need for armed support to enable them defend their wages and conditions. Starting from the city of Guantánamo and spreading to cover most of the island, these activists constructed an impressive, clandestine, working class organisation in alliance with the rebel army which, after several failed attempts, proved capable of calling a successful general strike in January 1959. This strike was crucial to the rebel victory. This thesis, based on primary source material found in archives and private collections in Havana, Manzanillo, Guantánamo and Santiago de Cuba, will re-examine working class participation in the Cuban insurrection of the 1950s, concentrating on organised labour rather than the role of individual citizens.
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Dellenback, Richard. "Oregon's Cuban-American community : from revolution to assimilation". PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4046.

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The adjustment and assimilation achieved by Cuban-Americans who arrived in Oregon during the 1960s was notable for its rapidity. Little contact existed between the state and the island prior to the resettlement efforts begun by the Charities Division of the Portland Catholic Archdiocese, where a group of concerned administrators meshed their activities with a nation-wide program created and encouraged by the united States government and private agencies.
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Litt, Kelly. "The Infamous Stalemate: A Historical View of U.S. Cuban Relations". Ohio Dominican University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oduhonors1398201806.

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Moya, Fabregas Johanna Inés. "The reconfiguration of gender identities in the Cuban revolution, 1953-1975". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3358935.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Feb. 8, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-05, Section: A, page: 1756. Adviser: Arlene Diaz.
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Bush-Howard, Harold. "Coming to terms with Castro : Britain and the Cuban Revolution 1958-1965". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267871.

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This thesis aims to examine and interpret Britain's relations with Communist Cuba, Britain's attitude towards the Castro regime, and Britain's perception of the role Castro played in the Cold War between 1958 and 1965. In broader terms, it attempts to set British policy towards Cuba in the context of Anglo-American relations, and British opinion on how to deal with Cold War issues and how to contain Soviet expansion into the Third World. Although Castro made strenuous efforts to improve Anglo-Cuban relations, these were not devoid of friction. After 1960, in the context of US anti-Castro attitude, relations between Havana and London remained lukewarm but firm. Following the US embargo in 1961, Castro needed Western European diplomatic and economic connections both as a security against Soviet shortfalls, and as a means of countering Soviet dominance. While America remained hostile to Castro, Britain adopted a conciliatory attitude and wanted to establish a working relationship with the Cuban leader. This situation developed as Cuba strengthened her link with the Soviet Bloc. This was because Britain began to regard US Cuban policy as exacerbating East-West tension, and because London gave Cuba's Communist regime the same treatment granted to the Sino-Soviet Bloc. The British considered that US policy allowed Cuba to slip into the Soviet camp, and that it denied the West the opportunity to regain its lost influence in Cuba. London felt confident that the West still had a chance for influence in Cuba because-particularly after the Cuban Missile Crisis-Castro wanted improved relations with Western Europe, and had shown signs of being unhappy with the Soviet arrangement. The British held hopes that Castro could become a Latin American Tito. For the British, therefore, US policy appeared counterproductive and short-sighted. Disagreement between London and Washington surfaced as early as 1959, but policy conflict only became serious in 1964-as a result of Britain granting export credit to Cuba following an improvement of Cuba's balance of payments situation. This occurred at a time when Washington was celebrating the economic dislocation its embargo was having upon Cuba. Both London and Washington, however, succeeded in suppressing their quarrel, although British trading policy towards Cuba continued to be subject to market conditions, and diplomatic relations continued much as they always had been. A detailed examination is made of the reasons why Britain was interested in a working relationship with Castro. This interest came about as the result of domestic issues, of British opinion on how to deal with nationalist leaders in a Cold War context, and of the nature of Anglo-Cuban and Anglo-American relations. The main value of this dissertation, apart from its intrinsic value, is the attempt to fill a serious gap in the literature on Cuban- European connections following Castro's nationalist-turned-Communist revolution in 1959.
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Loiacano, Catherine Lynn. "Casualties of a Radicalizing Cuban Revolution: Middle-Class Opposition and Exile, 1961-1968". NCSU, 2010. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03262010-104219/.

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This study explores the major factors contributing to the exodus of the Cuban middle class from 1961 to 1968. For the purpose of this study, the heterogeneous middle class is broken up into middle-class students, professionals, and businessmen. Each of these groups had slightly different values and motivations, yet large percentages of each left Cuba as the revolution radicalized, changing economic, political and social life for all Cubans. In explaining this phenomenon, this paper follows the relationship between Cuba and the United States, focusing particularly on the conflictive dialogue that emerged between Fidel Castro and the US presidents of the 1960âs. In addition, the role of each government in facilitating the exodus must be considered, necessitating attention to US special treatment toward Cuban immigrants. Ultimately, this study asserts that various radicalizations in revolutionary Cuba from the declaration of socialism in April 1961 to the final revolutionary offensive of 1968 pushed the middle class to the United States. Unlike the middles classes of 1940s Costa Rica and Guatemala, they chose to leave in order to retain their standard of living rather than to sacrifice in order for the lower classes to benefit.
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Książki na temat "Cuban history"

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Antón, Alex. Cubans in America: A vibrant history of a people in exile. New York: Kensington Books, 2002.

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Rodenas, Adriana Méndez, i Adriana Méndez Rodenas. Cubans in America. Minneapolis: Lerner Publications Co., 1994.

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Fernández, Benito Estrada. Combatientes del mayor. Camagüey, Cuba: Editorial Ácana, 2006.

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Muñoz, Rolando Tobías Crespo. Ecos que germinan. Ciudad de La Habana: Casa Editorial Verde Olivo, 2007.

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Rojas, Rafael. Essays in Cuban Intellectual History. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611078.

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Cuban ballet. Layton, Utah: Gibbs Smith, 2010.

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Thomas, Hoobler, red. The Cuban American family album. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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Cuban palimpsests. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005.

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Santos, José Eduardo dos, 1942-, red. Victoria del internacionalismo cubano: Ciudad de La Habana, 7 de diciembre de 1989, 23 y 27 de mayo de 1991. La Habana: Editora Política, 2005.

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Montero, Orlando D. González. Sumbe: Las alturas de las antenas. Granma, Cuba: Ediciones Bayamo, 2013.

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Części książek na temat "Cuban history"

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Martínez-Fernández, Luis. "The Cuban Revolution". W A Companion to Latin American History, 365–85. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444391633.ch21.

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Rojas, Rafael. "Gallery of Cuban Writing". W Essays in Cuban Intellectual History, 93–114. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611078_6.

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Scott, L. V. "Improbable History". W Macmillan, Kennedy and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1–12. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596245_1.

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Rojas, Rafael. "Orígenes and the Poetics of History". W Essays in Cuban Intellectual History, 65–91. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611078_5.

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Rojas, Rafael. "Diaspora and Memory in Cuban Literature". W Essays in Cuban Intellectual History, 115–33. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611078_7.

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Rojas, Rafael. "Symbolic Dilemmas of the Cuban Transition". W Essays in Cuban Intellectual History, 135–53. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611078_8.

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Rojas, Rafael. "Introduction". W Essays in Cuban Intellectual History, 1–8. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611078_1.

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Rojas, Rafael. "José Martí and the First Cuban Republicanism". W Essays in Cuban Intellectual History, 9–23. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611078_2.

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Rojas, Rafael. "The Moral Frontier". W Essays in Cuban Intellectual History, 25–41. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611078_3.

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Rojas, Rafael. "Fernando Ortiz:Transculturation and Nationalism". W Essays in Cuban Intellectual History, 43–64. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611078_4.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Cuban history"

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Ramirez Berdut, Isel, Osmany Hernandez Basulto, Maria Del Rosario Freeman Suarez, Raisa Macias Sera i Magret Jongore. "COMMUNICATING IN ENGLISH ABOUT HISTORY TOPICS. A NEW PROPOSAL AT CUBAN UNIVERSITIES". W 12th International Technology, Education and Development Conference. IATED, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/inted.2018.0914.

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Fuentes, Gabriel. "The Politics of Memory: Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba". W 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.

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Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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BONDARENKO, S. A. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE RUSSIAN CLASSICAL BALLET SCHOOL ON THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CUBAN NATIONAL BALLET (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE CREATIVE WORK OF ALICIA AND ALBERTO ALONSO). HISTORY AND MODERNITY". W Проблемы и вопросы современной науки. Научно-Издательский Центр Международной Объединенной Академии Наук (НИЦ МОАН), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/pivsn-48.

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Shamanna, Jayashree, i Gabriel Fuentes. "Preserving What? Design Strategies for a Post-Revolutionary Cuba". W 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.30.

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The Cuban Revolution’s neglect of Havana (as part of a broader socialist project) simultaneously ruined and preserved its architectural and urban fabric. On one hand, Havana is crumbling, its fifty-plus year lack of maintenance inscribed on its cracked, decayed surfaces and the voids where buildings once stood; on the other, its formal urban fabric—its scale, dimensions, proportions, contrasts, continuities, solid/void relationships, rhythms, public spaces, and landscapes—remain intact. A free-market Cuba, while inevitable, leaves the city vulnerable to unsustainable urban development. And while many anticipate preservation, restoration, and urban development—particularly of Havana’s historic core (La Habana Vieja)—”business as usual” preservation practices resist rampant (read: neoliberal) development primarily through narrow strategies of exclusion (where, what, how, and why not to build), museumizing Havana as “a city frozen in time.”Seeking a third option at the intersection of this socialist/capitalist divide, this paper describes 4 student projects from THE CUBA STUDIO, a collaborative Integrative Urban Studio at Marywood University’s School of Architecture. Over the course of 16 weeks, students in THE CUBA STUDIO speculated urban futures for a post-revolutionary Havana–strategizing ways of preserving Havana’s architectural and urban fabric in the face of an emerging political and economic shift that is opening, albeit gradually, Cuba to global market forces. And rather than submitting to these forces, the work critically engages them toward socio-cultural ends. Some driving questions were: What kind of spatial politics do we deploy while retrofitting Havana? How will the social, political, and economic changes of an “open” Cuba affect Havana’s urban fabric? What role does preservation play? For that matter, what does preservation really mean and by what criteria are sites included in the preservation frame? What relationships are there (or could there be) between preservation, tourism, infrastructure, education, housing, and public space? In the process, students established systematic research agendas to reveal opportunities for integrated“soft” and “hard” interventions (i.e. siting and programing), constructing ecologies across a range of disciplinary territories including (but not limited to): architecture, urban design, historic preservation/ restoration, art, landscape urbanism, infrastructure,science + technology, economics, sustainability, urban policy, sociology, and cultural/political theory. An explicit goal of the studio was to expand and leverage“preservation” (as an idea, a discipline, and a practice) toward flexible and inclusive design strategies that frame precise architectural interventions at a range of temporal and geographic scales.
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Vasconcellos, César Augusto Zen, Helio T. Coelho i Hugo Pérez Rojas. "Una (breve) Historia del Futuro de Cuba". W Cuba e Brasil no Século XXI. São Paulo: Editora Edgard Blücher, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5151/edupro-cbs21-006.

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Laitamaki, Jukka M. "Sustainable Tourism in Cuban UNESCO World Heritage Sites: Focus on Historic City Centers". W Annual International Conference on Tourism and Hospitality Research (THoR 2017). Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-3426_thor17.40.

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Puech, A., M. Bustamante i L. Auperin. "Foundation Problems in Coral Soils: A Case History-the Oil Terminal of Matanzas, Cuba". W Offshore Technology Conference. Offshore Technology Conference, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.4043/6238-ms.

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Ramírez, Pedro Luis Basulto, i Juan de Pablos Pons. "Development needs for teaching History of Cuba in university part-time courses with Blended Learning". W TEEM 2017: 5th International Conference Technological Ecosystems for Enhancing Multiculturality. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3144826.3145445.

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Del Cueto, Beatriz. "From Natural to Artificial: Vernacular housing in the Spanish Caribbean". W HERITAGE2022 International Conference on Vernacular Heritage: Culture, People and Sustainability. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/heritage2022.2022.14218.

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The Spanish American War of 1898 and the colonization of the Spanish Caribbean (Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic) by the Government of the United States (U.S.), brought about changes to local vernacular housing. The Spanish colonizers substituted indigenous traditional means and methods of construction and replaced them with continental techniques and new materials. The U.S. occupation produced yet another transformation through the extensive use of portland cement which became the protagonist for their new domestic architecture. Even though cement had been introduced into the region two decades prior, to build industrial structures and through the importation of pre-manufactured new materials made with cement, it was slowly accepted for residential buildings, being promoted as fireproof, vermin-proof, and with the strength to resist hurricanes and earthquakes. Erection methods were faster, the dwellings were lighter, and built with the use of repetitive methods facilitated by reusable molds. Catalogs produced in each of these territories with the new prefabricated cement architectural elements would maintain the essence of the vernacular translated into cement and reinforced concrete. These architectural evolutions are traced with the use of historic archival materials: cartography, architectural layouts, photography, and extant contemporary representations.
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Maddonni, Alejandra Viviana. "Formas del tiempo y la memoria en el arte contemporáneo latinoamericano". W III Congreso Internacional de Investigación en Artes Visuales :: ANIAV 2017 :: GLOCAL. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/aniav.2017.5875.

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A lo largo de la historia del arte, el espacio y el tiempo se han abordado como categorías separadas. En efecto, la concepción moderna definió al tiempo como el ámbito donde las cosas suceden y al espacio donde las cosas están. En este esquema, el tiempo es progresivo, posible de medir en términos de sucesos que se presentan con un patrón homogéneo. El proyecto de la modernidad, en su implacable búsqueda de certezas, ha necesitado de esta escisión y otras -como la separación forma – contenido- , a fin de borrar toda incertidumbre e inestabilidad. De este modo algunas categorías de análisis han quedado fuera de la mirada moderna, aún hasta nuestros días. El cuerpo, lo monstruoso, el misterio, el tiempo detenido, la intensidad, la experiencia, lo complejo, lo múltiple, lo suspendido, lo no lineal y lo sugerido son sólo algunas de las dimensiones con las que la contemporaneidad teje la trama de sus obras. El arte contemporáneo reconfigura la temporalidad. El tiempo y el espacio unidos se construyen con la obra, son la obra. Permite nuevos modos de percepción y nos ofrece otro modo de ver el mundo a través de operaciones cognitivas complejas. A través del análisis crítico de un conjunto de artistas latinoamericanos, este texto intenta generar un entramado de vínculos y tensiones entre sus producciones visuales, sus poéticas y los modos contemporáneos del tiempo, la materialidad y el contexto. Los artistas seleccionados Ana Mendieta (Cuba), Graciela Sacco (Argentina), Lucy Argueta (Honduras), Jorge Macchi (Argentina), Alfredo Jaar (Chile) y Regina Galindo (Guatemala) han trabajado en buena parte de su producción con el cuerpo. Presente o ausente. Único o múltiple. Como tema, soporte, forma y contenido. Como posicionamiento cultural, social y político. Como devenir temporal, memoria y territorio en disputa permanente.http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ANIAV.2017.5875
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