Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Cuba”
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Sedliar, Yulia. "US policy of economic sanctions against Cuba in 1990s years". Scientific Visnyk V. O. Sukhomlynskyi Mykolaiv National University. Historical Sciences 48, nr 2 (2019): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33310/2519-2809-2019-48-2-114-118.
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The US economic embargo against Cuba has been in place for fifty years. During that period, its rationale and goals have not changed. As it is stressed in the article, principal purpose of the US sanctions strategy is either to modify the international behavior of Cuba, which Washington regarded as a threat to US strategic interests in the Latin America region, or to eliminate the Cuban political regime entirely. Measured against these goals, the sanctions clearly have failed. Author examines key factors having restricted sanctions’ ability to achieve American proclaimed goals regarding to Cuba. In this context, it is underscored that controversial maintenance of the US embargo against Cuba among US allies directly affected the results of sanctions strategy against Cuba. It is stressed that since the early 1960s, when the United States imposed a trade embargo on Cuba, the centerpiece of U.S. policy toward Cuba has consisted of economic sanctions aimed at isolating the government. The United States embargo against Cuba is a commercial, economic, and financial embargo imposed by the United States on Cuba. An embargo was first imposed by the United States on sale of arms to Cuba on the 14th of March 1958, during the Fulgencio Batista regime. On October 19, 1960 the U.S. placed an embargo on exports to Cuba except for food and medicine after Cuba nationalized American-owned Cuban oil refineries without compensation. On February 7, 1962 the embargo was extended to include almost all imports. Currently, the Cuban embargo is enforced mainly through six statutes: the Trading with the Enemy Act of 1917, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, the Cuban Assets Control Regulations of 1963, the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992, the Helms–Burton Act 1996, and the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000. The stated purpose of the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 is to maintain sanctions on Cuba so long as the Cuban government refuses to move toward democratization and greater respect for human rights. The article emphasizes that The Helms–Burton Act further restricted United States citizens from doing business in or with Cuba, and mandated restrictions on giving public or private assistance to any successor government in Havana unless and until certain claims against the Cuban government were met.
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Rehman, Jazab-ur, Muhammad Naeem Akhtar, Qasim Shahzad Gill i Ghulam Mustafa. "Bridging the Divide: Strategic Measures to Enhance US-Cuba Relations in 21st Century". Research Journal for Societal Issues 6, nr 2 (28.05.2024): 164–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.56976/rjsi.v6i2.214.
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The US-Cuban relations have been historically bitter due to various factors, including the US's reluctance to engage with Cuba and its communist ideology. During the Cold War, the US faced difficulties due to Cuba's inclination towards the USSR, leading to the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. The US has always had concerns about Cuba and its ideology, which have been reflected in policies and statements. The Obama administration attempted to take positive steps towards Cuba, but the Trade Embargo imposed by the USA in the 1960s still heavily affected the relations. By the 21st century, these issues must be resolved to eradicate security and economic concerns from the region for its prosperity. The Reagan administration reversed direction and focused on controlling Cuban immigration to the US, granting up to 20,000 immigrant visas annually. Cuba has always impacted the security of the United States, as the country has been a significant threat since 1959 when the US and USSR faced nuclear war. The US has attempted to influence many countries in the region, but Cuba has been difficult to crack. Despite imposing embargoes, the US has failed to bring democratic norms to Cuba. As Cubans have a major stake in US politics, the US capitalizes on their influence. The worsening law and order situation in Cuba has led to mass migration to the USA, with the US trying to compensate Cuban immigrants to undermine their government policies. The 21st-century fluctuations in American policy for Cuba continue to pose Cuba as a security threat to the US. This article aims at highlighting issues like Migration, Cuban Ideology, US Embargo, and Terrorism which remain to be at core of the US-Cuban relations. These issues must be addressed in order to put US-Cuban relations back on track.
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Robinson, William I. "Cuba! Cuba! Cuba!" Latin American Perspectives 36, nr 1 (styczeń 2009): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x08329180.
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Sunshine, Catherine A. "Cuba now". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 64, nr 1-2 (1.01.1990): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002025.
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[First paragraph]The Cuba reader: the making of a revolutionary society. PHILIP BRENNER, WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE, DONNA RICH, and DANIEL SIEGEL (eds.). New York: Grove Press, 1989. xxxv + 564 pp. (Paper US $14.95). Cuba: the test of time. JEAN STUBBS. London: Latin America Bureau, 1989. xvii + 142 pp. (Paper UK £3.95). Cuba: politics, economics and society. MAX AZICRI. London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1988. xxiii + 276 pp. (Cloth US $35.00, Paper US $12.50). Cuba libre: breaking the chains? PETER MARSHALL. Boston: Faber & Faber, 1987. viii + 300 pp. (Cloth US $18.95). The closest of enemies: a personal and diplomatic account of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1957. WAYNE S. SMITH. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987. 308 pp. (Paper US $8.95). Imperial state and revolution: the United States and Cuba, 1952-1986. MORRIS H. MORLEY. New Rochelle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ix + 571 pp. (Paper US $16.95, Cloth US $59.50). From confrontation to negotiation: U.S. relations with Cuba. PHILIP BRENNER. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988. x + 118 pp. (Cloth US $30.00, Paper US $9.95).Nineteen eighty-eight marked the completion of the Cuban revolution's third decade. Several events that year suggested that Cubans might finally look forward to a lessening of the island's international isolation, if not its domestic economic woes. The revolution had survived eight years of hostility from the Reagan administration. Washington's attempts to secure international censure of Cuba on human rights grounds had culminated in the visit of a United Nations delegation, at Havana's invitation and with relatively little damage to Cuba's image. Fidel Castro's visits to Ecuador and Mexico to attend the inaugurations of two Latin American presidents underscored Cuba's reinsertion into the hemispheric community. Finally, Cuban military successes against South African troops in Angola and Cuba's role in the subsequent negotiations over Angola and Namibia were a source of pride.
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NASİROVA, Sabina, i Emre EKİNCİ. "THE EFFECT OF THE 1959 CUBAN REVOLUTION ON CUBA'S MIGRATION CHARACTER: A HISTORICAL EXAMINATION FOCUSING ON FOREIGN MIGRATION RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CUBA-USA". SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 8, nr 36 (15.03.2023): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.839.
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Migration, which has taken place throughout history and everywhere, and in the most general sense; is a social phenomenon defined as displacement. In this study, the change in the immigration character of Cuba is examined in terms of the effect of the 1959 Cuban Revolution, and the external migration relationship between Cuba and the USA is selected as a limitation. In this respect, firstly, a general definition is made of the concept of migration and migration theories. Then, in order to deal with the situation before the 1959 Cuban Revolution, the immigration character, which is the immigration character of post-Columbian Cuba, is examined. The content of this section consists of introducing the traditional economic-political structure of Cuba, starting from the general geographical structure. In the third part, the immigration character of Cuba after the 1959 Revolution is examined in the following five periods: Historical Exiles (1959-1962), Flights to Freedom (1965-1973), Exit from Mariel (1980), Balsero/Rafter Crisis (1994) and Post-Soviet Migration (1995-2023). This section, which focuses on Cuba-US relations, makes visible the change in Cuba's immigration character after the 1959 Revolution and analyzes the dynamics in which Cuba turned into an emigrant country while it was a country of immigration. In the conclusion part, as a result of the examination, a Cuba-USA-focused historical analysis is made on the meanings of the changing immigration character of Cuba through migration theories. In other words, this study answers the question about the transformation of Cuba from a country of emigration to a country of immigration, with a focus on the external immigration relationship between Cuba and the USA. It offers a historical analysis of the migration character. Thus, besides making an academic contribution to the immigration dimension of the 1959 Cuban Revolution's impact on Cuba, it is aimed to contribute to migration studies.
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Battle, Dolores E. "Healthcare and Education in the Republic of Cuba". Perspectives on Global Issues in Communication Sciences and Related Disorders 5, nr 2 (październik 2015): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/gics5.2.75.
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Cuba has had many challenges to healthcare and education, particularly for its urban poor and rural citizens. The healthcare and education programs were restructured following the Cuban revolution led by Fidel Castro in 1959. The United States imposed an embargo on the country and ceased diplomatic relations in 1961. With the support of the Soviet Union, Cuba established programs that provide free healthcare and free education to all from preschool through university. The literacy rate in Cuba exceeds 99%. Its programs in health diplomacy and literacy promotion have worldwide recognition. With the end of the Cold War, Cuba was able to continue its programs of healthcare and education without Soviet support. In July 2015 a group of speech-language pathologists (SLPs) and hearing specialists visited Cuba to gain an understanding of the Cuban health diplomacy and education systems for persons with communication disorders. This article will look at healthcare services, health diplomacy, services for the deaf, and education in Cuba. With brief review of Cuba pre-and post-revolution it will present a review of Cuba healthcare and education today and a look at the future as the United States moves toward normalization of relations with Cuba.
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Santamarina, Juan C. "The Cuba Company and the Expansion of American Business in Cuba, 1898–1915". Business History Review 74, nr 1 (2000): 41–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116352.
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The Cuba Company was the largest single foreign investment in Cuba during the first two decades of the twentieth century and remained one of the largest corporations. This article presents a detailed history of the commercial networks forged between political officials and North American and Cuban businessmen through the development of the company. These networks proved crucial to the success of the Cuba Company and subsequently shaped the development of the new Cuban Republic.
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Rehman, Jazab-Ur, Sarfraz Nawaz i Ghulam Mustafa. "Embargo and Engagement: Assessing the Landscape of US-Cuba Relations". Research Journal for Societal Issues 5, nr 3 (30.09.2023): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.56976/rjsi.v5i3.141.
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US-Cuban history is filled with many historical events. The history goes way back in 1900s when Cuba was a Spanish colony in the western hemisphere. The USA helped Cuba fight and win war against the Spanish. After that the relations entered into another phase. Cuba even stayed under the US influence due to threat of colonial powers. But major shift in relations came after the end of WW-II in the 1959 when Fidel Castro overthrew the regime of Batista after the Cuban revolution started in 1953 and ended in 1959 and rose to power. Initially the USA backed this activity of Castro but later regrated when the demeanor of Cuba changed and Castro brought communism to the island and nationalized all the lands previously owned by the USA. This led to an embargo imposed by the USA on Cuba which further halted the relations. Then in the Cuban missile crisis put the last nail in the coffin when Cuba and USSR worked together on deployment of nuclear missiles on the island. The was the only time after Hiroshima and Nagasaki Incident that a nuclear was at the shore. Since then, the US sanctions on the island has been tightening and denting the relations further. Every President that came to the oval office has been following the identical policy regarding Cuba. The major significant change came in the second term of Barak Obama when he practically took actions to bring warmth in the US-Cuban relations.
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Domínguez, Jorge I. "US-Cuban Relations in the 1980s: Issues and Policies". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, nr 1 (luty 1985): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165663.
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Should the United States go to war with Cuba? If not, what should be the policy of the US government toward Cuba? What should be Cuban policies toward the United States and the Soviet Union? Should Cuba increase or decrease its worldwide commitments and should it emphasize formal or informal foreign policy instruments? These have been the central questions affecting US-Cuban relations during the past quarter century. This essay endeavors to address some of the aspects they raise for US-Cuban relations for the remainder of the decade.
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Danyliuk, Ivan. "Diplomacy of the Holy See in the process of de-isolation of Cuba". American History & Politics Scientific edition, nr 7 (2019): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.37-48.
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In the article are considered the role of the Holy See and the Catholic Church in the de-isolation of Cuba in the international community and the promotion of the restoration of relations with the world community. The article analyzes the change in the international situation that has forced the Cuban government to dialogue with the Catholic Church, as well as the strengthening of the position of the Catholic Church on the Cuban island. The resumption of relations between Cuba and the Holy See was mutually beneficial and necessary for both sides. The Cuban government needed a new ally to get out of isolation. For the Vatican it was necessary to legalize the activities of the Catholic Church on the Cuban island. It is noted that three popes John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis played a part in the withdrawal from international isolation. The visit of Pope John Paul II to Cuba attracted attention to Cuba and became a step that began the process of legalizing the Catholic Church on the island and de-isolating Cuba. Benedict XVI’s visit came at a time when the leadership changed, when Cuba was governed by Raul Castro, who conducted a series of reforms. And of course, Pope Francis played a key role in the process of restoring relations with the United States and the de-isolation of Cuba in the international arena. Cuba has undoubtedly benefited from the active interventions of Vatican diplomacy and the Holy See, which has been distinguished how in Cuba’s international statuses and so in Cuba’s economic, tourism and information areas. However, the Cuban breakthrough was also an achievement for the Holy See’s peacekeeping diplomacy on international arena. For a long time, Vatican diplomacy has once again received vocal recognition on the international stage. The Cuban breakthrough testified that even today in the XXI-st century, the «soft power» of the Vatican diplomacy See and the Pope of the Catholic Church are able to engage the conflicting parties in dialogue, to promote mutual understanding, tolerance, peaceful coexistence, international cooperation and security.
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Lutjens, Sheryl. "Cuba Today and Tomorrow: Reinventing Socialism By Max Azicri. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000. 396p. $55.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, nr 1 (marzec 2002): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402234334.
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Max Azicri writes with acumen on the Cuban revolution in the very different decades of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, and he offers an insightful assessment of the changes and challenges of the 1990s. His objective is to answer the puzzle of what he calls the “Cuban miracle”: the island's surprising survival in the face of the deep economic crisis associated with the collapse of the socialist bloc and the ongoing “punitive” policies of the United States. Azicri is not the only scholar to attempt an interpretation of Cuba in the 1990s. Susan Eckstein (Back from the Future: Cuba Under Castro, 1994), Ken Cole (Cuba: From Revoution to Development, 1998), Julia Jatar-Hausman (The Cuban Way: Capitalism, Communism, and Confrontation, 1999), and Robin Blackburn, (“Putting the Hammer Down on Cuba,” New Left Review, July-August 2000 (4): 5–36) are among those who have examined the nexus of Cuba's past and future in the post–Cold War context. An explosion of travel writing also demonstrates the intrigue of contemporary Cuba, as does the list of new detective thrillers—some of them bestsellers—with a Cuba setting. Azicri's book has a distinctive place in this literary landscape.
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Wood, Pat, i Chandana Jayawardena. "Cuba: hero of the Caribbean? A profile of its tourism education strategy". International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 15, nr 3 (1.06.2003): 151–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09596110310470176.
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Features a realistic perspective of the current hospitality and tourism paradigm in Cuba. Previews the newly released hospitality and tourism education strategy to be rolled out in 2003. Provides an evaluation of the tourism and hospitality industry environment, education environment, workforce and change in policy. The authors made three research trips to Cuba in 1997, 2001 and 2002. A series of elite interviews were conducted in Cuba, Jamaica and the UK with senior Cuban policymakers. Current data and views from Cuban partners and practitioners are used to inform the discussion. Cuba continues to be one of the most mystical tourist destinations in the world with a phenomenal growth rate during recent years. The new tourism education strategy is a key for Cuba to once again become the number one destination in the Caribbean.
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Stubbs, Jean. "Cuba Through A New Lens". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, nr 3-4 (1.01.2007): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002484.
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[First paragraph]The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered. Samuel Farber. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. x + 212 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Cuba: A New History. Ric hard Gott . New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. xii + 384 pp. (Paper US$ 17.00)Havana: The Making of Cuban Culture. Antoni Kapcia. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2005. xx + 236 pp. (Paper US$ 24.95) Richard Gott, Antoni Kapcia, and Samuel Farber each approach Cuba through a new lens. Gott does so by providing a broad-sweep history of Cuba, which is epic in scope, attaches importance to social as much as political and economic history, and blends scholarship with flair. Kapcia homes in on Havana as the locus for Cuban culture, whereby cultural history becomes the trope for exploring not only the city but also Cuban national identity. Farber revisits his own and others’ interpretations of the origins of the Cuban Revolution.
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Stubbs, Jean. "Cuba Through A New Lens". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, nr 3-4 (1.01.2008): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002484.
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[First paragraph]The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered. Samuel Farber. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. x + 212 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Cuba: A New History. Ric hard Gott . New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. xii + 384 pp. (Paper US$ 17.00)Havana: The Making of Cuban Culture. Antoni Kapcia. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2005. xx + 236 pp. (Paper US$ 24.95) Richard Gott, Antoni Kapcia, and Samuel Farber each approach Cuba through a new lens. Gott does so by providing a broad-sweep history of Cuba, which is epic in scope, attaches importance to social as much as political and economic history, and blends scholarship with flair. Kapcia homes in on Havana as the locus for Cuban culture, whereby cultural history becomes the trope for exploring not only the city but also Cuban national identity. Farber revisits his own and others’ interpretations of the origins of the Cuban Revolution.
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GEOFFRAY, MARIE LAURE. "Transnational Dynamics of Contention in Contemporary Cuba". Journal of Latin American Studies 47, nr 2 (5.02.2015): 223–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000048.
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AbstractThis article explores the example of Cuba in order to understand how a contentious politics has evolved since the 2000s and especially after the semi-liberalisation of internet access in 2008. My aim is to analyse how use of new technologies impact the fragmented arenas of contention that already existed in Cuba. My argument is that they have reinforced existing dynamics, while creating new channels of expression and linkage, between contentious spaces within Cuba and with specific segments of the Cuban diaspora. Those dynamics have in turn allowed for the emergence of a transnational Cuban public arena and a more intricate contentious space in Cuba itself.
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Burroughs Peña, Melissa S., Dhaval Patel, Delfin Rodríguez Leyva, Bobby V. Khan i Laurence Sperling. "Lifestyle Risk Factors and Cardiovascular Disease in Cubans and Cuban Americans". Cardiology Research and Practice 2012 (2012): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/470705.
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Cardiovascular disease is the leading cause of mortality in Cuba. Lifestyle risk factors for coronary heart disease (CHD) in Cubans have not been compared to risk factors in Cuban Americans. Articles spanning the last 20 years were reviewed. The data on Cuban Americans are largely based on the Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (HHANES), 1982–1984, while more recent data on epidemiological trends in Cuba are available. The prevalence of obesity and type 2 diabetes mellitus remains greater in Cuban Americans than in Cubans. However, dietary preferences, low physical activity, and tobacco use are contributing to the rising rates of obesity, type 2 diabetes mellitus, and CHD in Cuba, putting Cubans at increased cardiovascular risk. Comprehensive national strategies for cardiovascular prevention that address these modifiable lifestyle risk factors are necessary to address the increasing threat to public health in Cuba.
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Oh, Min Jee, i Jai S. Mah. "Market-Based Reform, Industrial Restructuring and Economic Development of Cuba". Research in World Economy 13, nr 2 (12.11.2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v13n2p1.
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This paper examines whether market-based reform, industrial restructuring and diversification efforts have contributed to economic development of Cuba. The disintegration of the Soviet Union led to serious depression in Cuba in the early 1990s. To overcome the economic difficulties, the Cuban government began to adopt market-based reform in the mid-1990s. Cuba gradually strengthened market-based reform measures again in the late 2000s and economic growth rate rose in the meantime. Cuba could diversify its economic structure from its heavy reliance on the agricultural sector to the service sector. Cuba has overcome the negative effects of US’ economic sanctions by strengthening its bilateral relationships with countries within the socialist bloc such as the Soviet Unionand Venezuela and developing value-added industries where it has a comparative advantage. The government’s emphasis on education appears to have contributed to the development of the Cuban economy led by tourism, exports of professional services such as medical services, and a technology-intensive pharmaceutical industry. Meanwhile, insufficient allocation of resources to science and engineering coupled with the chaos in Venezuela have had negative impacts on Cuba. Finding other trade partners and foreign investors while emphasizing science and technology education may provide better opportunities for the Cuban economy.
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Keller, Renata. "Fan Mail to Fidel". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 33, nr 1 (2017): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/mex.2017.33.1.6.
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This article analyzes the newly-declassified letters that Mexicans and people residing in Mexico sent to the Cuban government in the first decade after the Cuban Revolution. The letters reveal that the Cuban Revolution found supporters among a variety of Mexicans because the events in Cuba reflected their own nation’s history of revolution and U.S. intervention. In addition to praising the Cuban Revolution, the Mexicans who put pen to paper confessed their hopes and fears for their own country. While these letters were ostensibly about Cuba, they in fact reveal more about political culture in 1960s Mexico. Este artículo analiza las cartas que mexicanos y foráneos residentes en México enviaron al gobierno cubano en la primera década después de la Revolución Cubana. Las cartas revelan que varios mexicanos apoyaron a la revolución porque los eventos en Cuba reflejaban la historia de revolución e intervencionismo estadounidense en México. Asimismo, estos mexicanos describían las ilusiones y miedos sobre su propio país. A pesar de tratar sobre Cuba, estas cartas revelan aún más sobre la cultura política de México en los años sesenta.
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Zimbalist, Andrew. "Incentives and Planning in Cuba". Latin American Research Review 24, nr 1 (1989): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100022676.
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During 1986 and 1987, Cuba found itself once again debating the relative merits of material and moral incentives. Analysts outside Cuba have rushed to their word processors to pronounce judgment on the Cuban economy's alleged uncertain footing. Some writers have erroneously declared that Cuba has abolished its post-1973 system of tying pay to productivity, and some have interpreted changes in the Cuban economic system as marking the failure and demise of the Sistema de Dirección y Planificación de la Economía (SDPE), Cuba's system of economic management and planning since 1976. This essay will endeavor not to uncover the errant interpretations of Western observers but to explore the underlying problematic and dynamic that Cuba confronts in attempting to balance moral and material incentives within the framework of central planning.
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Dong, Boyuan. "Internal and External Factors to the Success of the Cuban Revolution". Caribbean Quilt 6, nr 2 (4.02.2022): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i2.36919.
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Fidel Castro, the revolutionary leader of Cuba, gave a speech on the fourth anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, mainly focus- ing on how to solidify the pueblo cubano under the revolutionary flag against the U.S. intervention. This paper aims to examine the Cuban revolution stand on the view from four years after Castro has died, to prove that what Castro has mentioned during his Fourth Anniversary Speech has been accomplished, as well as compare the revolutionary movements of its neighbours like Grenada, to see why Cuba could be the only successful example of socialism in the Western Hemisphere. The paper will focus on the social changes during the post-revolution Cuba based on the scholar research of Louis A. Pérez and John Walton’s comparison article between Grenada and Cuba.
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Casimir, Enver M. "Contours of Transnational Contact: Kid Chocolate, Cuba, and the United States in the 1920s and 1930s". Journal of Sport History 39, nr 3 (1.10.2012): 487–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.39.3.487.
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Abstract Boxer Kid Chocolate was one of the most prominent and popular athletes in Cuba in the 1920s and 1930s. An analysis of his career and the reasons for his popularity in Cuba shed light on the cultural dimensions of U.S.-Cuban relations during this time. Appreciation of the career of Kid Chocolate in both the U.S. and Cuba suggests that Cubans and Americans shared a cultural world that centered on the appreciation of sport in general and was characterized by extensive Cuban consumption of North American sporting culture. But Cubans were not simply passive consumers of this culture. Instead they infused their own meaning into the career of Kid Chocolate, subtly invoking it as a challenge to North American hegemony in Cuba while also critiquing North American racism.
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Dembicz, Katarzyna. "The End of the Myth of the Cuban Exile? Current Trends in Cuban Emigration". International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 25, nr 1 (30.06.2020): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.25.05.
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Cuban migrants are considered as and referred to as exiles. However, in the face of the economic transformations in Cuba, as well as the rapprochement between the U.S. and Cuba, it has become necessary to revise the epistemological and semiotic foundations of this phenomenon. The current migratory trends among the Cubans do not meet the definition of exiles. Thus, the title of this article reflects the research assumption and the principal aim that the current circumstances in Cuba, as well as the migratory flows of Cubans mark the decline of the myth of the Cuban exile; a myth built by the media.
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Stubbs, Jean. "An Island Called Cuba". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 85, nr 1-2 (1.01.2011): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002437.
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Review of:An Island Called Home: Returning to Jewish Cuba. Ruth Behar, photographs by Humberto Mayol. New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2007. xiii + 297 pp. (Cloth US$ 29.95)Fidel Castro: My Life: A Spoken Autobiography. Fidel Castro & Ignacio Ramonet. New York: Scribner/Simon & Schuster, 2008. vii + 724 pp. (Paper US$ 22.00, e-book US$ 14.99)Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know. Julia E. Sweig. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. xiv + 279 pp. (Paper US$ 16.95)[First paragraph]These three ostensibly very different books tell a compelling story of each author’s approach, as much as the subject matter itself. Fidel Castro: My Life: A Spoken Autobiography is based on a series of long interviews granted by the then-president of Cuba, Fidel Castro, to Spanish-Franco journalist Ignacio Ramonet. Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know, by U.S. political analyst Julia Sweig, is one of a set country series, and, like Ramonet’s, presented in question/answer format. An Island Called Home: Returning to Jewish Cuba, with a narrative by Cuban-American anthropologist Ruth Behar and photographs by Cuban photographer Humberto Mayol, is a retrospective/introspective account of the Jewish presence in Cuba. While from Ramonet and Sweig we learn much about the revolutionary project, Behar and Mayol convey the lived experience of the small Jewish community against that backdrop.
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González, Ileana, Lidice González, Armando Rojas, Boris L. Rodríguez, Jacqueline Romero, Orlando Reyes, Erik Morales i in. "Pathogenic potential of Helicobacter pylori strains can explain differences in H. pylori associated diseases rates from Chile and Cuba". Bangladesh Journal of Medical Science 18, nr 3 (30.05.2019): 577–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bjms.v18i3.41629.
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Background: The prevalence of Helicobacter pylori-related diseases varies geographically and it is partially determined by the virulence of the circulating strains. Cuba and Chile exhibit different gastric cancer rates, on despite of very similar H. pylori infection rates. We determined if differences in the pathogenic potential of H. pylori isolates from Chile and Cuba could explain the disease outcome in each population.
Methods: H. pylori isolates from 78 Chilean and 71 Cuban patients were analyzed using PCR for the presence of cagA, babA2, vacA alleles and the pattern of EPIYA motifs. Results: cagA was detected in 94.9 % of Chilean and 64.7 % of Cuban isolates (P < 0.001) and was significantly associated with duodenal ulcer (DU) in Cuba (P < 0.01) but not in Chile. The presence of cagA with multiple EPIYA-C motifs was 18.2 % higher in Chile than in Cuba (P < 0.05). Also, an association was observed between GU (P ≤ 0.05) and premalignant lesions (P < 0.001) with the multiple EPIYA-C motif status of the strains in Chile, but not in Cuba. The prevalence of vacA s2m2 genotype was predominant in Chile (66.7 %), while in Cuba was prevalent the s1m1 genotype (56.8 %); and the last one was significantly associated with the presence of DU in Cuban patients.
Conclusions: The cagA status and the EPIYA pattern found in Chilean and Cuban H. pylori clinical isolates partially explain the differences in disease prevalence between both countries. The high proportion of vacA s2m2 genotype in Chile was an unexpected result, needing further studies.
Bangladesh Journal of Medical Science Vol.18(3) 2019 p.577-585
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Vasquez, Miguel. "Commentary an Applied Anthropologist in Cuba". Practicing Anthropology 21, nr 3 (1.07.1999): 32–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.21.3.7m1638747823p876.
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The following Commentary by Miguel Vasquez is not connected to the previous section on Practicing Anthropology in Cuba. Miguel urges us to re-examine some of the potential lessons of the Cuban social revolution as they might pertain to North American society and our views on Cuba. He challenges us to reconsider our criteria for ‘development’ and to engage in more dialogue with Cuban colleagues and citizens.—Editor
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Gutierrez-Boronat, Orlando. "The Cuban Civic Movement". Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, nr 1 (2006): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/210.
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During the 1990s, the dissident movement in Cuba has grown in effectiveness, popular participation, and intemational support. While facing a first-generation totalitarian regime, with a sophisticated repressive apparatus, the civic movement in the Island has persevered and grown in spite of constant persecution, offering hope for political, social, and economic change from within Cuba itself. This essay seeks to provide a brief overview of the civic movement in Cuba covering its social origins and growth, theoretical repercussions of its existence, major leaders and initiatives, its relationship with the Cuban exile community, its ideological history and development, intemational support, and its current status in light of recent events affecting political conditions in the Island. Born initially out of dissident cells within Cuba's revolutionary movement and the Communist Party, the dissident movement in Cuba has transformed itself into a microcosm of a re-emerging civil society through which Cuban citizens are reclaiming their sovereignity and constructing the blueprint for a new Republic. The Varela Project is of particular significance for the development of the civic movement in Cuba.
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Jonas, Paul, Eduardo Garbey Savigne, Mark Koster i Imti Choonara. "Lessons from Building a Sustainable Healthcare Exchange between the Netherlands and Cuba". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, nr 18 (17.09.2022): 11742. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph191811742.
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Over the past ten years, seven Dutch Universities have built a sustainable exchange with seven institutes in Cuban healthcare. The exchange was initiated by the Leiden University Medical Centre and the University of Medical Sciences of Havana. Cooperation with Cuba was chosen as Cuba has excellent primary healthcare and has a strong focus on prevention and public health. These were considered important due to the major contribution of non-communicable diseases to morbidity and mortality in the Netherlands. Exchanges have occurred with Dutch health professionals and students visiting Cuban healthcare institutions and Cuban postgraduate students studying in the Netherlands. There has been an increased awareness of the importance of public health and prevention in Dutch professional organizations following the exchange. The exchange has also helped to break the scientific and economic US blockade of Cuba and resulted in joint publications. In this review we described the process, key aspects, results and lessons learned in this process. Collaboration between Cuba (a middle income) and the Netherlands (a high-income country) is possible.
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Ronda-Pupo, Guillermo Armando. "Cuba—U.S. scientific collaboration: Beyond the embargo". PLOS ONE 16, nr 7 (22.07.2021): e0255106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0255106.
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Cuba and the U.S. have the oldest Academies of Sciences outside Europe. Both countries have a long history of scientific collaboration that dates to the 1800s. Both scientific communities also share geographical proximity and common scientific research interests mainly in Biotechnology, Meteorology, and Public Health research. Despite these facts, scientists from both nations face serious barriers to cooperation raised by the U.S. embargo established in 1961 that prohibits exchanges with Cuba. The study aims to analyze the effects of U.S. policy on scientific collaboration with Cuban scientific institutions. The results of the bibliometric analysis of Cuba-U.S. joint publications in the Web of Science, and Scopus databases between 1980 to 2020 indicate sustained growth of scientific collaboration between scientists of both nations over the past forty years. The results also show that after the 1980 Smithsonian Institution and the Cuba’s Academy of Sciences agreement significantly increased scientific collaboration between U.S. scientists with their Cuban peers. President Barack Obama’s approach to normalizing the U.S. Cuba relations in 2015 enhanced Cuban scientific production with U.S. scientists by exceeding the number of collaborative papers published during any preceding U.S. Presidential administration. By 2020, Cuba had expanded its scientific links to 80% of the countries in the world. Cuban and U.S. scientists converted from adversaries into partners, showing that science is an effective diplomatic channel. A particularly important question for the future is how robust is the collaboration system in the face of greater political restrictions?
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Gomis-Izquierdo, Vicente. "Cuba y su imagen esperpéntica en Mi tío el empleado de Ramón Meza". Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 6, nr 10 (31.07.2018): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2018.303.
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This article analyzes Mi tío el empleado (1887) by Ramón Meza, a Cuban novel that presents a grey Cuba in which the administration is absurdly corrupt, handled by greedy and uneducated people. It shows an upper class worried only aout its own benefit, and a country ruled by the interests of people who did not know anything about Cuba or had even been. With these and other tools, Meza offers an image of Spanish identity that is defined by corruption and greed, with the ultimate message that Cuba needed to break the colonial yoke in order to develop its own national potential. Through the sudy of this novel, along with contemporary texts as well as postcolonial theory, the reader can see the grotesque portrait that Meza drew of the Cuban colonial government to emphasize his own conception of an independent Cuba that could move forward as a sovereign nation.
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Wenham, Clare, i Sonja K. Kittelsen. "Cuba y seguridad sanitaria mundial: Cuba’s role in global health security". BMJ Global Health 5, nr 5 (maj 2020): e002227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2019-002227.
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Cuba has been largely absent in academic and policy discourse on global health security, yet Cuba’s history of medical internationalism and its domestic health system have much to offer contemporary global health security debates. In this paper, we examine what we identify as key traits of Cuban health security, as they play out on both international and domestic fronts. We argue that Cuba demonstrates a strong health security capacity, both in terms of its health systems support and crisis response activities internationally, and its domestic disease control activities rooted in an integrated health system with a focus on universal healthcare. Health security in Cuba, however, also faces challenges. These concern Cuba’s visibility and participation in the broader global health security architecture, the social controls exercised by the state in managing disease threats in Cuban territory, and the resource constraints facing the island—in particular, the effects of the US embargo. While Cuba does not frame its disease control activities within the discourse of health security, we argue that the Cuban case demonstrates that it is possible to make strides to improve capacity for health security in resource-constrained settings. The successes and challenges facing health security in Cuba, moreover, provide points of reflection relevant to the pursuit of health security globally and are thus worth further consideration in broader health security discussions.
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Pettersson, Inger. "Writing Conflict to End Conflict: Reconciliatory Writing in Cristina García’s "Dreaming in Cuban," "The Agüero Sisters," and "King of Cuba"". REDEN. Revista Española de Estudios Norteamericanos 1, nr 1 (30.11.2019): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/reden.2019.1.1375.
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The building of bridges between Cuba and the US has been ongoing for a long time, not least by artists. Reconciliation work preceding the commencement of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the US encompasses, for example, novelist Cristina García’s Dreaming in Cuban (1992), The Agüero Sisters (1997), and King of Cuba (2013). I argue that these novels take on the task of lessening polarizations with the aspiration of furthering reconciliation processes through concentrating on the divisiveness between families and politics within the Cuban communities, focusing on the island Cubans and the US Cuban diaspora. García writes conflict to end conflict and this is, I claim, her strongest contribution to the reconciliation processes. In the last part of the article I briefly discuss how I use the concept of translation to theorize the relationship between fiction and reality.
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Jordan, Evan J., B. Bynum Boley, Whitney Knollenberg i Carol Kline. "Predictors of Intention to Travel to Cuba across Three Time Horizons: An Application of the Theory of Planned Behavior". Journal of Travel Research 57, nr 7 (30.07.2017): 981–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047287517721370.
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As the relationship between Cuba and the United States evolves, many Americans are entertaining the idea of travel to Cuba. This study used the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) to examine predictors of US residents’ intentions to travel to Cuba across three time horizons: 1 year, 5 years, and 10 years. TPB constructs were administered to a cross-sectional panel of US residents. Results varied by time horizon, with US residents’ negative attitudes toward Cuba having a positive and significant influence on their intention to visit Cuba within one year. This finding suggests that some US residents match Plog’s Allocentric profile of tourists and that the current “rough edges” of Cuba are what attract them to travel in the short rather than long term. Findings from this study provide baseline data that is valuable for Cuban and American tourism organizations, should the US market become more accessible.
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PÉREZ, LOUIS A. "Fear and Loathing of Fidel Castro: Sources of US Policy Toward Cuba". Journal of Latin American Studies 34, nr 2 (maj 2002): 227–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x02006387.
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The Cuban Revolution shattered some of the most important policy formulations by which the United States had traditionally defined its place and defended its interests in the western hemisphere, for which Fidel Castro has been inalterably held responsible. Much of US policy towards Cuba during the past forty years has been driven by a determination to punish Cuba for the transgressions of Fidel Castro and a determination to resist a modus vivendi with Cuba as long as he remains in power.
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Rutheiser, Charles. "Cuba on our minds". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 76, nr 3-4 (1.01.2002): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002538.
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[First paragraph]Conversatons with Cuba. C. PETER RIPLEY. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1999. xxvi + 243 pp. (Cloth US$ 24.95)Real Life in Castro's Cuba. CATHERINE MOSES. Wilmington DE: Scholarly Resources, 2000. xi + 184 pp. (Paper US$ 18.95)The Cuban Way: Capitalism, Communism, and Confrontation. ANA JULIA JATAR-HAUSMANN. West Hartford CT: Kumarian Press, 1999. xvii + 161 pp. (Paper US$21.95)Castro and the Cuban Revolution. THOMAS M. LEONARD. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1999. xxv + 188 pp. (Cloth US$ 45.00)Cuba has attracted a great deal of attention from both scholarly and popular authors since 1959. The literature that they have produced has generated much heat, but has shed a considerably smaller amount of light. Most accounts have been situated at the polar extremes of ideology, either condemning or celebrating the island's revolutionary experiment and its maximum leader (for the former is often virtually totally collapsed into the personage of Fidel Castro) with the same degrees of vociferous, simplistic certitude. However, neither the fulminating diatribes of the anti-Castro Right nor the fulsome paeans of the Euro-American Left have done much justice to making sense of the complex, confounding, and contradictory realities of Cuban society before, during, and after the Revolution. Indeed, contemporary developments have only magnified the distortions rendered by the astigmatic lenses of cold war intellectualism.
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Kahn, Owen Ellison. "Cuba's Impact in Southern Africa". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, nr 3 (1987): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165843.
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This Article Assesses the impact of the Cuban military on strategic, diplomatic and political relationships in southern Africa. It does not deal with why Cuba and its Soviet benefactor have interested themselves in the region, nor does it discuss Soviet influence on Cuban foreign policy. The aspects covered here include: (1) how Cuba and Angola fit into the complex pattern of regional relations in southern Africa; (2) an outline of the region's main territorial actors and guerrilla movements, along with a brief history of Cuban involvement in the area; (3) the response of South Africa to this foreign spoiler of its regional hegemony, (4) regional cooperation in southern Africa insofar as it is a response to South Africa's militancy in the face of international communism as represented in the region by Cuba; and (5) Cuba's effect upon the economy and polity of Angola and Mozambique.
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Cosse, Isabella. "“Children of the Revolution”". Radical History Review 2020, nr 136 (1.01.2020): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857368.
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Abstract This interview of Gregory Randall offers a lens onto a transnational life experience, including that of international refugees in Cuba. Randall was born in New York in 1960. He spent his early childhood in Mexico and arrived in Cuba in 1970, where he remained until the 1980s. In this interview, Randall reflects on Cuban policies toward women, homosexuality, and youth. He also analyzes his own family’s experience, characterized by a strong commitment to reflecting the Cuban Revolution in its own social relations and its ways of living and loving. The interview provides a unique perspective on these challenges and on Cuban history, shaped by Randall’s particular position in that historical process. Unmoored from national frameworks, his subjectivity is anchored in a transnational Left sensibility. He belongs to a generation of children of the revolution, part of Socialist Cuba as children and teenagers, and belonging to Left and internationalist families.
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Berg-Rodríguez, Alexis. "La reforma constitucional en Cuba, en el marco de la aplicación provisional del Acuerdo UE-Cuba del 2016 (The Constitutional Reform in Cuba, in the Context of the Provisional Implementation of the 2016 EU-Cuba Agreement)". Oñati Socio-legal Series 9, nr 6 (30.12.2019): 924–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1109.
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El artículo analiza, desde el enfoque institucional, por qué era necesario hacer la reforma de la Constitución cubana, y los retos que debía tener presentes para garantizar la protección de los derechos de toda la sociedad, así como la implementación de las principales transformaciones socioeconómicas realizadas por el Gobierno para garantizar la permanencia del sistema socialista cubano y seguir reforzando las relaciones bilaterales con la UE. De hecho, con la firma y puesta en funcionamiento del primer Acuerdo de Diálogo Político y de Cooperación UE-Cuba del 2016, se puso en marcha un nuevo modelo político de relación UE-Cuba. Por esta razón, en los tres apartados del artículo se demuestra cómo la reforma constitucional cubana respalda y brinda continuidad al proceso de modernización realizado en la estructura social, económica y política en Cuba, para garantizar la aplicación provisional del Acuerdo con la UE desde 2017 hasta 2019. From an institutional approach, the paper analyzes why it was necessary to reform the Constitution of Cuba, and the challenges that had to be taken into account to ensure the protection of rights of the Cuban people, as well as the implementation by the Government of the main socio-economic transformations to guarantee the continuation of the Cuban socialist system and to reinforce the bilateral rapport with the European Union (EU). In fact, the signature and implementation of the first EU-Cuba Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement, in 2016, prompted a new political model in the relationship between the EU and Cuba. For this reason, in the three sections of the paper, we prove how the reform of the Constitution of Cuba offers support and continuity to the process of modernization of the social, economic and political structure of Cuba, in order to ensure the provisional implementation of the Agreement with the EU from 2017 to 2019.
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Goodwin, Jamie. "The Double Character of Cuban Protestantism and Philanthropy". Religions 9, nr 9 (7.09.2018): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9090265.
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In Cuba and the United States, Protestant institutions exist that are both reflective and nonreflective about their culture’s influence on belief and practice. The case of Cuba sheds light on how Christian churches and voluntary associations operate in an authoritarian regime. Despite the tension and enmity that have typified Cuba’s geopolitical relationship with the United States since the colonial days, cross-cultural Christian philanthropic partnerships exist. The “doble carácter” (double character) of Cuban Protestant churches has grown out of both collaboration with, and resistance to U.S.-style evangelicalism (Arce Valentín 2016). Adaptations of liberation theology, adopted among Cuban Christians, provide an influential counterweight to the mighty Western theological and philanthropic tradition (González 2012). The nature of this engagement influences Cuban civil society, the survival of the Cuban regime, and provides an extreme case for cross-cultural philanthropy worldwide. This socio-historical account utilizes the data collected from personal interviews with Cuban Protestant leaders, primary sources found in the library at the San Cristobal Presbyterian Seminary and Cuban theological journals, and a qualitative analysis of literature on Cuba, Protestants, missions, philanthropy, nongovernment organizations (NGOs) and civil society.
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C. Llano, Jorge. "Cuba and the United States in Democratic and Republican times: continuity or change?" Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, nr 4 (1.07.2021): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-25-38.
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For a comprehensive understanding, one as close to reality as possible, of the U.S.-Cuban relations it is necessary to study in detail the conceptual foundations and historical background of the U.S. foreign policy towards the Latin American region in general, and towards Cuba in particular. To this end, the author offers a retrospective overview of the U.S. policy in interaction with the Cuban state, taking as a starting point the very formation of the United States as a state from thirteen original colonies. The origins of the U.S.-Cuban interaction, the context of the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, as well as the political motivation of American leaders, both Democratic and Republican, in the context of building relations with Cuba are examined. The political decisions of the U.S. leadership regarding Cuba are immersed into the global dynamics of world political processes and the positioning of the U.S. in the international arena in different periods. Building the sequence of the U.S. relations with the island the author comes to the conclusion that the dialogue with Cuba has always been from the position of force, and it is proven in the article that such approach, often accompanied by unfair destructive actions, remained in place even in the moment of warming, namely during the restoration of relations with Cuba in the years of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author is convinced that the solution of the conflict between the two countries will be realistically possible only when the U.S. government fully recognizes Cuba’s sovereignty and ambitions to be more actively involved in the regional and international agenda.
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Megna, Yoandri S., David Sánchez-Fernández, Ileana Fernández García, Bernardo Reyes-Tur i Michael Balke. "Vulnerabilidad de las especies de Dytiscidae (Coleoptera) en Cuba". Revista de Biología Tropical 66, nr 2 (24.05.2018): 709. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rbt.v66i2.33403.
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Vulnerability of Dytiscidae species (Coleoptera) in Cuba. Cuba has one of the richest diving beetles species diversity in the Caribbean islands. However, Cuban Dytiscidae remain scarcely studied, and there is need to identify those species and habitats that urgently require effective conservation actions. Here we aim to identify the threatened taxa of the family Dytiscidae in Cuba according to their degree of vulnerability. For that, we compiled distributional data on the Cuban fauna, including data from literature, collections and own samplings carried out between the period 2000 and 2014. In addition, the vulnerability of the species was evaluated using a methodology that combines six criteria regarding both species and habitat attributes. This analysis of vulnerability was completed to 50 (94 %) out of 53 Cuban species. Five species (9 %) were identified as highly vulnerable, 20 (38 %) moderately and 25 (48 %) as having low conservation status. The five most threatened species were Laccodytes cobrinae, Laccophilus alariei, Copelatus barbouri, C. darlingtoni, and Desmopachria glabella. These species are endemic to Cuba and characterized by highly localized populations and low abundance as well as high habitat specificity. Thus, we propose the inclusion of these five species in both the red list of Cuban fauna and the IUCN Red List (under the category of “Vulnerable”). In addition, not all areas where these species were found belong to the National System of Protected Areas of Cuba. Thus, we suggest the inclusion of the Laguna Base Julio A. Mella and the North of Imías, and to develop effective management measures to prevent the alteration of these aquatic ecosystems. Rev. Biol. Trop. 66(2): 709-721. Epub 2018 June 01. Key words:
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Arabadzhyan, Alexandra. "Tensions Between Cuba and the USSR After the Cuban Missile Crisis: From International Politics to Political Economy". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, nr 2 (2023): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025106-4.
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In this paper the author examines the contradictions between Cuba and the USSR after the Cuban Missile Crisis. The author's review of the academic literature on the subject reveals that both the conflict itself and its short-term consequences have been extensively analysed. Yet, as far as one could ascertain, there is no historiography that sheds light on the further development of the contradictions between Cuba and the USSR in the 1960s. Drawing on documents from the Soviet embassy in Cuba held in the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, the author demonstrates that the Cuban government was still extremely concerned about its security and on several occasions even attempted to join the Warsaw Pact. Contradictions between the two countries deepened with the radicalisation of Cuban position on the international stage and the implementation of guerrilla tactics pursued by Ernesto Guevara, who also tried to implement them during his trip to Africa at the turn of 1964-1965. This is evident from the notes the revolutionary took during the trip. The document, held in the personal archive of Guevara at the Che Guevara Studies Centre in Havana, is being introduced into academic discussion for the first time. The author explores the contradictions between the USSR and Cuba over issues of socialist construction, taking as an example the economic debates in Cuba and the attempt to introduce the budgetary finance system, which was later replaced by the economic register, implying the total negation of monetary relations. The study shows that Cuban socialist construction schemes in the 1960s reflected a radical political economy approach that could not be characterised as classical “real socialism”.
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Granjon, Marie-Christine. "L’administration Reagan et le régime castriste (janvier 1981-juillet 1982)". Études internationales 13, nr 3 (12.04.2005): 427–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701382ar.
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Because of the Cuban presence in Africa (Angola), President Carter put a stop, in November 1978, to the normalization procedures started with Cuba at the commencement of his mandate. The Reagan administration, far from redressing the situation, has worsened it by incessantly accusing and threatening the Cuban government. At the rime of General Haig's resignation as State Secretary on June 26, 1982, his policy of intimidation towards Cuba had failed to keep the Castro's regime in step. Moreover, the American policy has been thwarted by external obstacles — the attitudes of the Cuban and Soviet leaders, the change in the political climate in Latin America (the conflict in the Malvinas) - and by internal causes - blunders, conflicting announcements, incoherent strategies, fluctuating and equivocal appraisals of the situation by the Reagan administration. This administration has alternately advocated a military solution to the Cuban problem and an essentially economic approach to neutralise the castrist influence in the region. Cuba has been at rimes referred to as a sovereign State to be dealt with on a bilateral basis, and at other rimes as a soviet satellite to be handled with the framework of East-West relations. Under the Reagan administration, Cuba has remained more than ever the ideal scapegoat of American leaders faced with a reassessment of the "pax americana" in Central America and in the North-South relations.
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Fairley, Jan. "Dancing back to front: regeton, sexuality, gender and transnationalism in Cuba". Popular Music 25, nr 3 (11.09.2006): 471–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026114300600105x.
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In this Middle Eight using ethnographic observation and interviews made in Cuba in May–July 2005 and March–April 2006 I problematise the new Latina/o dance music ‘reggaetón’ which in the USA is being heralded as ‘‘an expression of pan-Latino identity … the latest Latin musical style to sweep the world … the one with the most promise of finding a permanent, prominent place not just in US but in global popular culture …” (Marshall, 2006). Notably along with hip-hop with which it is now related in Cuban cultural politics, this is the first pan-Latin style of non-Cuban origin to have a strong presence in post-‘Special period’ 1990s revolutionary Cuba. I focus on the significance and possible history of the dance moves and the lyrics of two key songs, discussing possible political double meanings and implications within a Cuban context. While focusing particularly on issues of regeton in Cuba, I place regeton in Cuba in the larger context of reggaetón history in the Latin world and of Latin dance history and discuss it within the constant construction of an appropriate Cuban national identity. I pose open questions about gender, sexuality and generational attitudes. The overall theoretical context falls within the context of Järviluoma et al's work on ‘gender as cultural construction’ (2003). It builds on work on gender and dance which forms a small part of Fairley (2004).
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Kasatkina, Kateryna. "Peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under Conditions of Break Off Diplomatic Relations in the 1960’s". American History & Politics Scientific edition, nr 8 (2019): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.03.
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The article is an attempt to analyze the peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under conditions of break off diplomatic relations in the 1960s. The article focuses on factors which influenced on the formation of the US policy towards Cuba and determined the nature of its qualitative changes in the given period. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson against Fidel Castro’s regime. There is also described the work of the Special Group Augmented that prepared for the new phase of the «Cuban project» – Operation «Mongoose». As a result of the research the author comes to the conclusion, that peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under conditions of break off diplomatic relations in the 1960’s had changed. President Kennedy’s policies were characterized by different methods and approaches. It included both covert operations and sabotage against F. Castro’s regime, as well as political and economic pressure on Cuba. However, such US policy had the opposite effect. Cuba had established relations with the Soviet Union. The confrontation between the United States, the Soviet Union and Cuba led to The Cuban missile crisis. After the crisis was resolved the USA was forced to suspend operation «Mongoose». In addition, John F. Kennedy had attempted to establish a secret back channel of communication with F. Castro. After his death, preliminary for negotiations between Washington and Havana were discontinued. The new President Lyndon Johnson did not allow the normalization of relations with Cuba on Castro’s terms and while he was in power. He made an effort to destabilize the Castro’s regime by making an engaging immigration policy for Cubans who lived in the United States or desired come to the country and got a permanent residence. At the end of Johnson’s presidency, the United States took part in the Vietnam war, but the problem of U.S.-Cuban relations remained unresolved.
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Kalashnikov, Nikolay. "Cuba – EU: the difficult way to cooperation". Contemporary Europe, nr 100 (31.12.2020): 173–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope72020173183.
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The article analyzes the development of relations between Cuba and European countries during past soviet period. The main characteristic of this process was its unevenness. Having lost the markets of the USSR and European socialist countries Cuba objectively was interested in finding new partners both for replacement of the sources of industrial goods delivery and for exporting its own products. European countries seemed to be adequate substitution of Russia (except petroleum deliveries). The article describes how the economic interests of the EU to enter the capacious Cuban market contradicted with principals of democracy and human rights. That was the reason of freezing periodically the progress in the economic links. The problem was partly resolved when the decisions taken for political reasons did not apply to “EU-Cuba” relations. The main obstacle for the bilateral economic cooperation was the EU’ Common Position, approved in 1996 which didn’t permit for both sides to subscribe the agreement of cooperation. The cancellation of the EU’ Common Position, together with developing of bilateral relations of individual countries with Cuba gives the EU possibilities to become a strategic economic partner of the Island. The analysis of the development EU – Cuba partnership helps to understand better how Cuban leaders act on the international scene.
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Anthes, Richard, Alan Robock, Juan Carlos Antuña-Marrero, Oswaldo García, John J. Braun i René Estevan Arredondo. "Cooperation on GPS Meteorology between the United States and Cuba". Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society 96, nr 7 (1.07.2015): 1079–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/bams-d-14-00171.1.
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Abstract In May 2014 a team of atmospheric and geodetic scientists from UNAVCO and the University Corporation for Atmospheric Research (UCAR) sent and helped set up a global positioning system (GPS) receiver to measure atmospheric water vapor at the Grupo de Óptica Atmosférica de Camagüey (GOAC) at the Camagüey Meteorological Center in Camagüey, Cuba. The GPS receiver immediately began to produce observations of precipitable water, which are being shared with the international meteorological community. Obtaining permission from both sides to send a highly sensitive instrument from the United States to Cuba was not easy. This paper describes the series of events that led to this achievement, beginning with a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) workshop in Rome, Italy, in 1994 in which Alan Robock met a young Cuban scientist named Juan Carlos Antuña and accepted him as a graduate student at the University of Maryland, College Park. The GPS meteorology connection began with a March 2007 visit of a delegation from the United States headed by then American Meteorological Society (AMS) President Richard Anthes to Havana, Cuba, at the invitation of the Cuban Meteorological Society president, Andrés Planas. These two threads led to this remarkable cooperation between Cuban and U.S. scientists. Several visits to Cuba beginning in 2010 by Robock, who met former President of Cuba Fidel Castro and the science advisor to the president of Cuba, played a significant role. This is another instance (the visit of the AMS delegation to China in 1974 was a prime example) of how communication and visits between meteorologists in countries that are at odds on many other issues can lead to lasting collaborations that benefit both countries as well as the international community.
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Arabadzhyan, Alexandra. "Revolutionary enthusiasm in Cuba, relations with the USSR and the ideological legacy of Che Guevara: an interview with Carlos Tablada". Latin-American Historical Almanac 38, nr 1 (30.06.2023): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-38-1-7-49.
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The paper represents a conversation with Carlos Tablada, a leading contemporary Cuban economist, philosopher and so-ciologist. The interview reveals the peculiarities of the Cuban revolution at different stages. Tablada provides details of the history of the Popular Socialist Party of Cuba. He reflects about how he began to study the ideological heritage of Che Guevara, highlighting nuances of his communication with the Soviet academics from the Institute of Latin America of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Tablada interprets Ernesto Guevara's speech delivered in Algeria in 1965 in a specific way, in the context of trade relations between developing countries and countries of the Socialist Bloc. Tablada also covers his experience of work in the Cuban state enterprise EMPROVA during the implementation of the System of direc-tion and planning of the economy proposed by Humberto Pe-rez. Tablada expresses his own critical assessment of the economic khozraschet that Cuba adopted from the USSR after joining the CMEA (1972) and holding the First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba (1975). He comments on the grave consequences of the aggressive policy of the United States towards revolutionary Cuba. Tablada also reveals the peculiarities of trade relations between Cuba and the USSR and the actualization of Che Guevara's ideological legacy dur-ing the period of "rectification". At that time, Cuba faced a crisis due to changes in the terms of trade with the COME-CON countries and tried to resist a number of negative socio-economic consequences of the introduction of khozraschet. Tablada comments on the specifics of Cuba's plight after the collapse of the Socialist Bloc. The footnotes to the interview provide comments on Tablada's statements, especially on those that are controversial.
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Megna, Yoandri S., Michael Balke i Lars Hendrich. "First record of the diving beetle Copelatus chevrolati Aubé, 1838 in Cuba (Coleoptera, Dytiscidae, Copelatinae)". Check List 17, nr 5 (20.09.2021): 1291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15560/17.5.1291.
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We present the first distributional record of Copelatus chevrolati Aubé, 1838 from Cuba. Four specimens were collected in a light trap in August 2016 on the Isla de La Juventud. Ten species of Copelatus are now known from Cuba. We present a modified key to the Cuban species of Copelatus.
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Sánchez, Yamile González, Carlos Barceló Pérez, Alina Rivero Valencia A, Bultó P i Shewayiref Geremew Gebremichael. "Exploring relationship between some environmental factors and skin cancer rate". MOJ Public Health 9, nr 6 (24.11.2020): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/mojph.2020.09.00346.
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Introduction: Skin cancer rate has been associated to UV exposure. According international literature, No report on specific environmental influence on skin cancer in Cuba has been presented. Goal: To search some possible moderator factors, epidemiologically significant, of skin cancer in Cuba. Methods: Information gathered for Cuba was assessed using GIS and least square modelling. Raw Skin cancer rate at municipal scale, possible function of Insolation data obtained from national Network records, demographic, biologic and urbanizing variables was intended to be modelled for the Cuban territory. So, possible linkage between raw skin cancer rate and geophysical, demographic and urbanistic variables were tested. Results: Raw Skin cancer rate did not show a synchronous spatial connection to average skin insolation during time lapse studied, but it was pointed out that proportions of white individuals, elderly and urbanization degree presented moderate strength relationship in Cuba at a municipal level basis, 2000 – 2011. Conclusions: It is possible that some individual and environmental factors may influence disease features in Cuban population, according empirical epidemiological relationships modelled.
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Berlack, Evan R. "Comments on the U.S.-Cuban Embargo". Global Trade and Customs Journal 6, Issue 2 (1.02.2011): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2011016.
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The U.S.-Cuban economic embargo has been maintained for more than 50 years, having been imposed in 1951 in the aftermath of the Bay of Pigs. It is, and has been during this period, the most comprehensive and stringent of all U.S. embargoes. Yet, Cuba has never posed a military let alone economic threat to the U.S. This paper will analyze the reasons why I believe the Cuban embargo is wholly anomalous and deserves to be terminated or at least substantially modified by this administration. I will first review the existing components of the embargo including those that the Obama Administration has slightly liberalized. I will then compare our embargo policy against that of Cuba with the absence of such a policy directed at Vietnam, a country that bears many characteristics similar to those we see in Cuba. Finally, I will draw some conclusions and make suggestions for the future course of U.S.-Cuban relations