Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Crimens”

The article is devoted to the issue of self-designation of the Crimean Tatars. Among the Crimean Tatar people discussions have been going on for a long time on the topic of the true ethnonym: Crimeans or Crimean Tatars. Defenders of the “Crimeans” version claim that this ethnonym is historical and more accurate. Is it so? We analyzed historical sources and described the results in the article.

This article traces the development of the foreseeability test in the context of the nullum crimen principle. While the European Court of Human Rights has introduced the ‘accessibility and foreseeability’ criteria long ago in the Sunday Times case, the Court has only recently started to apply this standard with respect to international crimes. In the Kononov case, judges of the European Court of Human Rights exhibited strongly divergent opinions on the question whether the punishment of alleged war crimes that had been committed in 1944 violated the nullum crimen principle. According to this author, the dissension of the judges demonstrates the lack of objective foreseeability, which should have served as a starting point for the assessment of the subjective foreseeability and a – potentially exculpating – mistake of law of the perpetrator. The Court should therefore have concluded that the nullum crimen principle had been violated.

Several armed conflicts have marked the past two decades in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). As a result, the DRC is facing an unprecedented humanitarian disaster with the death of hundreds of thousands of people, the large-scale displacement of civilians and the rape of thousands of women, girls and men. These armed conflicts have led to the metamorphosis of the concept of ‘crime’ with the emergence of new forms of sexual violence, particularly the widespread sexual violence used by armed groups as a tactic of war. In response to this avalanche of sexual violence, the DRC has taken a series of legislative measures. It began with the ratification of the Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute) on 11 April 2002. This was followed by the promulgation of the Military Judicial Code and the Military Criminal Code on 18 November 2002 (MJC and MCC, respectively) criminalizing, inter alia, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. In 2006, the Congolese legislator criminalized various forms of sexual crimes as defined by international law in the Military Penal Code. On 31 December 2015, the Congolese authorities promulgated Law No. 15/022, amending and supplementing the Military Penal Code, for the implementation of the Rome Statute. Through this Law, the legislator has included in the Congolese Ordinary Criminal Code rape and other sexual assaults constituting war crimes, and in some circumstances, crimes against humanity. In terms of prosecutions, around 40 cases of rape classified as war crimes and crimes against humanity have been tried by Congolese military courts, and a few other cases are being investigated. This article seeks to assess the progress made by the DRC in prosecuting rape as a war crime and the challenges to such prosecutions. La République démocratique du Congo (RDC) a été marquée par plusieurs conflits armés au cours des deux dernières décennies. Il en résulte que ce pays est confronté à une catastrophe humanitaire sans précédent avec la mort de centaines de milliers de personnes, le déplacement à grande échelle de civils et le viol de milliers de femmes, de filles et d'hommes. Ces conflits armés ont entraîné une métamorphose du concept de ‘crime’ avec l'émergence de nouvelles formes de violence sexuelle, notamment la violence sexuelle généralisée utilisée par les groupes armés comme tactique de guerre. En réponse à cette avalanche de violences sexuelles, la RDC a adopté une série de mesures législatives. La première fut la ratification du Statut de la Cour pénale internationale (Statut de Rome) le 11 avril 2002. Cette ratification fut suivie par la promulgation du Code judiciaire militaire et du Code pénal militaire le 18 novembre 2002 (respectivement le CMJ et le CCM) qui criminalisent, entre autres, les crimes de guerre, les crimes contre l'humanité et le génocide. En 2006, le législateur congolais a incriminé dans le Code pénal militaire diverses formes de crimes sexuels tels que définis par le droit international. Le 31 décembre 2015, les autorités congolaises ont promulgué la loi no 15/022, modifiant et complétant le Code pénal militaire, pour la mise en œuvre du Statut de Rome. A travers cette loi, le législateur a inclus dans le Code pénal ordinaire congolais les viols et autres agressions sexuelles constitutifs de crimes de guerre, et dans certaines circonstances, de crimes contre l'humanité. En termes de poursuites, une quarantaine de cas de viols qualifiés de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l'humanité ont été jugés par les tribunaux militaires congolais, et quelques autres cas sont en cours d'instruction. Cet article vise à évaluer les progrès réalisés par la RDC en matière de poursuites pénales pour viol en tant que crime de guerre et les défis auxquels ces poursuites sont confrontées. Verschillende gewapende conflicten hebben de afgelopen twee decennia hun stempel gedrukt op de Democratische Republiek Congo (DRC). Als gevolg daarvan wordt de DRC geconfronteerd met een ongekende humanitaire ramp die gepaard gaat met de dood van honderdduizenden mensen, de grootschalige ontheemding van burgers en de verkrachting van duizenden vrouwen, meisjes en mannen. Die gewapende conflicten hebben geleid tot een metamorfose van het begrip ‘misdaad’ met de opkomst van nieuwe vormen van seksueel geweld, in het bijzonder het wijdverspreide seksuele geweld dat door gewapende groepen als oorlogstactiek wordt gebruikt. Als reactie op die lawine van seksueel geweld heeft de DRC een reeks wetgevende maatregelen genomen. Het begon met de ratificatie van het Statuut van het Internationaal Strafhof (Statuut van Rome) op 11 april 2002, gevolgd door de afkondiging van het militair gerechtelijk wetboek en het militair strafwetboek op 18 november 2002. Daarin worden onder meer oorlogsmisdaden, misdaden tegen de mensheid en genocide strafbaar gesteld. In 2006 heeft de Congolese wetgever verschillende vormen van seksuele misdrijven, zoals omschreven in het internationaal recht, strafbaar gesteld in het militair strafwetboek. Op 31 december 2015 hebben de Congolese autoriteiten wet nr. 15/022 tot wijziging en aanvulling van het militair strafwetboek uitgevaardigd, met het oog op de uitvoering van het Statuut van Rome. Met die wet heeft de wetgever verkrachting en andere vormen van seksueel geweld die te beschouwen zijn als oorlogsmisdaden, en in sommige omstandigheden misdaden tegen de mensheid, in het gewone Congolese Wetboek van Strafrecht opgenomen. Wat vervolging betreft, zijn ongeveer 40 gevallen van verkrachting die als oorlogsmisdaden en misdaden tegen de mensheid werden aangemerkt, door de Congolese militaire rechtbanken berecht, en enkele andere gevallen worden momenteel onderzocht. Deze studie heeft tot doel na te gaan welke vooruitgang de DRC heeft geboekt bij de vervolging van verkrachting als oorlogsmisdaad en voor welke uitdagingen dergelijke vervolgingen staan. Varios conflictos armados han dejado huella en las dos décadas pasadas en la República Democrática del Congo (RDC). A resultas de ello, la RDC se está enfrentando a un desastre humanitario sin precedentes con la muerte de cientos de miles de personas, desplazamiento de civiles a gran escala y la violación de miles de mujeres, niñas y hombres. Estos conflictos armados han llevado a la metamorfosis del concepto de ‘crimen’ con la aparición de nuevas formas de violencia sexual, en particular el uso generalizado de la violencia sexual por grupos armados como táctica de guerra. En respuesta a esta avalancha de violencia sexual, la RDC ha adoptado una serie de medidas legislativas. Todo comenzó con la ratificación del Estatuto de la Corte Penal Internacional (Estatuto de Roma) el 11 de abril de 2002. A esto siguió la promulgación del Código Judicial Militar y del Código Penal Militar el 18 de noviembre de 2002 (Código Judicial Militar y Código Penal Militar, respectivamente), penalizando, entre otros, los crímenes contra la humanidad y el genocidio. En 2006, el legislador congoleño introdujo en el Código Penal Militar varias modalidades de crimen sexual tal y como se definen en el Derecho Internacional. El 31 de diciembre de 2015, la autoridades congoleñas promulgaron la Ley Núm. 15/022, reformando y complementando el Código Penal Militar, con objeto de implementar el Estatuto de Roma. A través de esta ley, el legislador ha tipificado en el Código Penal Común la violación y otros ataques sexuales que constituyen crímenes de guerra y, en algunas circunstancias, crímenes contra la humanidad. En términos de procedimientos instruidos, cerca de 40 casos de violación tipificada como crímenes de guerra y crímenes contra la humanidad han sido tramitados por los tribunales militares congoleños, y varios casos más continúan siendo objeto de investigación. Este estudio busca valorar el progreso de la RDC en la persecución de la violación como crimen de guerra y los retos a los que se ha tenido que hacer frente en dicha tarea. Gli ultimi due decenni della Repubblica Democratica del Congo (RDC) sono stati segnati da diversi conflitti armati. Di conseguenza, la RDC sta affrontando un disastro umanitario senza precedenti con la morte di centinaia di migliaia di persone, lo sfollamento di civili su larga scala e lo stupro di migliaia di donne, ragazze e uomini. Questi conflitti armati hanno portato alla metamorfosi del concetto di ‘crimine’ con l'emergere di nuove forme di violenza sessuale, in particolare la diffusa violenza sessuale usata dai gruppi armati come tattica di guerra. In risposta a questa valanga di violenza sessuale, la RDC ha adottato una serie di misure legislative. È iniziato tutto con la ratifica dello Statuto della Corte penale internazionale (Statuto di Roma) l'11 aprile 2002. A ciò è seguita la promulgazione del Military Judicial Code and the Military Criminal Code il 18 novembre 2002 (rispet­tivamente Codice giudiziario militare e Codice penale militare), che hanno criminalizzato, tra l'altro, crimini di guerra, crimini contro l'umanità e genocidio. Nel 2006, il legislatore congolese ha definito come crimini varie forme di reati sessuali così come definito dal diritto internazionale nel Codice Penale Militare. Il 31 dicembre 2015 le autorità congolesi hanno promulgato la Legge n. 15/022, che modifica e integra il Codice Penale Militare, per l'attuazione dello Statuto di Roma. Attraverso questa legge, il legislatore ha incluso nel Codice penale Ordinario congolese lo stupro e altre aggressioni sessuali definiti crimini di guerra e, in alcune circostanze, crimini contro l'umanità. In termini di procedimenti penali, circa 40 casi di stupro classificati come crimini di guerra e crimini contro l'umanità sono stati processati dai tribunali militari congolesi e alcuni altri casi sono oggetto di indagine. Questo studio cerca di valutare i progressi compiuti dalla RDC nel perseguire lo stupro come crimine di guerra e l’impegno in tali procedimenti penali. Mehrere bewaffnete Konflikte haben die vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnte in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (DRK) geprägt. Als Folge dessen steht die DRK vor einer beispiellosen humanitären Katastrophe mit dem Tod von Hunderttausenden von Menschen, der massiven Vertreibung von Zivilisten und der Vergewaltigung von Tausenden von Frauen, Mädchen und Männern. Diese bewaffneten Konflikte haben zu einer Metamorphose des Begriffs ‘Verbrechen’ mit dem Aufkommen neuer Formen sexueller Gewalt geführt, insbesondere der weit verbreiteten sexuellen Gewalt, die von bewaffneten Gruppen als Kriegstaktik eingesetzt wird. Als Reaktion auf diese Lawine sexueller Gewalt hat die DRK eine Reihe von gesetzlichen Maßnahmen ergriffen. Es begann mit der Ratifizierung des Statuts des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs (Römisches Statut) am 11 April 2002. Es folgte die Verkündung des Militärgerichtsgesetzbuchs und des Militärstrafgesetzbuchs am 18. November 2002, die unter anderem Kriegsverbrechen, Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Völkermord unter Strafe stellen. Im Jahr 2006 hat der kongolesische Gesetzgeber im Militärstrafgesetzbuch verschiedene Formen von Sexualverbrechen im Sinne des Völkerrechts unter Strafe gestellt. Am 31. Dezember 2015 haben die kongolesischen Behörden das Gesetz Nr. 15/022 zur Änderung und Ergänzung des Militärstrafgesetzbuchs im Hinblick auf die Umsetzung des Römischen Statuts verkündet. Mit diesem Gesetz hat der Gesetzgeber Vergewaltigung und andere sexuelle Übergriffe, die Kriegsverbrechen und unter gewissen Umständen auch Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit darstellen, in das kongolesische ordentliche Strafgesetzbuch aufgenommen. Was die Strafverfolgung anbelangt, so wurden etwa 40 Fälle von Vergewaltigung, die als Kriegsverbrechen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit eingestuft werden, von kongolesischen Militär­gerichten abgeurteilt, und einige weitere Fälle werden derzeit untersucht. Diese Studie versucht, die Fortschritte der DRK bei der strafrechtlichen Verfolgung von Vergewaltigung als Kriegsverbrechen und die Herausforderungen für solche Verfolgungen zu bewerten.

AbstractThe Special Court for Sierra Leone has been noted for becoming the first international court to convict accused of the crimes of sexual slavery, the use of child soldiers, 'forced marriage', and intentionally directing attacks against peacekeepers. This article analyzes how prosecutions of some of these supposedly 'new' crimes were found not to be in violation of the principle of legality, nullum crimen sine lege. In particular, this article will focus on the crimes of 'forced marriage', intentionally directing attacks against peacekeepers, and sexual slavery: the judgments in the RUF case (Prosecutor v. Sesay, Kallon and Gbao) and the AFRC case (Prosecutor v. Brima, Kamara and Kanu) together reveal two different processes through which the law has proven able to evolve and adapt to accommodate so-called 'new' crimes without violating the principle of legality.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify current measures taken for financial crime’s prevention and detection in the context of Indonesia. Design/methodology/approach This study is based on data from articles in Indonesian newspapers relating to the current financial crimes, current measures of preventing financial crimes in Indonesia and based on the literature review. Findings There are some attempts to combat financial crimes in Indonesia, both internally and externally. The attempts that have been made for the internal scope are the enactment of anti-money laundering law, the new monitoring system of financial institutions and the formation of a superintendent institution. The attempts that have been made for the external scope are the agreement between Indonesia’ financial intelligence unit Pusat Pelaporan dan Analisis Transaksi Keuangan (PPATK), and other countries’s financial intelligence unit, the affiliation member of the Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG) to combat financial crimes through strengthening its anti-money laundering and terror financing capabilities. Originality/value This paper presents an overview of current prevention and detection measures in the context of Indonesia, and it is hoped that this paper will contribute to the current discussion of eliminating financial crimes.

The paper presents interpretations of the content of the legal principle of nullum crimen sine lege and the influence of this principle on legal characterisation of crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governance system and crime of public agitation to hatred based on national, ethnic, racial or religious differences or for reason of a lack of any religiousdenomination. In the author’s opinion, the most difficult problem in the case of crimes typified in Art. 256 § 1 of Polish Penal Code lies in that many layers consider the legal principle of nullum crimen as a commonplace. In the paper, there are several cases presented of adjudications of the Polish Supreme Court relating to what considerations of the legal principle of nullum crimen may cause so that we can obtain clear views on the problem.

THE NOTIONS AND VITALITY OF THE ROMAN CRIMINAL LAWSummary In the recent studies one tends to revaluate the influence of the Roman criminal law on the later penal doctrine, as well as the achievements of the Roman criminal law itself, rejecting the previous theories presenting it as significantly inferior. It is noticed in this study that the medieval jurists idolized the Roman law, adopted it to the new circumstances, and obviously made mistakes interpreting it. And thus the influence of the Roman jurisprudence on the penal doctrine of the ius commune Europe was thoroughly substantial. Notwithstanding the popular opinion also many of the Enlightenment jurists (as, for instance, Gaetano Filangieri and Francesco Mario Pagano) not only knew but also benefited from the Roman criminal law legacy. The doctrine of crime of the successive period was less inspired by the Roman criminal law, which however did not totally lose its significance. It still had some indirect influence, as the nineteenth century codifiers did not stop using the notions of criminal law shaped-up by the mediaeval jurists overwhelmingly impressed by the Roman law.The main part of the study presents a brief overview of the Roman criminal law, especially of the principal rules constituting today the general part of criminal law, principles which could be directly or indirectly found in the experience of the Roman prudentes. It is pointed out that the only Roman lawyer who tried classifying Roman criminal law was Claudius Saturninus (D. 48,19,16). His classification is later discussed in the article as well as some of the crimina (public law crimes), observing that the Romans never separated the Roman criminal law from ius. On this occasion it is underlined that one of the rules often ascribed to the Romans, nullum crimen, nulla poena sine praevia lege poenali, not only was not their own invention but it was clearly contrary to the criminal law practice in their times (the principle itself being probably formulated only by a German lawyer, Feuerbach). The Romans tried describing the subjective and objective element of the crime as well as presenting various defences available to the culprits (e.g., age, necessity, self-defence, mistake, etc).In the last part o f the paper the possible influence of the Roman criminal law constructions on the Middle Ages is pondered over. The often wrong interpretations of the ancient sources led to some embarrassment and paradoxes. This explains Baldus’ famous statement allowing the judge to construe the (Roman) statute according to the principles of the ius commune, which would in turn revive the statute and save it from an inevitable decay. The mediaeval lawyers studied and analysed the figures of deliberate misconduct and unintentional negligence (anyway without further effects in clarifying vague issue o f the subjective element of the crime). Some of the defences, like the most important figure of self-defence, known and elaborated in the Roman law came to the teachings and studies of the doctores in their original shape and significance, sometimes even stimulating further development of the penal doctrine. The mediaeval ius commune jurists adopted Roman considerations applying different responsibility regarding the doer’s age as well as Roman systématisations of the crimes subordinated to various legal principles. And therefore the doctores, following the Roman example, drew a line between public and private crimes, these which were officially prosecuted and those which were brought to court on a basis of a private motion. The jurists distinguished between lay-public and ecclesiastical crimes, between ordinary and peculiar offences, dishonourable and regular wrong-doings. Similarly the mediaeval lawyers took over the Roman considerations about attempt and iter criminis as well as concurrence of crimes and offenders.In conclusion the paper, wishing for a future development of the studies on the subject, summarises that the theoretical solutions and considerations in the Roman criminal law wrought out above by the classical jurisprudence outlived their times and became the source of the doctrinal inspirations in the coming centuries.

This article addresses issues arising in the context of transition to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, namely in Germany (former East Germany), Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. The contribution reflects various means of transitional justice which were applied in these countries: access to the archives of secret police, lustration and prosecution of the crimes of the past (successor trials). Central issue of this article is the criminal prosecution of communist crimes. Here authors focus their attention on two interrelated aspects: choice of applicable law and statutory limitations, which both are linked to the principle of legality. Practice and methods in prosecution of the communist crimes adopted across the analyzed countries reveal considerable heterogeneity and from comparative perspective pose a unique legal laboratory. Despite differences in applicable law, including treatment and interpretation of statutory limitations, and differences in overall outcomes of prosecution and punishment of the communist crimes, all countries were conformed to requirements of the principle of legality. The article thus confirms that states, when dealing with their past, enjoy a wide margin of appreciation.Keywords: Communist crimes. Central and Eastern Europe. Transitional justice. Successor trials. Nullum crimen sine lege.

The article is devoted to the actual theoretical and practical problem of today - the creation of Crimean Tatar autonomy. The author responds to the discussions about this problem, which have flared up in the intellectual space of Ukraine in recent months, and offers his view on it. The article analyzes in detail the arguments of opponents of the creation of such autonomy and proves that these arguments are based either on ignorance of historical and political facts, or are based on a deliberate distortion of reality. The Crimean Tatars (Crimeans, Cyrimly) are, according to the law, one of the three indigenous peoples of Ukraine, and according to history, they are a state-creating nation. In 1917-18, the Crimean Tatars attempted to build an independent state on modern foundations. This attempt was destroyed first by the "Red" and then by the "White" Russians. In 1921, the Bolsheviks were forced to create an autonomous republic in Crimea within the borders of Russia in order to ensure the national needs of the Crimean Tatars. In 1928, 1937-38 and 1944, the Crimean Tatars became victims of mass repressions, the last time – victims of deportation and genocide. The author emphasizes that upon returning to Crimea, the Crimeans became one of the main pillars of Ukraine on the peninsula in the fight against Russia's attempts to annex Crimea. In 2014, official Kyiv betrayed the Crimean Tatars, who were ready to oppose Russia with weapons in their hands, and in 2016 it prevented the formation of the Crimean Tatar volunteer battalion. Therefore, the creation of Crimean Tatar autonomy is not only the realization of the legal right of the Cyrimly as an indigenous people, but also the atonement of the guilt committed by the official Kyiv against the Crimean Tatars. Instead, denying the need to create such autonomy or ignoring the need for it can seriously undermine Ukraine's position both in Crimea and in the entire Turkic world.

Heeding Patrick Murphy's call to critics, in his book, Ecocritical explorations in literary and cultural studies: fences, boundaries and field, to study “nature-oriented mystery novels … in order to understand the degree to which environmental consciousness and nature awareness has permeated popular and commercial fiction” (2009: 143), this article examines how highly successful author, Deon Meyer, has employed crime fiction to popularize ecological issues and debates in South Africa. In this article, Meyer's first “nature-oriented” novel, the crime thriller, Blood safari (2009), is analysed. The main question asked is whether South African crime fiction deploys ecocritical discourse for mercenary reasons or whether its engagement with environmental issues constitutes a bona fide sub-category of ecocritical literature. The same rationale – understanding how “environmental consciousness and nature awareness” manifest in one of the most popular and commercially viable genres of fiction in South Africa today – informs the broader study from which this article is drawn. Some of the findings of this study, which includes a reading of Meyer's second “nature-oriented” novel, Trackers (2011), Jane Taylor's Of wild dogs, Margaret von Klemperer's Just a dead man, and Ingrid Winterbach's literary detective novel, The book of happenstance, are referred to briefly. To conclude, the contribution of “nature-oriented” crime fiction to a “localised ecocriticism” is assessed

Crime fiction is an established and popular literary genre in South Africa that has gained international recognition and acclaim. The genre continues to expand and develop in terms of thematic concerns and experiments in form. One such notable development is the farm crime novel, which extends the tradition of the South African plaasroman. Recent texts, such as Elaine Proctor’s The Savage Hour and Karin Brynard’s Weeping Waters, quite deliberately set their respective murder mysteries on remote farms, and both novels particularise details of farm life. This article argues that the main concerns of the farm crime novel are, on one level, socio-historical – that is, the crimes perpetrated are the result of relationships to the land, land claims and land re-distribution, and the complex, evolving relationship between landowner and labourer. On another level, true to the conventions of crime fiction, the farm crime novel also explores interpersonal or intimate relationships that result in crimes of passion. Of particular interest is the observation that common to both thematic levels is a profound rendering of the link between human-animal relations and human-human relations. Drawing on Karla Armbruster’s work on the cultural significance of narratives about dogs and the need for more just and ethical relationships with animals, the article then demonstrates how this rendering occurs, often, through the figure of the dog. To conclude, some comments are offered on the position of the farm crime novel in a post-apartheid literary landscape

Projeto de Graduação apresentado à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de licenciada em Criminologia
De acordo com as Estatísticas Oficiais da Justiça, nos últimos anos, os crimes contra o património aumentaram gradualmente. Como tal, o presente projeto atribuirá um particular interesse à caracterização de jovens delinquentes enquanto transgressores neste tipo de crime. O estudo tem como objetivo obter o perfil de potenciais transgressores quanto ao crime de dano, bem como às suas motivações subjacentes. Para tal, procurar-se-á descrever e compreender de um modo geral, os mecanismos societários geradores da delinquência, bem como os fatores de socialização e as características de personalidade que propiciam a uma carreira criminosa. Desta forma, procedeu-se a uma pesquisa bibliográfica aprofundada e a uma investigação de natureza empírica (de trato quantitativo), para dar resposta aos objetivos delineados.
According to the official statistics of Justice, in recent years, crimes against property gradually increased. As such, this project will assign a particular interest to characterize young offenders while offenders in this type of crime. The study aims to obtain the profile of potential offenders about the crime of damage, as well as their underlying motivations. For this purpose, it will seek to describe and understand in general, the mechanisms generating corporate delinquency, as well as factors of socialization and personality characteristics that provide a criminal career. Thus, we proceeded to a thorough literature review and empirical research (quantitative tract), to meet the goals outlined

The aim of this thesis is to define factors that are influential in the ethnic identification process of Crimean Tatars, Russians and Ukrainians in Crimea. To better understand the current ethnic situation in Crimea, Soviet nationality policy as well as Soviet ethnos theory are reviewed. The divergence of the definitions in Soviet and Western traditions is shown. Crucial historical events that took place in Crimea are examined from the viewpoints of Russian, Ukrainian, Crimean Tatar, Soviet and Western historiographies. The influence of the historical myths on shaping ethnic boundaries of these ethnic groups in Crimea is shown. Main factors such as the cultural, political, economic, and global ones which are shaping the ethnic self-consciousness of Crimean Tatars, Russians and Ukrainians in Crimea are studied. Therefore the thesis helps us to understand the meaning of being a Russian, an Ukrainian and a Crimean Tatar in Crimea.

Au cours d’un peu plus de deux décennies, la RDC, située au cœur de l’Afrique, dans la région des grands lacs, a été le théâtre des crimes de masse les plus violents. De nombreux rapports relatent les violations à grande échelle des droits de l’homme et du doit international humanitaire commises dans ce pays démontrent. Ils démontrent l’horreur innommable infligée aux populations civiles dans la partie Est du pays. ll s'agit notamment, de Bukavu, Fizi, Uvira Mugunga, Goma, Bénie, Rusthuru,Lubero, Walikale, Kisangani, Tingi-Tingi, Makobola, Ituri, Kiwanja, Kasai, Maniema, Shaba. Dans un contexte global de conflit et de trouble persistant, d’instabilité socio-économique et de crise politique profonde, la commission des crimes graves se trouve exacerbée par la présence des centaines de groupes armés politico-militaro-affairistes, des Forces Armées de la R.D.C., tous soutenus par des troupes étrangères et multinationales. L'environnement politique et sécuritaire empêche la justice congolaise d'évaluer dans la sérénité la quasi-totalité d’éléments de crimes sur le territoire en vue d’identifier les auteurs, d’établir les responsabilités, procéder à leur répression, assurer la réparation des nombreuses victimes et la réconciliation nationale. L'association d'autres formes de justice serait plus que nécessaire, toujours à travers la logique de la complémentarité de la CPI
. For almost over two decades, the DRC, located in the heart of Africa, in the Great Lakes region, has benn the scene of the most violent crimes. Tremendous public and non government organizations have reported the large-scale violations international humanitarian law and human rights committed in this country. They display the horror inflicted upon the civilian populations in the eastern part of the country. These include amonsgt others the areas of Bukavu, Fizi, Uvira Mugunga, Goma, Béni, Rusthuru, Lubero, Walikale, Kisangani, Tingi-Tingi, Makobola, Ituri, Kiwanja, Kasaï, Maniema, Shaba. In a global context of conflict and persistent turmoil, socio-economic instability and deep political crisis, the commission of serious crimes is exacerbated by the presence of hundreds of armed politico-military-mercenary groups, the Armed Forces of the DRC, all supported by foreign and multinational troops. The currently political and security environment prevents the Congolese justice system from smoothly assessing all elements of crimes on the territory in order to identify the perpetrators, establish the responsibilities, carry out investigation and prosecution as well as legal proceedings, ensure the reparations to millions of victims and the national reconciliation at large. The combination of other forms of justice would be more than ever necessary through the logic of the complementarity of the ICC

The ‘Mapping the Crimes of the Powerful and the Economic Crisis: Crime, State and Power’ focuses on four recent episodes of the different crisis affecting Southern Europe. Departing from criminological literature and crimes of the powerful, the thesis draws attention upon certain elements that made possible the conditions of possibility that led to these crises. The crises need to be understood as the result of the crimes of the powerful. Thus, the thesis interrogates the nature of the crimes of the powerful, as it understands that these crimes are those which produce a wider social harm. Answering from criminology requires an understanding of how these have been conceptualized. Particularly, the thesis defends that state-corporate crimes have to be understood as a process instead of the sum of different isolated cases. We need to locate them within a wider political economy growingly financialised and a set of corporate power relationships, but also colonial and patriarchal that relegate common resources and social rights to mere commodities. Corporate crimes play a key role in the process of power and wealth accumulation. The corporation is the institutionalisation of power relations (class, gender and colonial) where dispossession and violence take place. The corporation and the state that works in its behalf, have proved the capacity to pass laws, to threaten governments, to deploy illegal practices, neglect rights and dispossess people through corporate power and symbolic violence. The crimes of the powerful cannot be scrutinized outside of the political economy where these crimes occur. Financialization of the economy has been a common factor behind all these events that turned previous rights into commodities that had to be bought in the market. Finally, the thesis reclaims the importance of the geopolitical dimension as an element to understand the different kind of crimes that will happen in diverse areas. That is, regional power regimes shape the crimes of the powerful that will occur in each specific area. To comprehend the role played by each of these elements, state, economy and power continues to be central for a criminology that aims to be critical.
La tesi ‘Mapping the Crimes of the Powerful and the Economic Crisis: Crime, State and Power’ es concentra en quatre episodis recents de les diverses crisis que afecten el sud d’Europa. Partint de la literatura criminològica i dels crims dels poderosos, la tesi fixa l’atenció en els diversos elements que han fet possible les condicions que han portat a aquestes crisis. Les crisis han de ser enteses com el resultat dels crims dels poderosos. D’aquesta forma la tesi s’interroga per la naturalesa dels crims dels poderosos, doncs entén que són aquests crims els que generen un major dany social. La tesi es pregunta per quina criminologia és necessària per poder respondre a aquests crims. En concret, la tesi defensa que els crims estatal-corporatius han de ser entesos com un procés enlloc de com una suma de successos diferents aïllats. Els hem de localitzar dins d’una economia política creixentment financiaritzada i un conjunt de relacions de poder corporatiu, però també colonial i patriarcal que relega els recursos comuns i els drets socials a meres mercaderies. Els crims corporatius juguen un rol central en el procés actual d’acumulació de poder i riquesa. La corporació és la institucionalització de relacions de poder (classe, gènere i colonial) a on la despossessió i la violència tenen lloc. La corporació i l’estat que treballa amb ella, han demostrat la capacitat d’aprovar lleis en benefici seu, amenaçar governs, emprar pràctiques il·legals, negar drets i desposseir a gent a través del poder corporatiu i de la violència simbòlica. Els crims dels poderosos no poden ser estudiats fora de l’estructura social on aquests són comesos. La financiarització de l’economia ha sigut un element comú de tots els crims estudiats aquí doncs a trinxat antics drets fins a convertir-los en mercaderies que calia comprar. Per últim, la tesi reivindica que la importància de la dimensió geopolítica com a element a l’hora d’entendre els tipus de crims que succeiran a cada regió. És a dir, els règims de poder regionals configuren els crims dels poderosos que es realitzaran a cada àrea específica. Comprendre el paper jugat per cada un d’aquests elements, estat, economia i poder, segueixen sent claus per una criminologia que aspiri a ser crítica.
Programa de Doctorat Interuniversitari en Dret, Economia i Empresa

During the last decades, climate change studies have been focusing more intensely on its anthopocenic essence, as the consequence of production and consumption patterns that require the intensive exploitation of the environment. In line with this school of thought, and new generations of studies on environmental crime, this work aims to present the environmentally and climate-related issues arising from land degradation in the Peruvian Amazon; focusing on those casual mechanisms developed from the collusion between Peruvian-economic policies and new private actors such as transnational corporations (TNCs). Relying on the assumption that: the processes moving the issue of climate change overcome the global space, and can be observed from regional, national or local point of view; this work's purpose is to analyze how a single country as Peru, currently considered of low ecological footprint, could, by means of the definition of national laws (environmentally and economic-related) burden climate change. The analysis focuses on a single case-study identified with the territory within the Northern Ucayali and Southern Loreto regions in Peru, and builds on the theory of state-corporate crime developed in the 1990s by Ronald C. Kramer and Raymond J. Michalowski to define the role of state-corporate relationships in the production of social harms. To show how this relationship is today shaping the globally spread issue of climate change, the analysis of the palm oil industry in Ucayali is presented as main example of a broader phenomenon of transgression and partnership between private and public spheres in Peru. In this optic, the purpose is to give further contributions to the studies of climate change as state-corporate crime, focusing on the analysis of those territory, as the Amazon, whose preservation has been identified as mayor tool against global warming and which is instead harmed by the relation between private and governments interests.

Le génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda est singulier au regard des génocides du XXème siècle. Il l’est par le nombre de ses victimes, par sa rapidité, ses modes d’exécution et surtout par le nombre de ses auteurs. Ce sont plus d’un million de Rwandais (Hutu) qui ont pris part directement aux massacres. La sanction de ces crimes de masse dans une société en quête de reconstruction soulevait d’innombrables difficultés notamment dans l’appréhension d’une criminalité collective en termes de responsabilité individuelle. L’ampleur et le paroxysme atteint dans ce drame a nécessité un traitement spécifique. Trois instances de justice ont été activées de manière concomitante : les juridictions classiques rwandaises (relayées par des juridictions coutumières dites Gacaca), le Tribunal international créé par le Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies et enfin les juridictions nationales étrangères en application du principe de la compétence universelle. L’intérêt scientifique de notre démarche réside justement dans l’étude de ce traitement juridictionnel multiniveaux. Deux questions se posent : quelle est la pertinence de ce modèle de justice 20 ans après le drame rwandais ?Quel bilan provisoire peut-on tirer de tous les jugements rendus par ces différentes juridictions ?
The Tutsi genocide in Rwanda is singular in consider genocides of the XXth century. It is true by the number of victims, the speed and methods of implementation and, above all the number of the authors. These are more than one million Rwandan (Hutu) who participated directly in the massacres. Punishment of the massive crimes in a society in search of reconstruction, run into problems of group crime and individual responsibility. The scale and the speak of human tragedy needed specific treatment. Rwandan ordinary courts (replace by customary Courts called Gacaca), International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (created by United Nations Security Council) and lastly, national foreign jurisdictions are also begin simultaneously in application of the principle of universal jurisdiction. The interest of our scientific approach lies in the study of multilevel constitutionalism. This raises two obvious questions: What is the relevance of this justice model twenty years after the Rwandan tragedy? What has been the interim review of all the judgments handed down by the different jurisdictions?

Following Crimea’s incorporation into Russia in March 2014, the Crimean parliament adopted a new constitution granting official status to Russian, Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar. Despite the official multi-ethnicity and multilingualism of Crimea now constitutionally acknowledged, however, there is reason to believe that the formally proclaimed equality of the three languages has not translated into equality in practice. Among the areas where the inequality in language promotion and support is most noticeable, language education policy and language use in public place play a special role.

AbstractAn understanding of policing dynamics requires an examination of not only the landscape of criminal activities that police encounter and work in, but also the socio-political processes that produce crime in a given community and context. This chapter provides an overview of crime trends in Pacific Islands countries and territories (PICTs) in the twenty-first century and discusses some key social dynamics producing various crimes. It pays special attention to crimes and violence experienced by young people and women, as well as how neoliberal globalisation has produced new vulnerabilities in PICTs, including expanding organised and transnational crime, such as drug trafficking and cybercrime. The chapter includes suggestions for where there are research and data gaps, and how future research and policy should aim to close these gaps to further inform crime-related policies.

Abstract On any given day when we pick up a newspaper, listen to the radio, or watch television, the crime and justice stories we read and hear about bear little relationship to the “reality” of crime. While the content of crime stories can vary by medium and market, crime news focuses disproportionately on violent offenses and atypical cases. The most serious types of crimes—whether forms of street crime, intimate violence, or elite crimer—eceive the greatest media coverage. The crimes considered “newsworthy” are “ingenious, vicious, audacious” acts (Katz 1987, p. 50); they feature unusual, dramatic, or whimsical circumstances and famous or high-status people (Roshier 1973). The most sensational crimes—what we term celebrated cases—combine several newsworthy elements. For several decades, scholars have noted a disjuncture between what crimes “make the news” and the wider world of crime from studies and statistics (Barak 1994a; Ericson, Baranek, and Chan 1989; Fishman 1978; Surette 1992; Warr 1991). Scholars are less sure, however, about how crime in the news (or in television drama) affects people’s attitudes and beliefs about crime or the formation of public policy toward crime.

This chapter examines the underlying reasons, repercussions, and issues related to organized crime's influence on electricity theft and power infrastructure damage in South Africa in depth. It goes to the incentives that drive organized crime groups as well as the flaws in the power distribution structure that allow such illegal activity. Furthermore, the chapter investigates the socioeconomic effects of these crimes on customers, businesses, and communities, putting light on the broad scope of these illegal acts. As crucial strategies, the chapter advocates stronger security measures, legislative reforms, community engagement, international cooperation, and public-private partnerships. South Africa can alleviate the impact of the ongoing electricity crisis, restore stability to the energy sector, and protect key infrastructure by taking a comprehensive approach. This chapter aims to give useful insights for policymakers, researchers, and practitioners working to prevent organized crime's effect on the nation's energy sector.

Follow the Money is a Danish crime thriller that explores how misguided corporate ambition and greed leads to criminal activity. The series exposes viewers to economic crime's complex world, highlighting the stark differences in social understanding of “ordinary crime,” carried out by the economically marginalized, versus “white-collar” crime. When a body turns up on a wind farm in Denmark, initial reactions underline the criminal justice system’s overwhelmingly “downward gaze,” reinforcing the idea that societal problems stem mostly from the “lower stratum,” populated by the poor working class and cultural “underclass.” As the show progresses, it reveals the complex ways in which corporations and corporate individuals subtly (and not so subtly) evade scrutiny. Through the TV show, it is possible to situate a crucial debate within the study of corporate crime, concerning the process of legitimation. Follow the Money highlights the way corporate crime is often done “by business to benefit business” and the behavior is neutralized by a capitalist demand for profit and growth along with a criminal justice system that is ill-equipped to shed light on the crimes of the powerful.

Today, China is facing many risk factors and great challenges in biosecurity crimes. Covered by non-traditional security, In terms of crime risk sources, crime threat forms, crime consequences, crime status, and crime trends，biosecurity crimes are different from traditional security crimes. Under the new situation, countermeasures to address biosecurity crimes include coordination of traditional and non-traditional security; construction of a prevention and control system based on big data; intensified personnel training; technology research and development; improvement of laws and regulations; combined governance of departments; effective international cooperation, and so on.

Crime prevention requires the effective use of police resources, which demands the access of criminal information for planning security actions. The number of crime occurrences is higher than the official reported numbers. Many victims do not report crimes directly to the security agencies. Instead, they prefer to anonymously report using different channels, such as the Web. In this article, we introduce our approach to characterize crimes reported in the Web. Particularly, we collect criminal data from popular websites that store crime occurrences, and we use clustering analysis to discover crime patterns on the collected data. Applying our approach to a popular Brazilian crime report website, we observe that more than 41% of the crimes were not reported to the security agencies, and most of them are thefts and robberies occurring at night and dawn. In addition, minor offenses present different patterns of serious crimes. Moreover, crime patterns are different in rich and poor neighborhood.

The paper focuses on the crime analysis in the 32 municipalities at the Schengen border in the period 2010–2019. The results of the analysis of police crime statistics show that crimes against property present the most frequent form of crime in municipalities at the Schengen border, followed by forgery of documents, threat, the prohibited crossing of the state border or territory, counterfeiting or destruction of business documents, and minor bodily injury. In the analysed period, the number of crimes against public order and peace increased significantly (especially number of crimes of the prohibited crossing of the state border or territory), which can be [at least partially] attributed to the migrant crisis in recent years. In the period 2010–2019, these forms of crime increased mainly in the following municipalities Brežice, Cirkulane, Ilirska Bistrica, Krško, Podlehnik, Razkrižje and Šentjernej. Overall, the number of crimes, similarly as elsewhere in Slovenia, increases with the size of the municipality and the number of population in the municipality.

Os crimes contra a honra são os crimes que atingem a integridade ou bem-estar moral de alguém, sendo subdivididos entre ameaça, calúnia, difamação e injúria. Os crimes contra a honra figuram-se entre os mais praticados na Internet.Devido ao aumento do número de usuários utilizando redes sociais e aplicativos de mensagens, há uma falsa sensação de anonimato que parece estimular alguns usuários para a prática de crimes contra a honra e, juntamente com a falta de informação, muitas pessoas não apresentam queixa pois não sabem se a ofensa recebida configura crime. Este trabalho analisou sentenças de crimes contra a honra para categorização dos textos por tipo de crime, seguindo o Código Penal Brasileiro.

The criminal offenses "Abuse of official position or authority" and "Money laundering and other proceeds of crime" are in the group of economic-financial crimes and they have their criminalistics characteristics and may be related to each other in a criminalistics situation in cases where the illegal property gains, gained from abuses, are legalized through money laundering. These are complex criminalistics situations in which it is important to distinguish the criminal behavior of the previous crime from the criminal behavior of money laundering, especially because the Macedonian legislator provides for the crime of abuse of officials in financial institutions involved in the process of money laundering or disclosing information about a secret financial investigation. This paper will analyze the criminal-legal characteristics of the two crimes, analyzing the criminalistics characteristics especially from the aspect of their connection. The study of these two crimes is important because the crime "Abuse of official position and authority" is the most committed economic-financial crime, with which the perpetrators gain high criminal proceeds that are subject to money laundering, and it will be analyzed through a case from the Macedonian criminal practice. The purpose of the paper is to obtain indicators for real connection of the mentioned crimes, indicators for the status of perpetrators, the manner of execution, and the used money laundering schemes, but also indicators for actions taken to secure and confiscate illegally acquired property. Keywords: abuse of office, money laundering, crime, criminal proceeds, indicators, confiscation.

The 2018 amendments to North Macedonia’s Criminal Code (CCNM) signify a paradigm shift in addressing hate crimes, previously under-implemented since their 2009 inception. Led by the OSCE mission in Skopje and the Macedonian Academy for Sciences and Arts, experts revised the CCNM, offering a comprehensive hate crime definition. These amendments elevate certain general crimes to aggravated offenses when prosecuted as hate crimes, warranting harsher penalties. Simultaneously, the 2010 Criminal Procedure Code (CPC) introduces significant procedural changes, notably explicit victim rights like active participation, compensation, protection, and professional assistance. Conversely, hate crimes in the Criminal Code qualify as aggravating factors in specific offenses. This study aims to analyze hate crime victim status and rights, exploring their evolution and victimization characteristics. Utilizing desk research methods, including legislative scrutiny, the paper posits that enhancing victim rights aligns with contemporary efforts to address and mitigate widespread hate crimes.

The study examines the number of crimes that take place in daylight and after dark and what types of crimes are more common after dark. The methodology relies on the calculation of the solar altitude at the time the crime took place. The study looked at the weeks on either side of the clock change associated with the change to summer time and back again. The results show that whilst there is a small overall change in crime rate after dark, there is a significant change for some types of crime. Moreover, the nominal reduction in some types of crime may be associated with the fact that the crime is harder for the police to spot in the dark, for example, drug offences.

A recent study investigated the influence of lighting on crime by considering the effect of change in ambient light level on crimes recorded in three US cities for the ten-year period 2010 to 2019. The results suggested a significant increase in robbery after dark, but did not suggest significant change in for any other type of crime. The current study was conducted to validate this by considering crimes recorded in three different US cities. This analysis confirmed the statistically significant increase in robbery after dark. These data do not suggest that change in ambient light level has a practically relevant effect on overall crime counts: in other words, the potential benefit of lighting for crime reduction is limited.

The problems of regional identity of the multinational population of the Re-public of Crimea analyzed. First, the results of the implementation of the State Pro-gram on the development of the territory of national accord in Crimea. Second, the existence of a stable concept of "Crimean-citizen". Third, the directions of formation of the Crimean territorial identity. Forth, media coverage of the culture of the peoples of Crimea discussed. Conclusions drawn about the existing problems of determining the local identity of a multinational region, which is Crimea, which include the heterogeneity of funding for the deported and other peoples of Crimea, the lack of propaganda of Russian culture, saturation of government bodies and key organizations with federal officials.

Treason, or crime of unfaithfulness (nota infidelitatis) was considered as the most serious crime in Hungarian legislation and it included several crimes. It is first mentioned in a law enacted by king Matthias in 1462 that lists approximately 20 crimes. In the 1514 Tripartitum lists more than 30 crimes in 18 points which could be subdivided into 6 subgroups: malice against property (meaning the sovereign), treason and rebellion, violence against authorities and officials, heresy, forging of official documents and money, murder and defilement of relatives. Treason was punished by head and property of the perpetrator. Eventual granting of mercy by the ruler was usually related to the capital punishment but not confiscation of property.

Latin America and the Caribbean is the most violent region in the world, with an annual homicide rate of more than 20 per 100,000 population and with an increasing trend. Yet most evidence of crime concentration, geo-temporal patterns, and event dependence comes from cities in high-income countries. Understanding crime patterns in the region and how they compare to those in high-income countries is of first-order importance to formulate crime reduction policies. This paper is the first to analyze crime patterns of cities in five Latin American countries. Using micro-geographic units of analysis, the paper finds, first, that crime in Latin America is highly concentrated in a small proportion of blocks: 50 percent of crimes are concentrated in 3 to 7.5 percent of street segments, and 25 percent of crimes are concentrated in 0.5 to 2.9 percent of street segments. This validates Weisburd's "law of crime concentration at place" (Weisburd, 2105). These figures are fairly constant over time but sensitive to major police reforms. The second finding is that hot spots of crime are not always persistent. Crime is constantly prevalent in certain areas, but in other areas hot spots either appear or disappear, suggesting a possible rational adaptation from criminals to police actions that cause crime displacement in the medium run to other areas. Finally, the paper finds a significant pattern of repeated crime victimization in location and time for property crimes. There are striking similarities with the developed world in crime concentration, although crime levels are much higher and usually increasing. There are also some differences in terms of the persistence of hot spots that pose interesting policy implications and avenues for future research.

This working paper discusses "Safer Commune" - a neighbourhood crime prevention program in Chile that has come under criticism via evidence of rising crime rates and fear of crime in municipalities with the program. The author argues that this criticism is incorrect and shows empirical evidence that the crime rates that would have been observed without the program. This impact evaluation -using the double difference propensity score method- reveals that the program has reduced high crimes particularly of two types of crimes namely battery and theft. The author shows that active participation in the program by local residents has reduced insecurity and increased security; but with very low active participation in the program the scale of the effect is low. Positive evaluative findings suggest that an expansion of the program and simultaneously enhancing co-production of order through mechanisms to encourage local resident participation would have high returns.

The article is devoted to the criminological aspect of the problem of racial conflicts in the United States of America. The author examines the concept of racial conflict and characterizes the causes of these conflicts. The article provides a brief criminological description of crime motivated by racial, national or religious hatred and enmity and analyzes the statistical data of both racial crime in the United States and crimes committed by representatives of different races

In July 2021, the Ukrainian Parliament adopted a Law on Indigenous Peoples. It provides a framework for the protection of the rights of the indigenous peoples of the Crimean Peninsula, namely Crimean Tatars, Karaites and Krymchaks, and excludes Mariupol Greeks as a minority potentially qualifying for the status of the fourth indigenous group residing outside of Crimea. What was the general context of the adoption of the Law? What rights does it envisage? And what could the Law potentially bring to the recognized indigenous peoples? This blog post attempts to answer these questions.

This publication is the first to provide a comprehensive, systematic and rigorous analysis of the costs of crime in Latin America and the Caribbean. The main challenges in the region are addressed: the social cost of homicides, private and public spending on security, the penitentiary crisis, violence against women, organized crime and cybercrime. The volume estimates that the direct cost of crime for 17 LAC countries in 2010-2014 is, on average, 3.5 percent of the region's GDP--twice as much as in the developed world. This volume also provides a detailed analysis of the costs of crime in Brazil by state, as well as an examination of the geographical distribution and drivers of crime in the most dangerous subregions: the Northern Triangle in Central America and the Caribbean. The situation in terms of violence against women and cybercrime is assessed: the region is lagging behind to confront these new and old crimes. The complete version of this publication is available at https://publications.iadb.org/handle/11319/8133.

Crime levels are a perennial development problem in Latin America and a renewed concern in the United States. At the same time, trust in the police has been falling, and questions abound about citizens' willingness to support government efforts to fight crime. We conduct a survey experiment to elicit willingness to contribute toward reducing crime across five Latin American countries and the United States. We compare homicide, robbery, and theft estimates and find a higher willingness to contribute for more severe crimes and for higher crime reductions. In addition, we examine the role of information on the willingness to contribute by conducting two experiments. First, we show that exposing respondents to crime-related news increases their willingness to pay by 5 percent. Furthermore, while we document a 7 percent gap in willingness to pay for crime reduction between people who under- and over-estimate the murder rate, we find that this gap can be wholly eliminated by informing them about the actual level of crime. On average, our estimates suggest that households are willing to contribute around $140 per year for a 20 percent reduction in homicide. This individual-level predisposition would translate into additional investment in public security efforts of up to 0.5 percent of GDP.

Crime strongly affects persons in the Caribbean. In a recent survey, 40 percent of the Caribbean population identified crime and security-related issues as the main problems facing their country, even above poverty, the economy or inequality. The priority of crime is striking considering the challenging economic situation that the world economy, and the Caribbean in particular, are facing. Crime is as complex as it can be damaging for the well-being of persons. While we have a good understanding of general triggers for crimes, it remains difficult to design, implement and evaluate country-specific crime and violence prevention programs. A major problem in this respect is the lack of comparable, detailed data, including for some countries in the Caribbean. The IDB has supported data generation in the region using victimization surveys for individuals and businesses, which are presented in this quarterly bulletin. As usual, the quarterly bulletin also gives an overview of recent economic developments in the 6 IDB-member Caribbean countries, as well as the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS). The countries are: The Bahamas, Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago.

This conference discusses the responsibility of media when reporting on crime and the hidden purposes coverage may pursue. The interpretation of crime phenomenon by the press has become a two-edged sword for policymakers and the public. The return to democratic rule throughout the region has meant journalists can report on an endless number of topics extensively; dictatorships frequently were able to suppress the unwelcome news of social turmoil, such as crime, through censorship. However, the "cronica roja"--gripping bloodsoaked true crime tales--carried by many newspapers and magazines can and sometimes do transform individual crimes into misleading characterizations about the threats faced, and about the efficacy of the forces of order in meeting those threats. Crime news is a curious mirror of public mood, which it also helps to generate. Perceptions of threat to personal safety can influence our outlook on the rest of the world, our willingness to be open to others, and our ability to interact in ways that strengthen neighborhoods and communities. This lecture was read in the Conference: Convivencia y Seguridad Cuidadana en el Istmo Centroamericano y la Isla Española, San Salvador, El Salvador, in June of 1998.

Local elections are often contested on the grounds of public safety, but do elected officials have any power to curb crime? Black mayors have particular interest in the issue because Black communities are victimized by high levels of crime and fragile police-community relations. Using data on elections of first-time Black mayors, I find that police forces add more Black officers, a finding that is especially true for mayors with executive authority. Officers arrest 48 fewer potential Black offenders per 10,000 Black residents for crimes where they have the ability to exercise discretion, a finding that is commensurate with the overall reduction in crime. This effect is not visible for similar white arrests. Using changes in the levels of arrests and officers induced by pivotal Black elections, I then estimate the correlation of an additional officer on race-specific arrests. An additional Black officer is related to large reductions in discretionary Black arrests, perhaps suggesting increasing the presence and visibility of Black officers may offer a solution to the “over-policing, under-policing” problem Black communities tend to face.