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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Cuban Constitutional Law"

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Zaldívar-Oduardo, Rafael Eugenio. "Papel del abogado en la defensa del principio constitucional de presunción de inocencia en Cuba". Revista Transdiciplinaria de Estudios Sociales y Tecnológicos 3, nr 1 (1.01.2023): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.58594/rtest.v3i1.64.

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El artículo se centra en la necesidad de la pronta presencia del Abogado en el proceso para garantizar la defensa de los derechos del imputado y del acusado en el ámbito de los estudios prácticos y en específico el principio constitucional de Presunción de Inocencia desde la entrada en vigor de la Constitución de 2019. Se analizan en este texto los factores objetivos y subjetivos que inciden en el desempeño profesional de los Abogados de la Organización Nacional de Bufetes Colectivos al ejercer la defensa penal en la fase decisiva del esclarecimiento de los delitos, así como en el juicio oral, pináculo del proceso penal cubano, haciendo énfasis en la posibilidad de intervención letrada designada o de oficio antes del momento tradicionalmente conocido en Cuba hasta el año 2019 que era: una vez notificada la medida cautelar; amparados en la Constitución vigente y en la Ley del Proceso Penal, y de la entrada en vigor de la mencionada ley procesal. Palabras clave: Presunción de inocencia, principios y garantías constitucionales, abogado. ABSTRACT The article focuses on the need for the prompt presence of the Lawyer in the process to guarantee the defense of the rights of the accused and the accused in the field of practical studies and specifically the constitutional principle of Presumption of Innocence since the entry into force of the Constitution of 2019. This text analyzes the objective and subjective factors that affect the professional performance of the lawyers of the National Organization of Collective Law Firms when exercising criminal defense in the decisive phase of the clarification of crimes, as well as in the oral trial, pinnacle of the Cuban criminal process, emphasizing the possibility of legal intervention appointed or ex officio before the moment traditionally known in Cuba until 2019, which was: once the precautionary measure was notified; protected by the current Constitution and the Law on Criminal Procedure, and the entry into force of the aforementioned procedural law. Keywords: Presumption of innocence, constitutional principles and guarantees, lawyer.
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Rodríguez, Yomisel Galindo, i Alcides Antúnez Sánchez. "INDUSTRIAL PROPERTY RIGHTS IN THE BUSINESS ENVIRONMENT. ANALYSIS FROM THE CUBAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW". Revue Européenne du Droit Social 61, nr 4 (18.09.2023): 84–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.53373/reds.2023.61.4.0136.

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Chávez, Joaquín M. "Dreaming of Reform: University Intellectuals during the Lemus regime and the Civic-Military Junta in El Salvador (1960-1961)". Diálogos Revista Electrónica 9 (20.01.2008): 1730. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/dre.v9i0.31310.

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Lieutenant-Colonel José María Lemus, a protégé of President Oscar Osorio (1950-1956), roseto power in 1956. Lemus is often remembered as an authoritarian ruler, but at the outset of hispresidency he allowed the return of exiles and abolished the “Law in Defense of Democraticand Constitutional Order,” sanctioned during Osorio’s anti-communist crackdown in 1952.Lemus governed El Salvador during a period of declining prosperity as coffee prices plungedin the international markets, forcing an economic restructuring which had particularly negativeconsequences for the poor. But more importantly, the changing political landscape in LatinAmerica posed enormous challenges to Lemus, as opposition forces ousted Venezuelan dictatorMarcos Pérez Jiménez in January 1958 and revolutionaries led by Fidel Castro took power in Cubain January 1959. Political events in Venezuela and Cuba inspired a new wave of mobilization inEl Salvador led by the recently formed Partido Revolucionario Abril y Mayo (PRAM) and FrenteNacional de Orientación Cívica (FNOC) which challenged Lemus’ authoritarian regime. Whilethe local press followed step by step events in Cuba as reported by U.S. press agencies, Lemusand the Revolutionary Party of Democratic Unification (PRUD), the official party, showed arenewed determination to prevent the spread of “Cuban-inspired subversion” in El Salvador. Tothis end, Sidney Mazzini, a representative of the PRUD at the National Assembly envisioned theformation of what he termed a “sanitary cordon” around Cuba.
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Arvey, Sarah R. "Making the Immoral Moral: Consensual Unions and Birth Status in Cuban Law and Everyday Practice, 1940–1958". Hispanic American Historical Review 90, nr 4 (1.11.2010): 627–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-044.

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Abstract This article explores the 1940 Cuban Constituent Assembly debates about consensual unions and birth status as legislators created a new legal process called equiparación de matrimonio civil that would grant to citizens in consensual unions the same rights and benefits that legally married citizens enjoyed. Equiparación, if granted, could enable a child born to unmarried parents to change his or her birth status in formal records. While some legislators considered the creation of the new constitution an opportunity to erase existing privileges and protections based upon outdated social and moral hierarchies embedded in Cuban legal structures, others argued that “family” issues had no place in a constitution. The Constituent Assembly’s debates about birth status illuminate how issues concerning sexual propriety and family were intertwined with antidiscrimination efforts during Cuban state formation. Nevertheless, legislators’ lofty ideas about equiparación contrast sharply with ordinary citizens’ attempts to claim their newly extended rights in judicial courts. A comparison of the legislators’ debates and ordinary Cubans’ efforts in the courtrooms to claim equiparación exposes the core contradictions between maintaining discriminatory and disenfranchising social hierarchies and protecting the fundamental equality of citizens during a period of democratic renovation in Cuba in the 1930s and 1940s. On a broader level, this article links the history of the family, law, and state formation to narratives of historical change and the production and reproduction of social hierarchies based upon race, class, and gender in modern Latin America.
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Grant, Julienne E., Marisol Florén-Romero, Sergio D. Stone, Steven Alexandre da Costa, Lyonette Louis-Jacques, Cate Kellett, Jonathan Pratter i in. "GUIDE TO CUBAN LAW AND LEGAL RESEARCH". International Journal of Legal Information 45, nr 2 (lipiec 2017): 76–188. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jli.2017.22.

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Recent developments in U.S-Cuba relations have resulted in a proliferating global interest in Cuba, including its legal regime. This comprehensive Guide aims to fill a noticeable void in the availability of information in English on this enigmatic jurisdiction's legal order, and on how to conduct research related to it. Covered topics include “The Constitution,” “Legislation and Codes,” “The Judiciary,” “Cuba in the International Arena,” and “The Legal Profession.” A detailed section on “Cuban Legal Materials in U.S. and Canadian Libraries” is also featured. Although the Guide emphasizes sources in English and English-language translation, materials in Spanish are likewise included as English-language equivalents are often unavailable. The Guide's 12 authors are members of the Latin American Law Interest Group of the American Association of Law Libraries’ Foreign, Comparative, and International Law Special Interest Section (FCIL-SIS).
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Rodríguez, José Luis. "The Cuban Economy in the Last Decade: Balance and Outlook". Science & Society 88, nr 1 (styczeń 2024): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2024.88.1.27.

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In the last decade, the Cuban economy has faced formidable difficulties. A host of external and internal adversities have imposed an enormous human cost on our nation and prevented the timely implementation of the program to update the social and economic model outlined in 2011 at the 6th Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, validated through intense debate across Cuban society, turned into a law of the State and a political program at the 7th Congress of the Party in 2016, incorporated into the Constitution in 2019, and amended in 2021. A balance of the evolution of the Cuban economy during the last decade is required to properly reaffirm the historical potential — opportunities, obstacles, and requisite economic and social policy adjustments — for Cuban revolutionary socialism to persist through the juncture and advance to higher stages of development.
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Cánovas González, Daimar. "Present and Future of Environmental Law in Cuba". FIU Law Review 17, nr 3 (20.03.2023): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25148/lawrev.17.3.6.

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The environmental legal framework in Cuba is based on constitutional article 75 and Law 81, of July 11, 1997, on the environment, a framework law on the matter, with a series of complementary provisions with the rank of Decree Law or Ministerial Resolution. The adoption of the new constitutional text in 2019 is followed by the updating of all environmental legislation that requires a new framework law, which fills the gaps in the current one and leads to more effective environmental management. The paper addresses some of the areas in which significant changes have occurred or should occur. In particular, it refers to the changes introduced by the approval of the new Natural Resources and Environment System Law, adopted by the National Assembly of People's Power in May 2022. In this sense, an assessment of the behavior of the different existing environmental management instruments in the country, assessing the changes that must occur in their implementation.
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Lopez, Thais. "Entre La Espada y La Pared: Obstacles to U.S. Investment in Cuba". FIU Law Review 18, nr 3 (19.03.2024): 655–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25148/lawrev.18.3.12.

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Investing in Cuba poses several obstacles to U.S. investors. Cuba’s new Law of Foreign Investment and new Constitution do not provide remedies or protections against the state’s takings of private property or imprisonment without charge. On the U.S. side, Title III of the Helms-Burton Act has made U.S. investors the most vulnerable to claims worth billions in damages under the Act.
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Benatti, Francesca. "Evolution of property in Cuba in a comparative perspective". Pravovedenie 67, nr 3 (2023): 284–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu25.2023.303.

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The essay examines the evolution of property in Cuba. It focuses in particular on the reforms that led to the recognition of private property in the 2019 Constitution and the first embryonic openings to the market. The different theories on the emergence of real rights and privatisation are then considered, with a comparison between the rapid and gradual privatisation models. The latter embodied by China and Vietnam, whose experience are analysed, seems to have achieved good results. China since Deng’s reforms has opened up to the market and the slow recognition of real rights was enshrined in the 2007 law. The balance achieved is taken up in the 2021 code. The new phase, announced by Xi Jinping, is inspired by the idea of common prosperity. Vietnam with its Doi Moi policy followed a similar path and the difficult balance between the different visions was enshrined in the Constitution. It should be noted that socialist countries are trying, although not without contradictions, to discover their own model capable of guaranteeing individual protections and freedoms together with the development and improvement of quality of life. In this journey, the fundamental and indispensable establishment of property, contract, and enterprise must be balanced with the principles of equality and social justice that are or should be the foundation of their own experience.
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Parra Salas, Doris. "CONSIDERACIONES EN TORNO A LA TOLERANCIA Y LA LIBERTAD DE CULTOS EN COLOMBIA A PARTIR DE LA CONSTITUCIÓN POLÍTICA DE 1991". Revista Republicana, nr 35 (31.07.2023): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.21017/rev.repub.2023.v35.a155.

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Consideraciones en torno a la tolerancia y la libertad de cultos en Colombia a partir de la Constitución Política de 1991 194 Revista Republicana Núm. 35, julio a diciembre de 2023 Este texto presenta tres hechos religiosos ocurridos en Francia antes de la Revo- lución, es decir, antes del desarrollo de las ideas de la Ilustración francesa, como ejemplos de lo peligroso que puede ser el autoritarismo religioso. Estos hechos se presentan para darnos cuenta de la importancia del respeto de las libertades individuales, y sobre todo de la importancia de utilizar la razón humana para desligarse de las vendas que las creencias imponen, y más cuan- do esas creencias se vuelven fanatismo. Palabras clave: Tolerancia, agnosticismo, ateísmo, fanatismo religioso ABSTRACT This article analyzes some of the transformations of the notion of freedom of religious convictions derived from the new approach on the matter that the Political Constitution of 1991 brought to Colombian society. An analysis was carried out between the Political Constitution of 1886 and that of 1991, showing how the principle of religious tolerance was introduced in Colombia. This principle also means respect for those agnostic and/or atheist people, who prefer to believe in the use of human reason to decide for themselves about their life principles. This text presents three religious events that occurred in France before the Revolution, that is, before the development of the ideas of the French Enlightenment, as examples of how dangerous religious authoritarianism can be. These facts are presented to make us realize the importance of respect for indi- vidual freedoms, and above all the importance of using human reason to free oneself from the blindfolds that beliefs impose, and even more so when those beliefs become fanaticism.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Cuban Constitutional Law"

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Fraga, Acosta Marcos Antonio. "Fondements constitutionnels pour le perfectionnement du régime juridique de la citoyenneté cubaine, en fonction de la prévention du risque d'apatridie". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 10, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024PA100029.

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Cette recherche vise à justifier constitutionnellement le perfectionnement du régime juridique de l'acquisition et de la perte de la citoyenneté cubaine, en fonction de la prévention du risque d'apatridie à Cuba. À cette fin, il part d'une étude sociopolitique,éthique et juridique considérée sur la base de l'évaluation des conditions historiques et des éléments théoriques qui informent les phénomènes objet de la recherche, ainsi que de l'analyse de l'évolution et de l'actuel situation de son régime juridique à Cuba.L'analyse des processus sociopolitiques, le déballage des droits, la comparaison et l'analyse juridiques sont utilisées comme méthodes. En conséquence, une proposition constitutionnelle est formulée, sur la base de l'identité nationale cubaine comme substrat social, la dignité humaine comme valeur constitutionnelle suprême et la prise de l'accès à la citoyenneté comme droit humain. Les arguments qui soutiennent la proposition sont structurés à partir des droits qui constituent le droit à la citoyenneté, des critères internationaux pour sa protection et des règles et principes constitutionnels cubains actuellement en vigueur
This research is aimed at constitutionally substantiating the improvement of the legal regulation of the acquisition and loss of Cuban citizenship, in accordance with the prevention of the risk of statelessness in Cuba. To this end, it starts from a sociopolitical, ethical and legal study considered on the assessment of the historical conditions and the theoretical elements that inform the phenomena under study, as wellas the analysis of the evolution and current situation of its legal regulation in Cuba. Analysis of socio-political processes, unpacking of rights, legal comparison and analysis are used as methods. As a result, a proposal is made constitutionally based onthe Cuban national identity as a social substrate, human dignity as a supreme constitutional value and the assumption of access to citizenship as a human right. The arguments that support the proposal are structured from the rights that constitute the right to citizenship, the international standards for its protection and the Cuban constitutional rules and principles currently in force
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Książki na temat "Cuban Constitutional Law"

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Fidel, Castro. Ningún poder sobre la tierra podrá doblegarnos: Canallescas acusaciones. La Habana, Cuba: Editora Política, 2003.

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Cuba. Constitución de Cuba. México, D.F: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1994.

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Cuba. Constitución de la República de Cuba. [La Habana]: Ministerio de Justicia, Departamento de Divulgación, 1989.

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Cuba. Constitución de la República de Cuba. La Habana: Editora Política, 1986.

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Cuba. Constitución de la República de Cuba. La Habana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1985.

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Cuba. Constitución de la República de Cuba. [Havana, Cuba]: Organo de Divulgación del Ministerio de Justicia de la República de Cuba, 1989.

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Cuba. Constitución de la República de Cuba. La Habana: Editora Política, 1992.

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Bernal, Beatriz. Constituciones Iberoamericanas: Cuba. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2008.

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Cuba. Selección legislativa de derecho constitucional cubano. La Habana: Editorial "Félix Varela", 1999.

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Cuba. Constitución de la República de Cuba. La Habana: Editora Política, 2010.

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Części książek na temat "Cuban Constitutional Law"

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Cuzán, Alfred G. "A constitutional framework for a free Cuba 1". W Laws of Politics, 115–34. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003164845-23.

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Albert, Richard. "Why Amendment Rules?" W Constitutional Amendments, 39–60. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190640484.003.0002.

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Virtually all constitutions codify amendment rules. But why? What are the uses and purposes of constitutional amendment rules? Amendment rules of course create a legal process for reformers to alter the constitution. But amendment rules serve important purposes even if the constitution is never amended at all because they have essential uses beyond the obvious one of textual alteration. Amendment rules have three categories of uses: formal, functional, and symbolic. Their formal uses include repairing imperfections, distinguishing constitutional from ordinary law, entrenching rules against easy repeal or revision, and establishing a predictable procedure for constitutional change. Their functional uses include checking the court, promoting democracy, heightening public awareness, pacifying change, and managing difference. Symbolically, amendment rules can be used to express constitutional values. This chapter explains all of these many uses of amendment rules and illustrates each of them with examples drawn from constitutions around the world. This chapter also interrogates the symbolic uses of amendment rules: How can we know whether the values expressed in constitutional amendment rules reflect authentic political commitments? This chapter explains with reference to the German Basic Law that it is possible to evaluate the authenticity of the values in amendment rules by investigating the design of amendment rules and their subsequent interpretation. This chapter considers constitutions from Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Central African Republic, Chad, China, Cuba, Ecuador, Germany, Kazakhstan, Kiribati, Saint Lucia, South Africa, Spain, the Russian Federation, the Soviet Union, Ukraine, the United States, and Yugoslavia.
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Bui, Ngoc Son. "Introduction". W Constitutional Change in the Contemporary Socialist World, 1–10. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851349.003.0001.

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This book seeks to fill the academic gap in the existing literature on comparative constitutional law by examining how and why five current socialist countries (China, Cuba, Laos, North Korea, and Vietnam) have changed their constitutions after the fall of the Soviet Union. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach which integrates comparative constitutional law with social sciences (particularly political science and sociology), this book explores and explains: the progressive function; institutional and socio-economic causes; legal forms, processes, and powers; and five variations (universal, integration, reservation, exceptional, and personal) of socialist constitutional change. It uses qualitative methodology, including the support of fieldwork. It contributes to a better understanding of dynamic socioeconomic, legal, and constitutional change in socialist countries and comparative constitutional law and theory, generally.
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Curtis A, Bradley. "6 Extraterritorial Application of U.S. Law". W International Law in the US Legal System. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780197525609.003.0006.

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This chapter considers the application of federal and state law to conduct that takes place outside the territory of the United States. It begins by discussing the territorial scope of U.S. constitutional rights. Special consideration is given to the extraterritorial application of the right of habeas corpus in light of the Supreme Court’s 2008 decision in Boumediene v. Bush, concerning the habeas corpus rights of detainees at the Guantanamo Bay naval base in Cuba. The chapter then discusses the “presumption against extraterritoriality” that the Supreme Court applies when interpreting federal statutes. For situations in which the presumption is overcome or is inapplicable, the chapter explains how customary international law principles relating to prescriptive jurisdiction can be relevant in U.S. litigation through application of the Charming Betsy canon of construction. In addition, the chapter discusses the role of “universal jurisdiction” in U.S. litigation and criminal prosecution. Possible constitutional limitations on the extraterritorial application of both federal statutes and state laws, based on due process and other considerations, are also considered.
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Herrera, Alexei Padilla, i Armando Chaguaceda Noriega. "The Contribution of the Catholic Magazine Espacio Laical and the Constitution to the Cuban Public Sphere". W A Post-Neoliberal Era in Latin America?, 135–58. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529200997.003.0007.

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In contemporary political, cultural and communicational debates, the idea of the public sphere has a notable presence. According to the classical Habermasian perspective, the public sphere is the realm of social life in which public opinion can be shaped by principles such as free access for all citizens, inclusion, reciprocity, reflection, equality and the rational justification of arguments. In this domain, people act as public when they discuss topics of general interest in conditions of equality and without coercion. These conditions guarantee, in normative terms, that the citizens can meet freely to express their opinions and points of view (Habermas, 1989). Nancy Fraser defends the influence of public discussions on decision-making and believes that the formation of public opinion can be a counterweight to discourses in formal deliberative arenas. He adds that sometimes the arguments put forward by civil society actors succeed in influencing the decisions of executive and legislative powers (Fraser, 1993). Reinforcing that idea, Avritzer and Costa (2004) argue that issues, positions and arguments defended by the new social actors must infiltrate the State through institutional mechanisms, and thus democratize and put it under the control of citizens. However, not all real public spheres are democratic, since cultural and material inequalities determine the differentiation between publics and their capacities, especially in spaces characterized by dependency relations and state interference (Chaguaceda, 2011). It has been pointed out that a merely conversational public sphere will not succeed in subverting power relations or guaranteeing the pursuit of the common good. The Habermasian model has also been criticized because it is confined to the analysis of the bourgeois public sphere and ignores that, together with the formation of the dominant bourgeois public, they suggested that the publics were composed of peasants, workers, women and nationalists, who constituted competing public spheres (Fraser, 1993) and complement each other. Therefore, one should not speak of sphere (singular) but of public (plural) spheres that together form the public space.In later texts, Habermas admits the coexistence of various public spheres and the need to observe the dynamics of the communicative processes that occur outside the dominant spaces of discussion. Now the public sphere is defined as a complex network formed by a diversity of forums for public discussion - both in formal institutions and outside of these, articulated through communicative activity, when different publics come together in organized networks to debate topics of common interest, contrasting points of view and assuming or reaffirming positions (Marques, 2008). Whatever position one takes within that debate, the notion of the public sphere reveals its value not only for critical social theory and democratic practice, but also for understanding the limits of democracy within existing capitalism and for the construction of alternative democratic projects (Fraser, 1993), both to the present neoliberal order and to socialist experiences of Soviet court. However, the Habermasian theory did not propose a universal law applicable to any context: it is a normative model to which existing societies approach or not. As has been stated (Chaguaceda, 2011), the concept must be anchored in specific contexts and subjects, given that the analysis of the public sphere in concrete spaces shows its normative limits. Limits appear when one analyses some countries, such as Cuba, that are not governed by the principles of liberal democracy, such as Cuba.
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