Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Courts and courtiers”

In its current sense, courting means 'wooing'; but its original meaning was 'residing at court'. The amorous sense of the word developed from a purely social sense in most major European languages around the turn of the sixteenth century, a time when, according to some historians, Western states were gradually moving toward the genesis of absolutism and the establishment of courts as symbols and agents of centralised monarchical power. This study examines the shift in meaning of the words courtship and to court, seeking the origins of courtship in court society, with particular reference to the court and literature of the Elizabethan period. Chapter 1 charts the traditional association between courts and love, first in the historiography of 'courtly love', and then in historical and sociological accounts of court society. Recent studies have questioned the quasi- Marxist notion that the amorous practices of the court and the 'bourgeois' ideals of harmonious, fruitful marriage were antithetical, and this thesis examines whether the development of 'romantic love' has a courtly as well as a bourgeois provenance. Chapter 2 conducts a lexical study of the semantic change of the verb to court in French, Italian, and English, with an extended synchronic analysis of the word in Elizabethan literature. Chapter 3 goes on to diversify the functional classification required by semantic analysis and considers the implications of courtship as a social, literary and rhetorical act in the works of Lyly and Sidney. It considers the 'humanist' dilemma of a language that was aimed primarily at seduction, and suggests that, in the largely discursive mode of the courtly questione d'amore, courtship could be condoned as a verbalisation of love, and a postponement of the satisfaction of desire. Chapter 4 then moves away from the distinction between humanist and courtly concerns, to examine the practice of courtship at the court of Elizabeth I. It focuses on allegorical representations of Desire in courtly pageants, and suggests that the ambiguities inherent in the 'legitimised' Desire of Elizabethan shows exemplify the situation of poets and courtiers who found themselves at the court of a female sovereign. In chapter 5 discussions of the equivocation inveterate to courtly texts leads to a study of The Faerie Queene, and specifically to Spenser's presentation of courtship and courtly society in the imperialist themes of Book II and their apparent subversion in Book VI. The study concludes with a brief appraisal of Spenser's Amoretti as a model for the kind of courtship that has been under review.

This thesis examines Alexander�s conception of kingship, his relationship with royal traditions in the three great kingdoms of the Near East, and the concomitant transformation of the king�s court by which Alexander created a distinctive royal insignia and introduced new court personnel and protocol. Section I ("Alexander and Near Eastern Kingship") contains Chapters I, II, and III. Section II ("The Transformation") comprises Chapters IV to VI. In Chapter I, I examine the Macedonian background of Alexander�s court and his native conception of kingship. Chapter II is a study of the kingship of Egypt. Chapter III deals with the kingship of Babylon and Persia. I then turn to an analysis of Alexander�s policies towards the Persians and the concept of the "kingship of Asia," as this was understood by Alexander. This crucial concept is to be distinguished from the kingship of Persia, a position which Alexander supplanted and replaced with his personal kingship of Asia. In Section II, three chapters are devoted to an analysis of the transformation of Alexander�s court. Chapter IV covers the origin and significance of Alexander�s royal insignia. Chapter V examines the introduction of, and the role played by, Persians and easterners in the king�s court; and Chapter VI the significance of other Persian court offices.

Writing the history of Tudor women is a difficult task. "Women's lives from the 16th century can rarely be constructed except when these women have had influential connections with notable men.This is no less true for the court women of Tudor England than for other women of the time. The purpose of this thesis is to discuss some of the more memorable court women of Tudor England who served the queens of Henry VIII, Mary I, and Elizabeth I, 2 and to determine what impact, if any, they had on their contemporary times and to evaluate their roles in Tudor history.

Both Chaucer and the Gawain-poet use the Matters of Troy and Thebes as material for a critique of courtly life, applying these literary matters to the events and actions in and around Ricardian England. They use these classical matters to express concerns about the effectiveness of the court of Richard II. Chaucer uses his earlier works as a testing ground to develop his views about the value of duty over courtly pursuits, ideas discussed more completely in Troilus and Criseyde. The Gawain-poet uses the Matter of Troy coupled with the court of King Arthur to engage in a critique of courtly concerns. The critiques presented by both poets show a tendency toward duty over courtly concerns.

This thesis examines the importance of the royal court and household in Scotland during the reign of James I (1424-37). The medieval royal court and household has received little concentrated attention in recent Scottish studies. However, a significant body of published research exists elsewhere in Britain and Europe which shows the importance of this arena for other kingdoms at this time. These studies have emphasised how the court and household was an important centre for politics and culture in the medieval period, indicating how a similar study of the Scottish evidence is essential for a fuller understanding of James I’s reign. Through a variety of sources, the composition of James’s household and court affinity has been examined. It is evident from this that James lacked an appropriate body of companions and high-status administrative officers for a medieval ruler and this was to have significant consequences for his reign. Additionally, by looking at some of the cultural aspects of the royal court, in particular the architecture, literature and religion, a clearer picture of the socio-political dynamics and tensions of James I’s reign emerges. In contrast to the generally held view of James as a politically successful, strong and active monarch for much of his reign, this study instead indicates a king who failed to establish an attractive and useful court and household that could be exploited for royal political gain. With his failure to establish a suitable court and household, James was a king incomplete and it is the contention that this contributed significantly to the king’s assassination.

The dissertation records changes in the Kano palace landscape between 1500 and 1990. Patriarchal practices that shaped the initial palace layout at vernacular domestic and state levels are outlined. Royal women were secluded and male slaves occupied public household domains, state strongholds. Later increases in eunuchs' and slave women's powers and spaces are also recorded. The demise of slave women's political realms and the rise of an autocratic and militaristic male state structure following the Fulani jihad of 1807 are then detailed. Lastly, the impact of British imperialism on the landscape of male and female slavery is presented. Because male slaves were placed publicly, they were the main receivers and negotiators of colonial change, and their spaces underwent the most forceful change.
Throughout the analyses, landscapes are seen as politically created and communicative material structures. Examination of epistemological relations used in landscape analyses demonstrates important linkages between how field research is structured and relations of power.

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Ornelas Berriel
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A obra de Baldassare Castiglione, Il Libro del Cortegiano, é composta por diálogos que têm como finalidade a construção, com palavras, daquele que, tendo cumprido uma série de preceitos, poderia ser tido como um perfeito homem de corte. Este assunto principal (o objetivo da obra) é levado a cabo a partir de uma série de outros assuntos, como, para citar apenas alguns: a questão da língua italiana, a arte, o merecimento individual contraposto à nobreza de nascimento, a verdadeira função da cortesania, amizade versus adulação, a importância da primeira impressão bem como da opinião universal, os vícios, as virtudes e a fortuna. A obra é composta, igualmente, por referências (anunciadas e não anunciadas) ao que ilustres antigos (como Platão, Aristóteles, Xenofonte, Cícero, Ovídio, Horácio, Sêneca ou Quintiliano) já haviam pensado sobre tal matéria - a perfeição - ou sobre outras que, para o pleno desempenho do gentil-homem, serão essenciais: a graça, a medida ou decoro, a sprezzatura e a dissimulação. O domínio destas fontes clássicas constitui um dos aspectos do refinamento cortês (e, dado ser a Corte o cenário do Cortegiano, as citadas referências ajudam a compor a exemplaridade da obra em si). Com efeito, manter uma atitude sprezzata ("desenvolta") é manter uma atitude elegante. De forma ligeiramente menos completa, manter uma atitude dissimulada deve consistir em uma eventual necessidade de ocultamento com fins valorosos, como orientar o Príncipe e manter preservado o clima cordial e refinado da Corte. Em tempo, dissimular significa enganar, ocultar algo, mentir, fingir; sprezzatura, por sua vez, implica engano, ocultamento, mentira, fingimento SEM a aplicação visível de esforço. Uma e outra são valorosas se atreladas ao conhecimento: conhecimento de si próprio, das circunstâncias, das Humanidades
Abstract: The book II Libro dei Cortegiano, by Baldassare Castiglione, presents, in the form of dialogues, the precepts that a man should achieve in order to become a perfect courtier. This main subject (the purpose of the work) is carried out by a series of other subjects, such as, too name a few: the issue of the italian language, the art, the individual merit against the nobleness birth, the real function of the courtliness, friendship versus adulation, the importance of first impression and of universal opinion, the addictions, the virtues and the fortune. The work is composed, equally, by references (announced and not announced) of what ancient illustriuos (such as Plato, Aristotle, Xenophon, Cicero, Ovidio, Horatio, Seneca, Quintilian) had already thought about this matter - perfection - or about others that, for the total fulfillment of the nobleman will be essential: grace, measure or decorum, sprezzatura and dissimulation. The domain of this classical sources constitute one of the aspects of the courteous refinement (and, beeing the Court the scenario of the Cortegiano, the cited references help composing the exemplicity of the work in itself). In fact, maintaining a sprezzata attitude is maintaining an elegant attitude. In a little less complete form, to maintain a dissimulated attitude must consist in a occasional need of concealment with valuable ends, such as orientate the Prince and sustain preserved the cordial and refined climate of the Court. In time, to dissimulate means to deceive, hide something, lie, pretend; sprezzatura, in the meantime, implies deceit, concealment, lie, pretense WITHOUT a visible application of effort. One and another are valuable if harnessed to knowledge: knowledge of yourself, of the circumstances, of Humanities
Mestrado
Mestre em Teoria e História Literária

This thesis examines the culture and practice of dance in Denmark in the seventeenth century, focussing on the performance practice within festivals, the pervading French influence and philosophical discourse of dance. The repertoire of staged court dance in Denmark comprises ballets and plays performed in conjunction with festival events such as coronations, weddings, and christenings. Typical is the 1634 festival in honour of Prince-Elect Christian and Magdalena Sibylla�s wedding in Copenhagen, a celebration of international significance. Subsequent celebrations during the reigns of Frederik III and Christian V followed similar models. The festival of 1655 in homage of Prince Christian, for example, gave rise to performances of the ballet Unterschiedliche Oracula, and the German-language opera Arion. The programmes from these performances, along with other contemporary descriptions, provide evidence of aspects of the ballet genre, stage construction, machinery, characters, allegory and political themes. The Danish productions, which also include an equestrian ballet, are in many respects comparable to French court ballets produced from the beginning of the century. Evidence that French choreographies were known in Denmark is clearly provided by choreographies in the publication Maître de Danse (Glückstadt 1705) and the Danish manuscript of violin dance tunes Additamenta 396 4�. Evidence that the Danish aristocracy actively sought and coveted French culture can be found as early as the wedding festival in 1634 and well into the eighteenth century. French acculturation is evident elsewhere too, such as in Ludvig Holberg�s comedy Jean de France (1722), in a translation of French dance etiquette for youth, in contemporary accounts of French clothing and language, and by the employment of French musicians and dancing masters at the Danish court. Included is an examination of Andreas Schroder�s treatise De Saltatoribus (Flensburg 1622) and Thomas Bartholin�s dance chapter in his book Qu�stiones Nuptialis (Copenhagen 1670) as significant Danish primary sources. These sources are placed in contrast with contemporary European dance manuals such as Arbeau, De Lauze, Esquivel de Navarro, Caroso and Negri. Danish and other European authors differ in their views on the morality of dance, although they cite many of the same Ancient and Biblical sources for their persuasive arguments. Just as Denmark was connected to other countries of northern Europe in a complex political web, so too did these courts share artistic and cultural traditions, which are reflected in the sources related to dance. Danish dance practices can especially be demonstrated to be akin to those of neighbouring German courts, which, like Denmark, imitated the dance fashions of France.

This dissertation presents a previously unedited text by one of the most distinguished- yet neglected-Latin writers of the Italian Renaissance, Ercole Strozzi (1471-1508), a poet and administrator in the court of Ferrara. Under the Este Dukes, Ferrara became a major center of literary and artistic patronage. The Latin literary output of the court, however, has received insufficient scholarly scrutiny. The text is a verse funeral elegy of Eleonora of Aragon (1450-1493), the first Duchess of Ferrara. Eleonora was a remarkable woman whose talents and indefatigable efforts on behalf of her husband, her children, and her state, won her accolades both at home and abroad. She also served as a prototype for the remarkable careers of her two daughters, Isabella d'Este, and Beatrice d'Este, who are celebrated for their erudition and patronage of arts and letters. The text is a mirror of the Estense court and reveals to us how its members no doubt saw themselves, at the very peak of its temporal power and the height of its prestige as a center of cultural creativity. It is also important for the striking portrait it presents of Eleonora. Ercole Strozzi chose to call his poem an epicedium, an ancient minor literary genre that had received attention in the two decades prior to its composition, due to the discovery and printing of the silver age Roman poet Statius, whose text includes several epicedia. Strozzi deftly adapts and transcends both his ancient and contemporary models (especially Poliziano), and in the process, creates a new Latin literary genre, the Renaissance epicedium. It is a fine poem, full of both erudition and creativity, and as such is the first fruits of what would be Ercole Strozzi's illustrious poetic career. The work is genuinely worthy of study on both esthetic and historical grounds.

This study of the cultural activities of the Scottish court in the adult reign of King James V reveals a vibrant, sophisticated and confident outlook, which was more closely integrated with the developments of the northern-European Renaissance than has been apparent hitherto. James V utilised the limited resources at his disposal to good effect, and his cultural patronage propagated multi-layered images of royal power. Continuity with the traditions established by his Stewart forbears, especially his father, James IV, was stressed, particularly in the early years of his reign. However, the chivalric, imperial and humanist themes which were fashionable at the Valois, Habsburg and Tudor courts of the period, were also important and became more prominent at the Scottish court as the reign progressed. An initial examination of the daily life of the court focuses on the personnel, structure and organisation of the royal household and considers the itinerary and routine activities of the king, his family and his entourage. This allows the cultural patronage of the court to be placed in a social context, in which the role and status of women at the court are particularly highlighted. Subsequent chapters consider developments in the visual arts, music and religious observance, learning and literature, military technology, and pageantry and ceremonial. The architectural patronage of the court was particularly rich and encompassed buildings in the ornate High-Gothic style, which was pioneered in the Burgundian Netherlands, and a more restrained Italianate Classicism borrowed from the French court. Music also flourished at the Scottish court, where the French chanson and the Italian consort of viols could be heard alongside the florid, Anglo-Flemish, sacred polyphony of the chapel royal. Likewise, the literary life of the court included vivid (and sometimes bawdy) vernacular verse, scholarly translations of classical texts, neo-Latin humanist treatises, and one of the earliest known examples of a Scottish play. The king also spent heavily on developing an embryonic royal navy, royal artillery and a network of coastal and border fortifications, which incorporated the latest advances in military technology. The ceremonial highlights of the reign included two royal weddings, the lavish funerals of Queens Madeleine de Valois and Margaret Tudor, the coronation of Queen Mary of Lorraine as well as tournaments and rituals connected with the chivalric orders of the Garter, the Golden Fleece and St. Michael. In all of these areas the inspiration of the court of Francis I was particularly strong, since James V spent several years of his minority under the authority of a French Governor, married two French princesses and made a personal visit to the French court in 1536-37. However, men of English, Flemish and Italian origins served the king or visited his court and their influence can also be detected operating alongside the tastes and customs of the Scottish realm. Emerging defiantly from a long and turbulent minority, the adult James V managed to create an exuberant and cosmopolitan court in only fourteen years. His patronage was, of necessity, on a smaller scale than that of the Tudor and Valois kings but a detailed examination of the Scottish court at this period nevertheless reveals a cultural achievement of remarkable quality and diversity.

The representation of a Stuttgart court festival in a fascinating book of prints has received no art historical attention. The cultural production of German lands in a complex and obscure time described by one historian as being particularly bereft of "textbook facts", has not elicited much scholarly interest. In the seventeenth century before confessional disputes within the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation turned into armed conflict, small German territorial courts modelled themselves on and assumed the courtly style of the larger European courts. The Stuttgart baptism of 1616 presents an interesting case study of the use of a courtly spectacle by a secondary court at a time of great instability. The baptism festival served as a stage to display an alliance of some German Protestant princes that held a promise of international support for the Protestant cause. The Wurttemberg court commissioned lengthy texts and a large number of engravings to represent the event. This study will address the contributions made by printed images to the festival program. The key documents for this study are the texts which complement and at times diverge from the visual representation. The differences between the visual and textual material will serve to locate the function of the visual representation of a festival held at a time of impending conflict. The triumphal procession format of the engravings discloses a strategy of disenfranchisement of a powerful parliament while it serves to assert the rank of the court within and outside the German empire. The complex amalgams of imagery that are interspersed in the paper procession allude, I suggest, to the problems presented to the Wurttemberg court by an uneasy alliance of Protestant courts within the empire. The engravings served to encode references to problematic issues such as the survival of the Holy Roman Empire, the rights of Protestant territorial princes to form an alliance and the hopes for outside help for the Protestant cause.
Arts, Faculty of
Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of
Graduate

Dans le domaine de la santé, la prise de décision, basée sur les données probantes, constitue les assises d'un système de santé qui se veut de qualité, efficace, sécuritaire et centré sur les besoins des patients. De par leur position dans le réseau de la santé, les courtiers de connaissances peuvent jouer un rôle primordial dans le renouvellement de connaissances de recherche et de pratique, ainsi que dans l'avènement de nouvelles modalités de fonctionnement favorisant la qualité des soins et justifiant l'affectation des ressources. En effet, de nombreux auteurs soulignent le rôle stratégique des courtiers de connaissances qu'ils considèrent comme de véritables innovateurs capables d'identifier, d'interpréter, de synthétiser et de disséminer les connaissances pertinentes dans leur milieu. Or, malgré l'existence de plusieurs études soulignant le rôle de ces acteurs dans le renouvellement des connaissances et l'innovation, peu d'entrés elles, ont examiné concrètement comment les courtiers absorbent les connaissances auxquelles ils sont régulièrement exposés. Ainsi, l'objectif de cette thèse est d'identifier et d'analyser les déterminants de la capacité d'absorption des courtiers de connaissances oeuvrant dans les organisations de santé au Canada. L'objectif de cette thèse est d'identifier et d'analyser les déterminants de la capacité d'absorption des courtiers de connaissances oeuvrant dans les organisations de santé au Canada. Pour répondre à cet objectif, une enquête par questionnaire a été menée auprès d'une communauté de pratique (CoP) de courtiers de connaissances impliqués auprès de la Fondation canadienne de recherche sur les services de santé (FCRSS). La première série d'analyses, essentiellement descriptives, a permis de dégager un premier profil des courtiers de connaissances interrogés. Les résultats de ce volet descriptif ont mis en évidence l'importance accordée par les courtiers aux contacts face à face dans le développement de liens avec les acteurs de leur réseau et pour la dissémination de la recherche dans leur milieu. Aussi, nos résultats ont fait ressortir un élément qui, selon nous, mérite d'être souligné, celui de la prédominance des tâches administratives sur les autres tâches professionnelles, y compris celles ayant trait à l'absorption des connaissances et au développement des réseaux de collaboration avec les milieux de recherche

Orientador: Paulo Mugayar Kuhl
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes
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Resumo: O modelo francês nas artes disseminou-se por toda a Europa no século XVIII, graças ao poder político representado pela figura de Luis XIV. Essa influência foi absorvida tanto na educação da nobreza quanto nos espetáculos assistidos por ela. No primeiro caso, no que diz respeito à dança, através da tradução de tratados usados para o treinamento dos bons modos do nobre - notadamente o tratado de Pierre Rameau Le Mâitre à danser (Paris, 1725). No segundo, na realização de balés nas óperas - característica do gênero de espetáculo francês - que estimulou na França e na Itália o desenvolvimento de uma literatura especializada sobre as relações entre música, teatro e dança. Seguindo o modelo francês, foram publicados em Portugal três tratados que se remetam à dança cortesã (Cabreira, 1760, Pantezze, 1761 e Bonem, 1767), bem como foram incluídos balés nas Óperas de então, coreografados por nomes importantes como François Sauveterre (antecessor de François Noverre na corte de Stuttgart), Antonio Marrafa, Carlo Bencini, Luigi Chiaveri, Alessandro Zucchelli, Pedro Pieroni, Luiz Chiavre (discípulos de Noverre), Pietro Angiolini e Gaetano Gioja (coreógrafos do balé pré-romântico). O presente trabalho pretende demonstrar a presença de elementos franceses nos ambientes culturais portugueses no século XVIII nos quais a dança realizava um papel importante tanto como expressão dos códigos cortesãos (no ambiente privado e semi-privado), quanto como co-participante dos espetáculos operísticos em que se revela como um dos principais focos de discussão sobre a transformação da ópera. Pretende contextualizar e caracterizar a presença dos balés nas óperas realizadas em Portugal no século XVIII, revelando uma trama complexa de influências francesas e italianas quanto ao tratamento da dança no espetáculo dramático cujo modelo é o italiano, e de que forma esses aspectos fizeram parte da evolução desse gênero em Portugal. Para tanto foram pesquisadas fontes primárias - tratados sobre a temática da dança cortesã publicados tanto em Portugal como fora deste, bem como da dança teatral ligada à ópera (incluindo-se tratados técnicos e reflexões teóricas dos críticos que analisavam as transformações do espetáculo operístico) -, e fontes secundárias (estudos atuais, esparsos mas fundamentais para esta pesquisa, especialmente os autores Guimarães e Hansell). Palavras-chaves: Dança Cortesã; Dança Teatral; Ópera; Portugal; Século XVIII
Abstract: The French model for the arts was spread all over Europe during the Eighteen century, due to the political power that Louis the XIV exerted. This influence has touched the education of the nobility as much as the spectacles noblemen attended. In the former, relating to the dance, it happened through the publication and translation of treatises used to train the nobles - specially the book of Pierre Rameau Le Mâitre à danser (Paris, 1725). In the latter, we can note French influence in the execution of ballet in Operas - a feature of the French approach at the genre - which stimulated, in France and Italy, the development of a special literature concerned with the relations between music, plays and dance. In Portugal, three treatises about the court dance following the French model were published (Cabreira, 1760, Pantezze, 1761 and Bonem, 1767), and also many ballets were included in the operas performed in the country. The ballets were signed by renowned choreographers, such as François Sauveterre (he preceded François Noverre at the Stuttgart court), Antonio Marrafa, Carlo Bencini, Luigi Chiaveri, Alessandro Zucchelli, Pedro Pieroni, Luiz Chiavre (pupils of Noverre), Pietro Angiolini and Gaetano Gioja (choreographers of the preromantic ballet). This dissertation has the purpose of showing the influence of French cultural elements on the Portuguese cultural milieu throughout the 18th-century, in which dance played an important role as a way to express court codes (in private and semi-private environment), as much as a co-participant in operatic performances, where it becomes one of the main focus in the discussion concerning changes in opera. This research aims to give context to and to typify the ballets performed in operas in 18th-century Portugal, revealing the complexity of the connections of French and Italian influences. It aims as well to explain how these features took part in the evolution of the dramatic genre in Portugal. The research was based on primary sources - treatises on court dance published in Portugal and abroad, as well as on documents concerning theatrical dance related to opera (including technical dance treatises and theoretical reflections of philosophers that analysed changes in operatic spectacles) -, and secondary sources
Mestrado
Fundamentos Teoricos
Mestre em Música

This thesis examines the portraiture and patronage of Marie Thérèse Louise de Savoie-Carignan, the princesse de Lamballe (1749-1792). It is the first comprehensive and detailed study to be undertaken of the princess's activities as patron. Lamballe was Marie-Antoinette's longest-serving confidante and Superintendent of the Queen's Household. Through close formal analysis of the portraits combined with careful consideration of the sitter's personal circumstances and the wider cultural and historical context, the thesis challenges scholarly assumptions that the princess had only negligible influence as a sitter and patron. As a case study of an independent, professionally ambitious and childless widow, it identifies a wider range of motives and cultural meanings than has previously been ascribed to female court patronage of this period. The first chapter demonstrates that the early depictions of Lamballe as a docile and grieving princess were largely dictated by her father-in-law, an identity the princess subsequently discarded when she assumed a professional role at court. Chapter two examines portraits executed during the princess's rise to political and social prominence and shows that her attachment to the queen and the length of time she spent in her company and service, together with her publicly visible roles as freemason and salonnière, made her a figure of considerable renown and influence and thereby a highly significant patron at the French court. This was enhanced by the princess's international reputation as a talented amateur artist in her own right and by her financial and social support of aspiring artists and art institutions. The princess's engagement with the cult of sentiment and advocacy of women artists is allied to the sorority encouraged by Marie-Antoinette within the women of her select circle. Complementary chapters on the princess's previously unknown anglophile inclinations (discussed in Chapter three) and her private collections, library, and musical and literary patronage (considered in Chapter four) further reveal that Lamballe was an informed and cultivated female patron who operated at the very centre of Marie-Antoinette's circle.

Au prisme des caricatures que ses détracteurs en ont faites dès la Restauration, parées après les « Trois Glorieuses » des couleurs de la vérité, la cour des Bourbons de France serait à la fois nulle, anachronique et ridicule. Cette condamnation rétrospective empêche d'appréhender la centralité des institutions domestiques et de la société curiale dans la France de 1814 à 1830. Instrument de légitimation du principe héréditaire incarné par la dynastie régnante, vecteur d'exaltation de sa prééminence et de mise en scène d'une royauté sacrale, la cour de la Restauration se doit d'être étudiée d'un point de vue internaliste, qui en retrace la généalogie, les modalités de recréation et les logiques de structuration. Si elle reproduit les règles de fonctionnement identifiées par Norbert Elias comme caractéristiques de l'Ancien Régime, la société de cour restaurée s'en distingue par la prépondérance, dans l'intime familiarité des Bourbons, de fidèles purs. « Arche sainte de la légitimité » et sanctuaire des traditions royales, foyer d'oppositions anti-ministérielles et d'une résistance, couronnée de succès, à l'ordonnance de réforme du 1er novembre 1820, destinée à la « nationaliser », elle cristallise l'assimilation des courtisans à une coterie irrémédiablement étrangère au peuple de France et contraire à ses libertés. Désavouée, en 1844, par le prétendant légitimiste, la cour de la Restauration est liquidée dès 1830 par le roi des Français, rapidement contraint, cependant, de renouer avec certains de ses héritages en curialisant la monarchie de Juillet
According to the caricatures its detractors produced from the time of the Restoration onwards, adorned with the colours of truth after "the Three Glorious" Days, the Bourbon Court of France would be nothing but anachronistic and ridiculous. This retrospective condemnation prevents from understanding the centrality of Royal Households and Court society in France between 1814 and 1830. As a means to legitimize the hereditary principle embodied by the ruling dynasty, glorify their prominence and stage the scenario of a sacred monarchy, the Restoration Court must be approached from an inner view which traces its roots, the terms of its recreation and its structuring logics. Although it replicates the rules defined by Norbert Elias as typical of the Old Regime, the restored Court society differs from them by the predominancy of courtiers depicted as pure followers within the close intimacy of the Bourbons. An « Ark of legitimacy », a sanctuary of royal traditions, and a center of oppositions to governments, the Court overcame its nationalization through the reform of November 1820, but hastened the assimilation of the courtiers into a coterie, irretrievably alien to the people of France and hostile to liberties. Disavowed by the legitimist pretender to the throne, the Restoration Court was liquidated as early as the year 1830 by the King of the French, who nevertheless had to quickly come to terms with some its legacies so as to create the national Court of the July Monarchy

Les animaux eux-mêmes font l’objet du chapitre liminaire. Mais, en en tant que tels, ils intéressent moins la présente étude que la façon dont leur utilisation par l’homme a été associée à l’essor de la vie de cour. La relation homme-animal en milieu de cour est abordée dans la première partie, sous l’angle des formes architecturales, des structures administratives ainsi que du cadre juridique et social au sein desquels elle s’épanouit à la charnière des XVIe et XVIIe siècles (chapitres I à III). Le chapitre IV aborde un dernier aspect de la relation entre l’homme et les animaux en décrivant la finalité alimentaire des seconds. La deuxième partie étudie la participation des animaux à la dynamique de cour, au moment où, à partir du règne de Louis XIII, la curialisation s’accélère. Il s’agit d’abord de préciser le rôle des animaux dans l’élaboration de modèles culturels véhiculés par la propagande et le mécénat princiers (chapitres V et chapitre VI). À l’échelle interne, la façon dont le développement des équipages et la codification des chasses royales participent à la curialisation fait l’objet des chapitres VII et VIII. L’impact de la sédentarisation de la cour sur les populations animales et sur le développement de l’architecture zoologique constitue la matière de la troisième partie. Le chapitre IX est consacré à la Ménagerie de Versailles et le suivant à l’institutionnalisation du mécénat scientifique qui lui a été associé. Les chapitres XI et XII étudient la répartition sélective des animaux en fonction des résidences de la cour et son incidence sur l’organisation de l’espace
This study does not focus in on animals as much as it questions the way they have been used by men and the part they played in the development of court life. In the first part, I address the relation between man and animal in the court context, from the standpoint of the architectural forms, administrative structures as well as the social and legal framework, in which the relation blossomed during the transition of 16th to the 17th century (chapter I to III). Chapter IV deals with yet another aspect of the man-animal relation, describing the use of the latter for alimentary purposes. The second part questions the animals’ participation in the court dynamics, at a point when, beginning with Louis XIII’s reign, courtization accelerated. My first concern was to give a detailed account of the animal’s role in the conception of the cultural models conveyed by propaganda and sponsorship originating from princes (chapter V and chapter VI). On the internal level, chapter VII and VIII describe the way the development of hunting crews and the codification of royal hunts participate in courtization. In the third part, I examine the impact of the court’s settlement on animal populations and the development of zoological architecture. Chapter IX describes the Ménagerie of Versailles, while the next one addresses the joint process of institutionalization of scientific patronage. Finally, in chapter XI and XII, I argue that the selective distribution of animals depending on the court residencies had an impact on spatial organization

À la croisée de l’histoire sociale, culturelle et des techniques, ma thèse porte sur la fonction de l’écuyer tranchant, un office majeur de l’hôtel royal à qui incombait la tâche délicate de découper et servir les mets à la table du seigneur. Exercé au départ par les grands du royaume, l’office se professionnalise à la fin du Moyen Âge et au début de la Renaissance, comme l’atteste la multiplication des traités de découpe en Espagne et en Italie durant cette période. Le présent travail permet de mesurer, d'une part, les interférences textuelles entre les traités de découpe ibériques et italiens et de s'interroger, d'autre part, sur la correspondance entre les normes et la pratique. A la fin de comprendre la place occupée par l'écuyer tranchant au sein de l'hötel royal, et le rôle qu'il a pu jouer dans l'entourage du roi, un travail prosopographique a été mené durant les règnes des rois aragonais Ferdinand Ier et Alphonse le Magnanime
My thesis is at the crossroads of social, cultural and technical history. It deals with the duties of the Carver who was entrusted with a major assignment at the Royal Court: he was given the delicate task of carving the food and serving up the dishes for his Lord. This office, first performed by the royal officers, became a profession at the end of the middle ages and at the beginning of the renaissance period, as may be attested by the multiplication of treaties on carving in Spain and Italy issued at that time. The antiquity of the "arte Cisaria" (1423) led me to wonder about its influence on the Catalan and Italian treaties on carving which were the established later on. I also wondered afterwards to what extent these treaties complied with the established norms. Finally, in order to understand the place occupied by the Carver within the Royal Court, I focused my prosopographic research on the reigns of the Aragonese kings Ferdinand I, and his son Alphonse V

L’Italie, berceau de la sprezzata desinvoltura de Castiglione, est assurément le pays où l’ambiguïté des relations entre art, politique et images médiatiques est la plus forte. Le pavillon Italien des biennales de Venise de 2009 et 2011 illustre ce jeu complexe des apparences, qui « fait des mondes » ou « illumine des nations ». En relisant l’histoire de l’art à travers le prisme du concept de Castiglione, la thèse nous donne à voir que le monde (de l’art) est lui-même l’effet de l’ambivalence de cette désinvolture. Loin d’avoir assujetti l’art à leurs concepts, les grands hommes, qu’ils soient rois, philosophes ou hommes d’affaires seraient des effets de cette désinvolture de l’art. Comme Monsieur Jourdain, ils feraient de l’art sans le savoir. Exit Machiavel ! Il est aujourd’hui urgent de penser cette « ruse de l’art » qui mène le monde. Tel est l’enjeu fondamental de cette thèse qui, s’appuyant sur le schème nietzschéen de l’éternel retour, distingue plusieurs figures de la désinvolture, historiques, philosophiques et esthétiques
Italy, the cradle of Castiglione’s sprezzata desinvoltura, is undoubtedly the country where the ambiguous relationship between art, politics and media is the strongest. The Italian pavilion of the Venice Biennale in 2009 and 2011 illustrates the complex game of appearances, which are “making worlds" or "lighting up nations." Reading again the history of art through the prism of Castiglione’s concept, the thesis shows us that the world (of art) is itself the effect of this “disinvoltura” ambivalence. Far from having subjugate art to their concepts, the great men, whether kings, philosophers or businessmen are the effects of this casualness (“desinvoltura”) of art. Like Monsieur Jourdain, they would make art without knowing it. Exit Machiavelli! It is now urgent to think this "ruse of art" that leads the world. These are the fundamental stakes of this thesis, that basing itself on the Nietzschean eternal return schema, distinguishes several casualness figures, historical, philosophical and aesthetic

François-Henri de Montmorency-Bouteville, maréchal-duc de Luxembourg (1628-1695), connut une longue carrière d’officier général, de la fin de la guerre de Trente Ans à celle de la Ligue d’Augsbourg, et un parcours contrasté, marqué par les inconstances de la faveur et de la fortune des armes. Engagé dans la Fronde auprès de son parent, le prince de Condé, qui lui obtint en 1661 la main de l’héritière de la pairie de Luxembourg, il revint au service lors de la guerre de Dévolution. Ayant acquis la protection de Louvois, il commanda en Hollande en 1672, puis devint capitaine des gardes du corps avant d’obtenir le bâton de maréchal de France en 1675. Impliqué dans l’affaire des Poisons, il fut écarté des commandements et dut attendre la campagne de 1690 pour retrouver la direction de l’armée de Flandre, qu’il commanda jusqu’en 1694. Ses victoires, pourtant peu exploitées, lui valurent une gloire inégalée en son temps et le surnom de Tapissier de Notre-Dame ; elles en firent également l’un des généraux les plus influents à la cour de Louis XIV, qui favorisa l’élévation de sa maison. L’étude de sa carrière apporte une contribution de premier plan à l’histoire de la collaboration intéressée entre la grande noblesse et la monarchie absolutiste, et de la place des généraux dans l’État et le gouvernement du royaume. L’analyse de ses campagnes et de son expérience du commandement dévoile l’évolution de la conduite de la guerre et des opérations, au temps de la stratégie de cabinet et des conflits limités, aussi bien que les transformations progressives des pratiques de la guerre et du combat
François-Henri de Montmorency-Bouteville, marshal-duke of Luxembourg (1628-1695), followed a long career of general officer, from the end of the Thirty Years’ War till the Nine Years’ War, and had a contrasted life marked by the inconstancies of the favour and the fortune of war. Committed in the Fronde with his relative, the prince of Condé, who obtained for him in 1661 the hand of the heiress of the “pairie” of Luxembourg, he returned to the service during the War of Devolution. Having acquired the protection of Louvois, he commanded in Holland in 1672, then became captain of a company of “gardes du corps”, before becoming marshal of France in 1675. Involved in the Affair of the Poisons, he was pushed aside from commands and had to wait for the campaign of 1690 to find back the direction of the army of Flanders, which he commanded until 1694. His victories, although not totally exploited, were worth to him an unequalled glory at that time, and the nickname of “The Tapissier de Notre-Dame” ; they also made him one of the most powerful generals in the court of Louis XIV, which favored the rise of his family. The study of his career contributes remarkably to the history of the interested collaboration between the high nobility and the absolutist monarchy, and of the place of the generals in the State and the kingdom’s government. The analysis of his campaigns and his experience of command reveals the evolution of warfare, in the time of the “stratégie de cabinet” and the limited conflicts, as well as the progressive transformations of the practice of war and fighting

Une somme considérable de légendes véhiculent des images éculées d’Henri IV et Louis XIII. Au premier d’être alors évoqué comme un personnage débonnaire, guerrier, vert galant, préférant les joies populaires de la poule au pot et des chansons licencieuses du Pont Neuf aux fastueux spectacles de cour, quand son fils est appréhendé comme un monarque taciturne, dominé par sa mère puis par le tout-puissant Richelieu. Rarement l’intérêt se porte alors sur leurs personnalités politiques qui pourtant, animées par la passion de la gloire, pleinement conscientes de leur rôle de souverains du royaume, usèrent toutes deux de l’art à des fins d’autorité, ouvrant la voie à leur illustre descendant : Louis XIV. Notre étude a pour ambition première d’analyser quel fut l’initiation, voire l’édification, de ces deux souverains. Les usages politiques des spectacles de cour ont pour beaucoup été mis en exergue, mais le lien entre éducation artistique et politique est, quant à lui, bien moins étudié. Or, apprentissage politique et enseignement artistique passent par la ‘‘rencontre’’ entre l’enfant et les spectacles. De cette rencontre, le prince pourra envisager les potentialités du fastueux et utiliser ces premières expériences comme une référence qu’il accommodera par la suite, à son profit. Quelle place fut alors donnée à la musique dans la formation humaniste que reçut le jeune Henri de Navarre ? Quel fut le rôle confié aux arts dans l’éducation de Louis XIII, tandis que sa mère, digne représentante de la dynastie Médicis, mettait un point d’honneur à entourer sa cour de fêtes perpétuelles ? Ce sont en effet les femmes, c’est indéniable, qui jouèrent un rôle de tout premier plan dans la mise en place et le développement des spectacles utilisés pour servir la propagande royaliste. C’est cette réflexion, autour de la place de ces ‘‘muses’’ dans la formation des souverains au mécénat artistique et plus encore à l’utilisation politique des arts, qui nourrit notre première partie. La seconde est entièrement consacrée à l’utilisation propagandiste de l’art. Sous les premiers Bourbons, la musique se développa sous ses aspects les plus divers, psaumes, cantiques, chansons populaires ou airs de cour, ballets, tous utilisés afin d’ancrer plus fortement leurs règnes au cœur de la tradition monarchiste française. Sous ces souverains, au pouvoir bien controversé, les fêtes firent partie intégrante de la stratégie gouvernementale ; elles ne jouèrent plus seulement le rôle décisif, mais désormais connu, de consolidateurs du pouvoir en place mais le légitimèrent, l’assirent. Ainsi naquit la dynastie Bourbon
A considerable amount of legends conveys hackneyed images of Henri IV and Louis XIII. The first one was then evoked as a good-natured, warlike figure and a Green Gallant who preferred the popular enjoyments of the boiled chicken and the bawdy songs of the Pont Neuf to the celebrations of the Valois court. His son was, as for him, considered as a taciturn monarch, dominated by his mother or by the almighty Cardinal Richelieu. Curiosity is then rarely aroused by their political personalities which, nevertheless livened up by the passion of the glory, conscious of their role as Kings of France, used both the art for authority purposes, opening the way to their illustrious descendant: Louis XIV.The first purpose of this study is to explore the initiation, if not the edification, of these sovereigns. The political uses of the splendoures were largely underlined, but the link between arts and political education is not much studied. Yet political learning and art education are conveyed by the "encounter" between the child and these shows. This encounter enables the prince to consider the potentialities of the luxurious, and to use these early experiences as a reference that he will accommodate to his profit afterward. Then what place was given to the music in the humanist formation received by the young Henri de Navarre? What was the role assigned to arts in the education of Louis XIII, while his mother, deserving representative of the Medici dynasty, made it a point of honor to provide her court with perpetual celebrations? Women undeniably played a first rank role in the implementation and the development of the court’s shows used to serve the royalist propaganda. This reflection around the role of these "muses" concerning the education of the sovereigns in the artistic sponsorship in addition to the political use of the arts will be the main focus of the first part. The second part is entirely dedicated to the propagandist use of the art. Under the first Bourbons, music developed as a wide range of appearances, psalms or hymns, popular songs or ‘‘airs de cour’’, ballets. All these forms emerged, anchoring more strongly their reigns in the tradition of the French monarchy. Under Henri IV and under his son, asserting a controversial power, the fêtes were part of the governmental strategy; they did not only play a decisive role in strengthening the power any more, they legitimized it, they consolidated it. This is how the dynasty of Bourbons was born

La grande aumônerie désigne traditionnellement, en France, le clergé chargé de l’exercice du culte auprès dusouverain et de ceux de ses sujets attachés à sa personne. Longtemps cantonné à la cour, ce service connaît, desa recréation par Napoléon au moment du passage à l’Empire jusqu’à sa suppression par la monarchie deJuillet, un développement sans précédent. L’amalgame de différentes composantes, à commencer, sous laRestauration, par l’aumônerie militaire, transforme le modeste département aulique en une institution présenteà l’échelle nationale, dont les effectifs équivalent à ceux d’un petit diocèse. Le présent travail s’interroge sur lamanière dont l’existence d’un tel clergé affecte concrètement le fonctionnement du système concordataire, àtravers l’étude de ses structures, de son personnel et de son activité pastorale. Il pose aussi la question du poidspolitique du clergé de cour dans la direction des Affaires religieuses en régime constitutionnel. Il conclut surun constat : celui de la marginalisation, avant même sa disparition, de la grande aumônerie, soulignant parcontrecoup la solidité des institutions de régulation des cultes mises en place par Bonaparte. L’antique alliancedu Trône et de l’Autel fait alors place, définitivement, à la relation purement administrative de l’Église et del’État
The “Grande Aumônerie” traditionally refers, in France, to the clergy in charge of the exercise of the ministryto the sovereign and, among his subjects, to all those attached to his person. A long time confined to the court,this service knows, from its restoration by Napoleon until its removal by the July Monarchy, an unprecedentedgrowth. The incorporation of various components, which the most important is certainly, under theRestoration, the military chaplaincy, converts the modest aulic department into a national institution, whosenumbers equall to those of a small diocese. This work examines how the existence of such a clergy actuallyaffects the running of the Concordat System, through a detailed study of its structures, its staff and its pastoralactivity. It also raises the question of the political weight of the court clergy in the management of religiousaffairs in a constitutional government. Eventually a finding stands out : the marginalization, even before itsdisappearance, of the “Grande Aumônerie”, which, by contrast, underlines the soundness of the institutionsestablished by Bonaparte in order to regulate the religions. The ancient alliance of Throne and Altar then givesway, definitively, to the merely administrative relationship between Church and State

Les animaux eux-mêmes font l’objet du chapitre liminaire. Mais, en en tant que tels, ils intéressent moins la présente étude que la façon dont leur utilisation par l’homme a été associée à l’essor de la vie de cour. La relation homme-animal en milieu de cour est abordée dans la première partie, sous l’angle des formes architecturales, des structures administratives ainsi que du cadre juridique et social au sein desquels elle s’épanouit à la charnière des XVIe et XVIIe siècles (chapitres I à III). Le chapitre IV aborde un dernier aspect de la relation entre l’homme et les animaux en décrivant la finalité alimentaire des seconds. La deuxième partie étudie la participation des animaux à la dynamique de cour, au moment où, à partir du règne de Louis XIII, la curialisation s’accélère. Il s’agit d’abord de préciser le rôle des animaux dans l’élaboration de modèles culturels véhiculés par la propagande et le mécénat princiers (chapitres V et chapitre VI). À l’échelle interne, la façon dont le développement des équipages et la codification des chasses royales participent à la curialisation fait l’objet des chapitres VII et VIII. L’impact de la sédentarisation de la cour sur les populations animales et sur le développement de l’architecture zoologique constitue la matière de la troisième partie. Le chapitre IX est consacré à la Ménagerie de Versailles et le suivant à l’institutionnalisation du mécénat scientifique qui lui a été associé. Les chapitres XI et XII étudient la répartition sélective des animaux en fonction des résidences de la cour et son incidence sur l’organisation de l’espace
This study does not focus in on animals as much as it questions the way they have been used by men and the part they played in the development of court life. In the first part, I address the relation between man and animal in the court context, from the standpoint of the architectural forms, administrative structures as well as the social and legal framework, in which the relation blossomed during the transition of 16th to the 17th century (chapter I to III). Chapter IV deals with yet another aspect of the man-animal relation, describing the use of the latter for alimentary purposes. The second part questions the animals’ participation in the court dynamics, at a point when, beginning with Louis XIII’s reign, courtization accelerated. My first concern was to give a detailed account of the animal’s role in the conception of the cultural models conveyed by propaganda and sponsorship originating from princes (chapter V and chapter VI). On the internal level, chapter VII and VIII describe the way the development of hunting crews and the codification of royal hunts participate in courtization. In the third part, I examine the impact of the court’s settlement on animal populations and the development of zoological architecture. Chapter IX describes the Ménagerie of Versailles, while the next one addresses the joint process of institutionalization of scientific patronage. Finally, in chapter XI and XII, I argue that the selective distribution of animals depending on the court residencies had an impact on spatial organization

La grande aumônerie désigne traditionnellement, en France, le clergé chargé de l’exercice du culte auprès dusouverain et de ceux de ses sujets attachés à sa personne. Longtemps cantonné à la cour, ce service connaît, desa recréation par Napoléon au moment du passage à l’Empire jusqu’à sa suppression par la monarchie deJuillet, un développement sans précédent. L’amalgame de différentes composantes, à commencer, sous laRestauration, par l’aumônerie militaire, transforme le modeste département aulique en une institution présenteà l’échelle nationale, dont les effectifs équivalent à ceux d’un petit diocèse. Le présent travail s’interroge sur lamanière dont l’existence d’un tel clergé affecte concrètement le fonctionnement du système concordataire, àtravers l’étude de ses structures, de son personnel et de son activité pastorale. Il pose aussi la question du poidspolitique du clergé de cour dans la direction des Affaires religieuses en régime constitutionnel. Il conclut surun constat : celui de la marginalisation, avant même sa disparition, de la grande aumônerie, soulignant parcontrecoup la solidité des institutions de régulation des cultes mises en place par Bonaparte. L’antique alliancedu Trône et de l’Autel fait alors place, définitivement, à la relation purement administrative de l’Église et del’État
The “Grande Aumônerie” traditionally refers, in France, to the clergy in charge of the exercise of the ministryto the sovereign and, among his subjects, to all those attached to his person. A long time confined to the court,this service knows, from its restoration by Napoleon until its removal by the July Monarchy, an unprecedentedgrowth. The incorporation of various components, which the most important is certainly, under theRestoration, the military chaplaincy, converts the modest aulic department into a national institution, whosenumbers equall to those of a small diocese. This work examines how the existence of such a clergy actuallyaffects the running of the Concordat System, through a detailed study of its structures, its staff and its pastoralactivity. It also raises the question of the political weight of the court clergy in the management of religiousaffairs in a constitutional government. Eventually a finding stands out : the marginalization, even before itsdisappearance, of the “Grande Aumônerie”, which, by contrast, underlines the soundness of the institutionsestablished by Bonaparte in order to regulate the religions. The ancient alliance of Throne and Altar then givesway, definitively, to the merely administrative relationship between Church and State

François-Henri de Montmorency-Bouteville, maréchal-duc de Luxembourg (1628-1695), connut une longue carrière d’officier général, de la fin de la guerre de Trente Ans à celle de la Ligue d’Augsbourg, et un parcours contrasté, marqué par les inconstances de la faveur et de la fortune des armes. Engagé dans la Fronde auprès de son parent, le prince de Condé, qui lui obtint en 1661 la main de l’héritière de la pairie de Luxembourg, il revint au service lors de la guerre de Dévolution. Ayant acquis la protection de Louvois, il commanda en Hollande en 1672, puis devint capitaine des gardes du corps avant d’obtenir le bâton de maréchal de France en 1675. Impliqué dans l’affaire des Poisons, il fut écarté des commandements et dut attendre la campagne de 1690 pour retrouver la direction de l’armée de Flandre, qu’il commanda jusqu’en 1694. Ses victoires, pourtant peu exploitées, lui valurent une gloire inégalée en son temps et le surnom de Tapissier de Notre-Dame ; elles en firent également l’un des généraux les plus influents à la cour de Louis XIV, qui favorisa l’élévation de sa maison. L’étude de sa carrière apporte une contribution de premier plan à l’histoire de la collaboration intéressée entre la grande noblesse et la monarchie absolutiste, et de la place des généraux dans l’État et le gouvernement du royaume. L’analyse de ses campagnes et de son expérience du commandement dévoile l’évolution de la conduite de la guerre et des opérations, au temps de la stratégie de cabinet et des conflits limités, aussi bien que les transformations progressives des pratiques de la guerre et du combat
François-Henri de Montmorency-Bouteville, marshal-duke of Luxembourg (1628-1695), followed a long career of general officer, from the end of the Thirty Years’ War till the Nine Years’ War, and had a contrasted life marked by the inconstancies of the favour and the fortune of war. Committed in the Fronde with his relative, the prince of Condé, who obtained for him in 1661 the hand of the heiress of the “pairie” of Luxembourg, he returned to the service during the War of Devolution. Having acquired the protection of Louvois, he commanded in Holland in 1672, then became captain of a company of “gardes du corps”, before becoming marshal of France in 1675. Involved in the Affair of the Poisons, he was pushed aside from commands and had to wait for the campaign of 1690 to find back the direction of the army of Flanders, which he commanded until 1694. His victories, although not totally exploited, were worth to him an unequalled glory at that time, and the nickname of “The Tapissier de Notre-Dame” ; they also made him one of the most powerful generals in the court of Louis XIV, which favored the rise of his family. The study of his career contributes remarkably to the history of the interested collaboration between the high nobility and the absolutist monarchy, and of the place of the generals in the State and the kingdom’s government. The analysis of his campaigns and his experience of command reveals the evolution of warfare, in the time of the “stratégie de cabinet” and the limited conflicts, as well as the progressive transformations of the practice of war and fighting

Dans le "Livre du Courtisan" (Venise, 1528), Baldassare Castiglione (1478-1529) évoque « une certaine "sprezzatura", qui cache l'art et qui montre que ce que l'on a fait et dit est venu sans peine et presque sans y penser », d'où « dérive surtout la grâce », tant « chacun sait la difficulté des choses rares et bien faites, si bien que la facilité en elles engendre une grande admiration » (I, XXVI, trad. Pons). Nous en proposons d'abord une analyse conceptuelle en contexte, qui nous mène à en élaborer les termes structurants : grâce et beauté, nature et travail. Puis, par un examen généalogique, nous entreprenons une traduction de la grâce théologico-anthropologique (augustinienne) en termes esthétiques, témoignant d'une profonde cohérence du système de la "sprezzatura" ; nous confrontons alors Castiglione au « naturel » antique (Horace, Cicéron, Pline l'Ancien) et à la formation de la Doctrine Classique (Boileau, Rapin, Bouhours, Gracián). Dans une enquête ensuite contextuelle, nous exposons le système de la Cour, découvrons un certain nombre de penseurs contemporains de la Beauté et de la Grâce (Ficin, Alberti, Bembo, Diacceto, Varchi, Firenzuola, Della Casa, Romei, Sardi, Accetto) et confrontons enfin la "sprezzatura" à l'univers de la "Maniera" (spécialement chez Bronzino et Giambologna). Nous concluons par quelques éléments de discussion de la "Distinction" telle que l'a conceptualisée Bourdieu.La "sprezzatura" n'est pas une simple pensée classique de l'"ars est celare artem", et ne réduit pas plus la grâce au simple lustre de la beauté ; elle constitue au contraire une dramatique de l'imminence, et fait reposer son effet sur des usages esthétiques de l'imagination qui capitalisent sur l'imaginaire chrétien de la grâce. Dès lors, la "mediocritas" que revendique Castiglione n'est pas réductible à ce qu'en laisserait penser l'amalgame avec Della Casa et Accetto : elle est un juste milieu et un point d'équilibre entre le simplement naturel et le ridicule affecté (propre à une certaine tentation du sublime). Véritablement, la "sprezzatura" « s'avance à la frontière de la générosité » (Baltasar Gracián, "El Héroe", XIII, trad. Pelegrín).Diverses Annexes sont jointes, en particulier : une enquête sur les racines du concept d'« Ange » chez Ficin et Diacceto ; une revue de différentes cours de la Renaissance italienne et de leurs valeurs tant esthétiques que culturelles
In his 'Book of the Courtier' (Venice, 1528), Baldassare Castiglione (1478-1529) touches on 'a certain Recklessness ('sprezzatura'), to cover art withall, and seem whatsoever [the Courtier] does and says to do it without pain, and (as it were) not minding it', of which 'grace is much derived', 'for in rare matters and well brought to pass every man knows the hardness of them, so that a readiness therein makes great wonder' (I, XXVI, modern-spelling Hoby translation). Our study begins with a contextual analysis of 'sprezzatura''s main concepts : grace versus beauty, nature and artlessness versus labour. From a genealogical point of view, we then offer a fresh aesthetical translation of Augustine's theological (and anthropological) concept of grace, which turns out to strongly support 'sprezzatura''s conceptual frame ; we thereupon investigate Castiglione's relationship to the 'classical' value of artlessness, as found both among Ancients (Horace, Cicero, the Elder Pliny) and Moderns (Boileau, Rapin, Bouhours, Gracián). Setting back the focus on context, we then expound the inner workings of the Court, become acquainted with a number of contemporary theorists of Beauty and Grace (Ficino, Alberti, Bembo, Diacceto, Varchi, Firenzuola, Della Casa, Romei, Sardi, Accetto), and set 'sprezzatura' within the realm of 'Maniera' (especially Bronzino and Giambologna). Conclusions are eventually drawn while discussing Bourdieu's concept of 'Distinction'.We hold that 'sprezzatura' should not be reduced to the classical scheme of 'ars est celare artem', neither does it shrink grace to the mere lustre of beauty ; much to the contrary, it accounts for the very drama of imminence, thus making an aesthetical use of imagination inspired by the Christian understanding of grace. Neither should the 'mediocritas' claimed by Castiglione be reduced to its lesser self, inspired by the likes of Della Casa and Accetto : it strives for a perfect balance and a virtuoso equilibrium between the merely natural and the ridicule of 'affettazione' (which may be linked to the pursuit of the sublime). Truly, 'sprezzatura' 'reaches to the edge of generosity' (Baltasar Gracián, 'El Héroe', XIII, personal translation).Various Appendices are attached, especially : an enquiry into the roots of the concept of 'Angel' wielded by Ficino and Diacceto ; a review of various courts of the Italian Renaissance outlining their main aesthetical and cultural values

Cette thèse propose une analyse de la « cour royale » égyptienne sous la XXVIème dynastie saïte (664-525 av. J.-C.) à partir des sources majoritairement textuelles (privées et royales) et historiques. Le volume de synthèse se développe autour de trois axes principaux traitant la « cour » dans son acception sociale, telle qu’on l’entend dans la sociologie historique. La première partie est ainsi consacrée à l’étude de la cour comme la Maison du souverain afin d’éclairer l’ensemble des activités qui caractérisent la « vie de cour » et son organisation domestique et qui rendent l’espace curial « privé » ou « officiel ». La deuxième partie examine la cour dans son agencement social et en tant qu’outil de représentation et de communication : ce sont alors le protocole du palais royal et son rôle-clef dans le maintien de l’équilibre social entre les souverains saïtes et leurs sujets (système des faveurs–ḥswt) qui sont analysés. La troisième partie se concentre sur les acteurs sociaux de la Résidence du roi (les courtisans et l’entourage royal) et tente de démontrer les différentes catégories auxquelles appartiennent ces élites et de déceler les modalités de leurs accès au palais et au rang de « courtisan modèle » dans la hiérarchie de la cour. Enfin, l’enquête diachronique suivie tout au long de la synthèse permet de mieux connaître l’impact des emprunts archaïsants dans le système palatin saïte, et par conséquent, d’évaluer la continuité et/ou le changement de ce système par rapport aux modèles traditionnels de la cour pharaonique. Le volume du corpus regroupe un ensemble de données prosopographiques appartenant à plus de 130 officiers royaux. Un troisième volume est consacré à la bibliographie générale, aux annexes et index
This thesis offers an analysis of the Egyptian "royal court" under the XXVIth Saite Dynasty (664-525 BC) based on textual (private and official records) and historical sources. The synthesis develops around three main axes and deals with the "Court" in its social meaning as defined by the historical sociology. The first part, then, concentrates on the study of the court as the House of the sovereign and attempts to identify the activities which characterize the "court life", its domestic organization and which make the curial space "private" or "official". The second part examines the court as a symbol of social order and the outil of representation and communication of the monarchic authority: the protocol of the Royal palace and its key role to maintain the social balance between the Saite kings and their subjects (system of the favours ḥswt) are analyzed here. The third part focuses on the social actors of the Residence (courtiers and royal entourage) and tends to demonstrate the various categories of these elites and to reveal the modalities of their accesses to the palace and to the position of "model courtier" within the hierarchical order of the court. Finally, the diachronic study followed throughout the synthesis allows to better comprehend the impact of the Archaism on the Saite palace institution and consequently to estimate the continuity and/or the changes of this system compared to the traditional models of the Pharaonic court. The corpus includes a group of prosopographical data belonging to more than 130 royal high officials. The third volume is composed of three sections general bibliography, appendices and indexes

Activité prisée des rois de France depuis l'époque médiévale, la chasse était devenue pour les derniers Bourbons plus une passion dévorante qu'une simple distraction. Louis XV et Louis XVI furent critiqués par l'opinion publique naissante, qui considérait que leurs chasses onéreuses les éloignaient du gouvernement. Après la chute de la monarchie, les chasses royales disparurent. Elles furent remises au goût du jour par Napoléon Ier, soucieux de s'approprier les apparences de la légitimité monarchique. Le maréchal Berthier fut ainsi nommé Grand veneur en 1804. Grâce à lui, Napoléon put faire de ses chasses un instrument politique puissant, une distraction de Cour prisée, le tout avec une économie substantielle de moyens. La Restauration, au lieu de revenir à l'organisation d'Ancien Régime, choisit de conserver l'équipage de chasse et l'administration mise en place pour Napoléon, qui fonctionnèrent jusqu'en 1830. Naquit ainsi le paradoxe d'une Restauration affichant, à la suite de l'Empire, la volonté de renouer avec la tradition monarchique, mais cela grâce à un équipage formé pour Napoléon. C'est cette continuité, humaine, budgétaire, mais aussi politique et symbolique qu'il convient d'étudier au travers des éléments constitutifs des chasses : une implantation autour de Paris permettant une circulation de la Cour autour de différentes résidences de chasse, une pratique régulière destinée à la distraction du souverain et de ses proches, des invitations de personnages politiquement importants, qui donnent à certains jours de chasse bien précis une résonance particulière. Autant d'aspects qui se retrouvent dans les sources : archives, journaux, mémoires, œuvres d'art
Hunting had always been the privileged activity of kings since the mediaeval period, and for the later Bourbons it became a consuming passion. Indeed Louis XV and Louis XVI were to be criticized by a proto public opinion ; it was thought that hunts were expensive and that they distracted the rulers from the duties of government. The royal hunts disappeared with the fall of the monarchy. But Napoleon, with his desire to appropriate the outward show of monarchical legitimacy, brought it back. Marshal Berthier was appointed Grand veneur and given the task of organizing the imperial hunt in exactly the same way as it had been done under Louis XVI. Napoleon made the hunts a powerful political instrument and a Court indulgence whilst at the same time making considerable savings. The Restoration in fact chose not to revive Ancien Régime customs but preserved the Napoleonic hunting administration. This gave rise to the paradox of a Restoration attempting to reinvigorate monarchical traditions but using structures created by Napoleon. This is that strong continuity, human, budgetary, but also political and symbolic, inside a geographical field concentrated around Paris that made it possible for the Court to circulate around the different imperial hunting residences, to dedicate certain days to the hunts, and to invite some important political figures. All of these aspects are to be found in the sources : archives, newspapers, autobiographies, artworks

Activité prisée des rois de France depuis l'époque médiévale, la chasse était devenue pour les derniers Bourbons plus une passion dévorante qu'une simple distraction. Louis XV et Louis XVI furent critiqués par l'opinion publique naissante, qui considérait que leurs chasses onéreuses les éloignaient du gouvernement. Après la chute de la monarchie, les chasses royales disparurent. Elles furent remises au goût du jour par Napoléon Ier, soucieux de s'approprier les apparences de la légitimité monarchique. Le maréchal Berthier fut ainsi nommé Grand veneur en 1804. Grâce à lui, Napoléon put faire de ses chasses un instrument politique puissant, une distraction de Cour prisée, le tout avec une économie substantielle de moyens. La Restauration, au lieu de revenir à l'organisation d'Ancien Régime, choisit de conserver l'équipage de chasse et l'administration mise en place pour Napoléon, qui fonctionnèrent jusqu'en 1830. Naquit ainsi le paradoxe d'une Restauration affichant, à la suite de l'Empire, la volonté de renouer avec la tradition monarchique, mais cela grâce à un équipage formé pour Napoléon. C'est cette continuité, humaine, budgétaire, mais aussi politique et symbolique qu'il convient d'étudier au travers des éléments constitutifs des chasses : une implantation autour de Paris permettant une circulation de la Cour autour de différentes résidences de chasse, une pratique régulière destinée à la distraction du souverain et de ses proches, des invitations de personnages politiquement importants, qui donnent à certains jours de chasse bien précis une résonance particulière. Autant d'aspects qui se retrouvent dans les sources : archives, journaux, mémoires, œuvres d'art
Hunting had always been the privileged activity of kings since the mediaeval period, and for the later Bourbons it became a consuming passion. Indeed Louis XV and Louis XVI were to be criticized by a proto public opinion ; it was thought that hunts were expensive and that they distracted the rulers from the duties of government. The royal hunts disappeared with the fall of the monarchy. But Napoleon, with his desire to appropriate the outward show of monarchical legitimacy, brought it back. Marshal Berthier was appointed Grand veneur and given the task of organizing the imperial hunt in exactly the same way as it had been done under Louis XVI. Napoleon made the hunts a powerful political instrument and a Court indulgence whilst at the same time making considerable savings. The Restoration in fact chose not to revive Ancien Régime customs but preserved the Napoleonic hunting administration. This gave rise to the paradox of a Restoration attempting to reinvigorate monarchical traditions but using structures created by Napoleon. This is that strong continuity, human, budgetary, but also political and symbolic, inside a geographical field concentrated around Paris that made it possible for the Court to circulate around the different imperial hunting residences, to dedicate certain days to the hunts, and to invite some important political figures. All of these aspects are to be found in the sources : archives, newspapers, autobiographies, artworks

This dissertation examines the relations between court and commerce in Europe at the onset of the modern era. Focusing on one of the most powerful princely courts of the period, the court of Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy, which ruled over one of the most advanced economic regions in Europe, the greater Low Countries, it argues that the Burgundian court was, both in its institutional operations and its cultural aspirations, a commercial enterprise. Based primarily on fiscal accounts, corroborated with court correspondence, municipal records, official chronicles, and contemporary literary sources, this dissertation argues that the court was fully engaged in the commercial economy and furthermore that the culture of the court, in enacting the ideals of a largely imaginary feudal past, was also presenting the ideals of a commercial future. It uncovers courtiers who, despite their low rank yet because of their market expertise, were close to the duke and in charge of acquiring and maintaining the material goods that made possible the pageants and ceremonies so central to the self-representation of the Burgundian court. It exposes the wider network of court officials, urban merchants and artisans who, tied by marriage and business relationships, together produced and managed the ducal liveries, jewelries, tapestries and finances that realized the splendor of the court. It shows how the princely court adapted to and harnessed the commercial economy of the urban network, employing nominally feudal titles and structures. Furthermore, it reveals how courtly understandings of magnificence and honor were also demonstrations of commercial prowess and acknowledgements of commercial wealth, even as these discourses were framed in terms of chivalric ideals. The princely court was neither merely a predatory expropriator of urban wealth nor a rapacious consumer of luxury goods, but also an active participant in the commercial economy. By examining the 'business' of a princely court, this dissertation seeks to contribute to our understanding of the socio-cultural manifestations of state and market formation during the late medieval and early modern era. This study is one testimony of how Europeans sought to make sense of, and more importantly, to channel and control the tides of commercialization, utilizing the institutional and cultural frameworks they inherited from their past. The intertwined relationship between the princely court and the commercial economy in the Burgundian Netherlands draws our attention to the common processes, institutions and cultures that laid the groundwork for the modern state and the capitalist economy.

Eighteenth-century paintings depicting the courtly culture of Udaipur have been widely described as iconic images representing the decadent "voluptuous inactivity" of Indian princes within idyllic palaces. More recently, scholars have interpreted such paintings as royal portraits constituting meaningful assertions of political and cultural power. Yet scholars have overlooked a topographical genre of painting in which Udaipur artists not only portrayed the ruler's face but also captured the charisma of Udaipur's urban space. This dissertation examines the means by which artists pictured Udaipur and its environs for multiple patrons and mixed audiences, thereby constructing the city's memory and mapping diverse territorial claims of regional kings, courtly elites, and merchants, as well as religious institutions and the emergent British Empire. Central to this account is a corpus of large-scale paintings, scrolls, drawings, and maps made in a time period of transitions in northwestern India, marked by several new courtly and non-courtly alliances, between the decentralization of the Mughal Empire in the early 1700s and the proclamation of British rule at the Ajmer Durbar in 1832. I argue that itinerant artists practiced their arts literally and metaphorically in between empires, and thus formulated their subjective, and, at times, subversive interpretations of urbanity, territoriality, and history as they circulated among various domains. By tracing the critical role played by artistic practices in the British Political Agent James Tod's political and historical creation of "Rajasthan"--the land of kings--this dissertation challenges the dominant narrative that has mediated this region's architecture, landscape, and history. Separate chapters are devoted to shifts in artistic practice, from the painting of genealogical and poetic manuscripts to large-scale topographical paintings, relating them to tropes of praise, pleasure, and commemoration in the court's literary culture, mediation of urban memory, emergent forms of mapping, and spatial practices of processions. Udaipur's artists like Ghasi, who was also a "native" artist-assistant to Tod, the region's first British colonial agent, rendered Tod's explorations in the form of courtly processions while also adapting drafted architectural drawings for the depiction of Udaipur's princely domains. I compare the works of Ghasi and Tod, among several others, with those of artists working for the Jain religious and mercantile community. These little-studied paintings suggest the paradigmatic ways in which local artists reevaluated established pictorial genres and tropes for the purpose of mapping environs in relation to the emerging presence of the British Empire and reconfiguration of regional polities, religious sects, and mercantile communities. The visualization of South Asia's urban environs has largely been understood through the lens of the nineteenth-century British colonial archive of images and maps. Systematic studies of alternate imaginings found in contemporaneous pre-colonial Indian art have been all but absent. Addressing this lacuna, this dissertation cumulatively highlights a largely unknown visual archive of images of pre-colonial Indian cities to examine how both Indian and British artists imagined their urban environs for varied patrons. It contributes to a growing body of scholarship on the importance of affect in understanding epistemic practices and the nature of political, cultural, and artistic transitions in the long eighteenth century in the Indian subcontinent.

Defence date: 21 April 1995
Examining board: Prof. Franco Angiolini, Università di Pisa (supervisore) ; Prof. Jean Boutier, E.H.E.S.S.-Marseille ; Prof. Gaetano Cozzi, Università di Venezia (co-supervisore) ; Prof. Gérard Delille, I.U.E. ; Prof. Cesare Mozzarelli, Università Cattolica Gemelli, Milano
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Examining board: Prof. Franco Angiolini (supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Claus Hartmann ; Prof. Jochen Hoock ; Prof. Jacques Revel ; Prof. Keith Tribe
Defence date: 11 October 1993
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence Date: 29/06/2009
Examining Board: Bartolomé Yun Casalilla EUI- Supervisor; Giovanni Levi ( U Ca’Foscari); Antonella Romano (EUI)); Irving Alexander Anthony Thompson (U Keele)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
No abstract available

Defence date: 9 July 1993
Examining board: Prof. Franco Angiolini, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Dominic Baker-Smith, University of Amsterdam ; Prof. Gigliola Margiotta-Broglio, Università di Firenze ; Dr. David Starkey, The London School of Economics ; Prof. J.B. Trapp, The Warburg Institute, London
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

During the reign of Kangxi (r. 1662-1722), the second Manchu emperor of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), Western music began to take root in the Manchu court. There is abundant evidence that the missionaries performed Western music before Kangxi and the emperor looked upon the Jesuits Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688) and Tomas Pereira (1645-1708) as his music tutors. In 1713, Kangxi commissioned a treatise on music, Yuzhi Lulu zhengyi (A True Doctrine of Music, by Imperial Authority), which was completed in 1714. Begun by Pereira but completed by the Italian Lazarist Paolo Felipe Teodorico Pedrini (c. 1670-1746), the third part of this musical treatise Xieyun duqu, is devoted exclusively to Western music theory. This treatise is the earliest official Chinese source concerning Western music theory.
Evidence that Western theoretical writings were included in Lulu zhengyi raises an important question: why did Kangxi demand that Western music theory be incorporated within his imperial treatise? There are only a limited number of studies on Western music in the early Qing court, and this research fills in a serious lacuna. This study will argue that it is not simply due to Kangxi's open mind and fondness for European knowledge that leads to the incorporation of Western music theory in Lulu zhengyi. Kangxi's goal was to use Western music as a tool to restore the lost Chinese ancient music.
The reign of Kangxi witnessed the elevation of Western music in the Qing court. After the reign of Kangxi, Western music continued to be performed at the court, however, its prestige diminished, and it served solely as entertainment for the emperors. Indeed, in Yongzheng's preface to Luli yuanyuan (1723), Western music theory was regarded as that of the Western barbarian. Later, when Qianlong ordered the compilation of the sequel to Lulu zhengyi in 1741, no Western music was included.
Chiu, Wai Yee Lulu.
"May 2007."
Adviser: Michael Edward McClellan.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-01, Section: A, page: 0020.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 186-219).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
School code: 1307.

本文以明人對宦官態度轉變及其相應行動爲中心，著重從政治文化互動的角度，探討在明代君權專制強化而滋生發達宦官政治情況之下，士大夫如何因應這一政治結構和政治生態的變化，調整思維與行動的方式，施展和落實儒家的政治理想與目標的過程、言行表現及其意義。
本文認爲明代中後期的士大夫在對待宦官態度與問題上，出現重要的轉變與調適，他們趨向於呼籲改變與宦官對立的關係，普遍強調宦官具備與常"人"一致的天性與善端，主張以引導和"教化"的方式令其從善。這一思維轉向的要義，是中晚明的士大夫在承認宦官官僚政治和認識宦官顯著角色及地位的基礎上，思考通過"改造"宦官進而改善政治。
中晚明時期這股思維轉向更重要地表現為以"化宦"為中心内容的行動與實踐。對宦官讀書之所--内書堂重振的共識與努力以及撰作宦官教化用書，即是這一實踐的直接落實。中晚明人士在内書堂教育和撰作宦官教化書籍中，均重視以歷史和本朝歷史上的宦官善惡實例來強化宦官道德理想教育，感召和鼓勵其去惡向善、忠君愛國以及輔養君德。這是他們借"化宦"來"格君"的努力，是他們施展上層經世理想的表現和重要内容。
在晚明集中出現的衆多宦官教化用書中，萬曆初王畿所作"化宦"書《中鑒錄》是一本對宦官有實際影響和感召力的著作。這與書中揚棄傳統偏見，尊重並同情宦官歷史，鼓勵他們具有常"人"的良知等情形密切關係。與之相反的個案則是張世則撰作的《貂璫史鑒》，以受到宦官排斥告終。其"成敗"視乎它們有否契合中晚明以來宦官在知識文化增廣之餘主體和自我意識提高的趨向。
綜核本文討論所得，主要有以下三點認識。第一，明代士人與宦官的關係複雜多樣，不能以對抗與勾結的二元結構予以簡單處理。中晚明時期不斷出現的"化宦"思想和實踐顯示，士大夫傾向於覺得他們與宦官處於同一政治文化之中，並且有意強化已趨"一體"的向路。第二，在政治現實不利和政治空間有限的情況下，明代士大夫能務實而敏銳地利用"化宦"來"格君"，可見他們不曾放棄得君行道的理想，熱情未減。這是政治與文化之間高度呼應、交互影響與滲透的應有真義和全貌。第三，儒家核心價值系統中的原則為後人改造世界提供精神和經典的來源。中晚明人士思考宦官具有"人"的面向與價值並將他們納入"有教無類"之中，顯示儒家價值系統只有回到現實政治與社會生活中並積極地予以回應，摸爬滾打中，才能得到充實和實踐。這是儒學實踐性的特點和要求。
This dissertation studies the attitudes and actions of scholar-officials to the eunuchs in the Ming dynasty. From the perspective of political and cultural interaction, it explores how scholar-officials coped with changes in the political structures and political ecologies in which eunuch politics became a major issue of government. It examines scholar-officials’ thinking and action in dealing with the eunuchs while attempting to implement their political ideal when monarchical despotism reigned in Ming times.
The study finds that there are important changes in scholar-officials’ attitudes in mid and late Ming times. Instead of discrimination against eunuchs they tended to see eunuchs as their equal as human beings. They believed that eunuchs have similar human nature and humaneness as theirs, and advocated making them good imperial servants by moral and civil education. They adopted an approach that government improvement can be achieved by “transforming the eunuchs through a Confucian-based education and recognizing the eunuch’s significant role and status in the imperial government.
Mid and late Ming scholar-officials were eager to put their new ideas into actions. They were keen in reviving the Nei Shu Tang（内書堂）, the eunuch school in the palace and in writing books specially intended to educate the eunuchs. These books have a common focus on the eunuch’s moral sense. Good and bad examples from history are cited to encourage them to get rid of evil thought and action and to cultivate their good sense to serve their monarchs and the imperial court well and loyally, thus also to help improve the monarch’s character and enhance his virtues. I consider such effort by mid and late Ming scholar-officials to improve the emperor through educating the eunuchs a key form of upper-level statecraft.
The research finds that the Zhong Jianlu（《中鑒錄》/ Mirror of the Eunuchs）written in the very beginning of the Wanli period by Wang Ji（王畿）, the most famous student of Wang Yangming（王陽明）, was a very effective education book for enlightening the eunuchs. The success of the book owes much to the respect and sympathy it show for the eunuchs. It considers them as ordinary human beings with conscience and good will rather than discriminating them by traditional prejudice. By contrast, the Diaodang Shijian（《貂璫史鑒》/Historical Mirror of the Eunuchs）written by Zhang Shize（張世則）in the middle period of the Wanli emperor, although also aiming to educate the eunuchs, failed to attract them because of a different approach to its presentation. These two examples shows that whether an education book was accepted by the eunuchs depends on whether it responded aptly to eunuch population’s increase in knowledge and cultural achievement, as well as eunuchs’ awareness of their importance in late Ming times.
In conclusion, this dissertation presents the following three views. First, the relationship between the scholar-officials and the eunuchs, which was often considered in oppositional or conflicting terms, was more complex and diverse. Scholar-officials in mid and late Ming times came to realize, and emphasized, that their political culture should be shared by the eunuchs. Second, Ming scholar-officials were pragmatic attempting to rectify their monarchs by educating the eunuchs, who were their immediate servant. This also shows that scholar-officials still had strong interest in influencing the monarch with their ideals and values at the highest level of imperial government. Third, scholar-officials’ consideration of eunuchs as their fellow human beings capable of being educated for good heart and behavior suggests that the Confucian value system worked in a positive way only when abiding to the reality of political and social life. The practice of Confucian learning finds expression and meaning not in empty theories.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
吳兆丰.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-336)
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Wu Zhaofeng.
Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.9
Chapter 一 --- 政治、制度史研究中的明代宦官 --- p.10
Chapter 二 --- 明代宦官與士大夫關係研究的現狀 --- p.22
Chapter 三 --- 社會文化視角下的明代宦官 --- p.27
Chapter 四 --- 本文的結構和內容安排 --- p.31
Chapter 第二章 --- "攻宦"的效果與思考：以成化名臣王恕為中心 --- p.33
Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.34
Chapter 二 --- "攻宦"與王恕名節的建立 --- p.35
Chapter 三 --- "攻宦"與王恕"格君"的努力 --- p.40
Chapter 四 --- 成化末王恕奏疏的彙刊與謀劃入閣的關係 --- p.46
Chapter 五 --- 餘論："攻宦"的名與實 --- p.54
Chapter 第三章 --- 調適與轉變：明中後期士大夫對宦官的省思 --- p.57
Chapter 第一節 --- 真德秀《大學衍義》對宦官的態度及其"反響" --- p.58
Chapter 一 --- 《大學衍義》齊家之要--目的設置用意 --- p.58
Chapter 二 --- 《大學衍義》對宦官的態度與定位 --- p.62
Chapter 三 --- 《大學衍義》宦官部份在明代的反響 --- p.68
Chapter 第二節 --- 明成、弘年間士大夫對"化宦"的思考與嘗試 --- p.77
Chapter 一 --- "宦侍亦人也"：丘濬的思考 --- p.77
Chapter 二 --- "人皆可以為堯舜"：賀欽的嘗試 --- p.84
Chapter 第三節 --- 正、嘉年間士人對"化宦"的強調與共識 --- p.90
Chapter 一 --- "性無內外"與"不以類求"：湛若水的個案 --- p.90
Chapter （一） --- 《聖學格物通》及其對議禮的態度 --- p.90
Chapter （二） --- "性無內外"：《格物通》對"得宦"的強調 --- p.96
Chapter （三） --- "不以類求"： 湛若水與太監丘得的來往 --- p.100
Chapter 二 --- "有教無類"：正、嘉年間儒臣對宦官的普遍共識 --- p.102
Chapter （一） --- 從黃佐、方鵬到王瓊、顧應祥："不以其人而沒其善" --- p.103
Chapter （二） --- 何瑭："内臣未必無君子，外臣未必無小人" --- p.105
Chapter （三） --- 唐樞："有教無類" --- p.107
小結 --- p.112
Chapter 第四章 --- "化宦"與"格君"：中晚明人士重振內書堂的共識與努力 --- p.114
Chapter 第一節 --- "以為汙辱"：成 弘年間士大夫對內書堂的觀感和態度 --- p.115
Chapter 第二節 --- "宮府一體"：中晚明士大夫對內書堂的重視和重振 --- p.120
Chapter 一 --- 初振與新義：正德和嘉靖初年的情形 --- p.120
Chapter （一） --- 景暘與何瑭 --- p.120
Chapter （二） --- 陸深與徐階 --- p.122
Chapter 二 --- 共識與努力：嘉靖中至萬曆中的情形 --- p.125
Chapter （一） --- 貢汝成："患無以教之" --- p.126
Chapter （二） --- 郭樸、孫升、趙貞吉 --- p.129
Chapter （三） --- 李春芳、胡傑、亢思謙、汪鏜 --- p.132
Chapter （四） --- 姚弘謨、李貴及其《思齊錄》 金達、陶大臨 --- p.136
Chapter （五） --- 羅萬化、 黃鳳翔、 趙志皋 --- p.140
Chapter （六） --- 黃洪憲、 張元忭及其《內館訓言》、敖文禎 --- p.143
Chapter （七） --- 禮部的呼籲：沈鯉《典禮疏》 --- p.151
Chapter （八） --- 內書堂教材的確定：《中鑒錄》與《貂璫史鑒》 --- p.156
Chapter （九） --- 教材的挑戰者：焦竑周如砥《中學始肄》 --- p.157
Chapter 第三節 --- 餘緒：啓、 禎年間的情況 --- p.163
Chapter 一 --- 東林的聲音：錢士升 --- p.163
Chapter 二 --- "教養內監，最是重任"：善書的強調 --- p.164
Chapter 三 --- "我者"與"他者"：宦官劉若愚振刷内書堂的倡議 --- p.167
小結 --- p.171
Chapter 第五章 --- 著作與教化：王畿編纂"化宦"書《中鑒錄》的政治背景與内容特色 --- p.173
Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.173
Chapter 二 --- 《中鑒錄》的流傳、影響及其版本問題 --- p.175
Chapter 三 --- 萬曆初王畿編纂《中鑒錄》的背景及其推廣的努力 --- p.187
Chapter 四 --- 《中鑒錄》初刊和復梓者太監孫隆、劉成的事略 --- p.199
Chapter （一） --- 翻刻者劉成的生平事略 --- p.199
Chapter （二） --- 劉成與初刊者孫隆的關係 --- p.202
Chapter （三） --- 孫隆的生平及其首刊《中鑒錄》的背景 --- p.206
Chapter （四） --- 孫隆再度提督蘇杭織造期間的政治表現 --- p.216
Chapter 五 --- 《中鑒錄》的內容安排 特色與取材 --- p.224
Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.239
Chapter 第六章 --- 同調與異趨：萬曆年間的宦官教化書籍 --- p.241
Chapter 第一節 --- 《中鑒錄》與萬曆年間宦官教化書籍的持續出現 --- p.241
Chapter 一 --- 王畿的同調：鄒德涵的聲音 --- p.241
Chapter 二 --- 宦官"爰書"：李騰芳《宦寺考》 --- p.243
Chapter 三 --- "銘讒鼎而志梼杌"：徐學聚《歷朝璫鑒》 --- p.248
Chapter 四 --- "均治"之書：劉元卿《六鑒舉要》 --- p.253
Chapter 五 --- 勸善戒惡：胡良臣《內臣昭鑑錄》 --- p.256
Chapter 六 --- 宦官模範：佚名《中貴芳摹》 --- p.258
Chapter 第二節 --- 張世則《貂璫史鑒》的撰作與命運：兼與《中鑒錄》比較 --- p.259
Chapter 一 --- 張世則的生平與思想 --- p.259
Chapter 二 --- 《貂璫史鑒》撰作的政治背景和直接用意 --- p.261
Chapter 三 --- 《貂璫史鑒》內容特色與其備受宦官冷遇的關係 --- p.266
Chapter 四 --- 餘論 --- p.275
小結 --- p.276
Chapter 第七章 --- 結語 --- p.277
Chapter 一 --- 明代士人與宦官關係的重新認識 --- p.281
Chapter 二 --- "化宦"與士人"得君行道"理想的施展 --- p.282
Chapter 三 --- 儒家價值系統的充實和實踐 --- p.284
Chapter 附錄一 --- 丘濬《世史正綱》宦官條目後按語 --- p.285
Chapter 附錄二 --- 張元忭《內館訓言》 --- p.292
Chapter 附錄三 --- 王畿《中鑒錄·中鑒答問》 --- p.297
Chapter 附錄四 --- 王畿《中鑒錄》的按語 --- p.302
Chapter 附錄五 --- 圖一：馮保《經書音釋》自撰跋文後之印章 --- p.310
Chapter 附錄六 --- 圖二：金忠《御世仁風》手書跋文後之章印 --- p.311
參考文獻 --- p.312

Defence date: 5 July 1996
Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Dominique Julia, Paris/Florenz (Supervisor) ; Prof. Dr. Winfried Schulze, München (Supervisor) ; Prof. Dr. Michael Müller, Florenz ; Prof. Dr. Michael Herbsmeier, Odense ; Prof. Dr. Marcello Verga, Florenz
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017