Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Cotton Brokers' Association”

The argument of Mark deWolfe Howe's The Garden and the Wilderness turned on the contrast Howe drew between two uses of a single phrase: “wall of separation.” Thomas Jefferson used the phrase in 1802, in a letter to the Danbury Baptist Association: “I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should ‘make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,’ thus building a wall of separation between church and state.” More than a century and a half earlier, in 1644, the colonial advocate of religious freedom Roger Williams had employed the same phrase in a letter to his theological opponent, the Reverend John Cotton of Boston. According to Williams's reading of the Bible, the people of God—Jews and Christians—were “separate from the world,” and, “when they have opened a gap in the hedge or wall of separation between the garden of the church and the wilderness of the world, God hath ever broke down the wall itself, removed the candlestick, and made His garden a wilderness, as at this day. And that therefore if He will ever please to restore His garden and paradise again, it must of necessity be walled in peculiarly unto Himself from the world; and that all that shall be saved out of the world are to be transplanted out of the wilderness of the world, and added unto his church or garden.”

“And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, . . . set up the tabernacle of the tent of the congregation. . . . put therein the ark of the testimony . . . bring in the candlestick, and light the lamps thereof.” No, I am not going to preach a Puritan sermon to you. I want only to remind you of the Puritan in Roger Williams who said the words that provide the title of the book under consideration. The words come from Williams's debate with John Cotton over church government: “When they [or the those who desired to Christianize the world through the use of worldly power] have opened a gap in the hedge or wall of separation between the garden of the church and the wilderness of the world, God had ever broke down the wall itself, removed the candlestick, and made His garden a wilderness.” For Mark deWolfe Howe, Williams's “theological wall of separation” represents the evangelical impulse in American religion and is an important source for understanding American law concerning church and state. A key contribution of Howe's monograph was to remind its readers that not only Jefferson's sense of natural law and individual rights but also Williams's congregational and biblical notions informed the First Amendment religion clauses. Howe finds fault with the Supreme Court's ignoring this dual lineage and favoring only Jefferson's Enlightenment view. For Howe, the modern Court's use of Jefferson's language to impute due process values to the religion clauses “distorts their manifest objectives” to grant religion constitutionally protected status—a status distinct from other forms of conscience, not least irreligion. These other forms of conscience are, he argues, protected by other constitutional guarantees, such as speech, press, and association.

In the nineteenth century, the Liverpool Cotton Brokers' Association (CBA) coordinated the dramatic growth of Liverpool's raw cotton market. This article shows how the CBA achieved this through the development of a private-order institutional framework that improved information flows, introduced standardization and contracting regimes, and regulated market exchange platforms. These developments corresponded with significantly improved market coordination, which facilitated the growth of the largest raw cotton market in the world. The article's findings demonstrate and quantify the importance of nonstate actors in creating institutions of global exchange central to the first wave of globalization.

Sugarcane (Saccharum officinarum) is an economically important crop and is extensively planted across China. In August 2020, leaf midribs with red lesions were observed on cultivar ‘Yunzhe 081609’ in Kaiyuan (103.27°E, 23.71°N), Yunnan, Southwestern China. In July to August 2021, similar symptoms were observed on cultivar ‘Liucheng 05-136’ in Hechi (108.48°E, 24.47°N), Guangxi, and on cultivars ‘Yingyu 91-59’ and ‘Yunzhe 081609’ in Lingcang (99.45°E, 23.33°N), Yunnan. Initially symptoms appeared as red spots on the leaf midribs, which gradually expanded, forming elongated red lesions. At high severity, the leaves broke and hung down. Disease incidence of leaves was estimated at 30 to 50% across the locations. To identify the etiology of this disease, three symptomatic leaves were collected from cultivars ‘Liucheng 05-136’, ‘Yingyu 91-59’, and ‘Yunzhe 081609’, respectively. Symptomatic leaf midribs were cut to small fragments (3 × 5 mm), surface sterilized with 70% ethanol for 30 s followed by 1% NaClO for 1 min, rinsed with sterilized distilled water three times, air dried on sterile filter paper, plated on potato dextrose agar (PDA), and incubated at 28°C in the dark. Ten isolates with similar morphological characteristics were obtained. Colonies on PDA were white to grayish-white with aerial mycelium growing initially upward and then forming clusters. After 10 days, mycelia turned to grayish black. Immature conidia were initially hyaline, aseptate, and ellipsoid. Mature conidia became dark brown, septate, longitudinal striate, and measured 21.2 to 25.8 × 11.4 to 16.4 µm (n = 30). Morphologically, the isolates were identified as Lasiodiplodia theobromae (Alves et al. 2008). For molecular identification, genomic DNA of four representative isolates (LTGX1, LTGX2, LTYN1 and LTYN2) was extracted using the Ezup Column Fungi Genomic DNA Purification kit. The internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of rDNA, translation elongation factor 1-alpha (TEF-1α) gene, and β-tubulin (TUB) gene were amplified with primer pairs ITS1/ITS4 for ITS, EF1-728F/EF1-986R for TEF-1α, and Bt2a/Bt2b for TUB, respectively (Glass and Donaldson 1995; Carbone and Kohn 1999; White et al. 1990), and then sequenced. The ITS (ON533336-ON533339), TEF-1α (ON939550-ON939553) and TUB (OP747306-OP747309) sequences were deposited in GenBank. BLAST searches showed >99% nucleotide identity to the sequences of ex-type isolate CBS 164.96 of L. theobromae (ITS, 99.8% to AY640255; TEF-1α, 99.9% to AY640258; TBU, 100% to EU673110). Phylogenetic analysis using maximum likelihood based on the combined ITS, TEF-1α, and TUB sequences of the isolates and reference sequences of Lasiodiplodia spp. downloaded from the GenBank indicated the isolates obtained in this study formed a clade strongly supported based on bootstrap values (100%) to the ex-type isolate CBS 164.96 sequences of L. theobromae. For pathogenicity tests, three healthy 6-month-old potted sugarcane leaf midribs of cultivar ‘Yunzhe 081609’ were wounded with a sterile needle, then inoculated using 8-mm mycelial agar plugs from a 10-day-old culture of strain LTYN1, and covered with wet cotton to maintain high relative humidity. Sterile PDA plugs were used as controls. Plants were placed in a greenhouse at 28 to 32°C. The test was conducted twice. Five days after inoculation, red lesions appeared on the inoculated leaf midribs. These symptoms were similar to those observed in the field. The leaves used for negative controls remained symptomless. The same fungus (L. theobromae) was re-isolated from all inoculated-symptomatic tissues; and isolates had the same morphological traits mentioned above. The DNA sequence data of these isolates was also similar than the original isolates. The association of L. theobromae with S. officinarum was recorded earlier in Cuba (Urtiaga, 1986), Myanmar (Thaung, 2008) and the Philippines (Reinking, 1919). Leaf midribs with red lesions caused by Colletotrichum falcatum has already been described around the world (Costa et al. 2021; Hossain et al. 2021; Xie et al. 2019). All together, this information indicates that L. theobromae is one of the causal agent of the red lesions symptoms on the sugarcane leaf midribs. To our knowledge, this is the first report of L. theobromae causing red lesions on leaf midribs of sugarcane in China. Further research will focus on developing management strategies to control this disease effectively.

En 1894 est inauguré le Manchester Ship Canal qui relie la métropole industrielle du Lancashire à la mer, la transformant ainsi en ville portuaire. A travers la formulation de paradoxes liés au commerce du coton anglo-américain, l'auteur analyse les raisons qui ont poussé la capitale industrielle de Cotonnia à se donner un destin maritime, alors que le 2ème port d'Angleterre n'est situé qu'à une trentaine de miles de Manchester ? Notre argument repose sur l'hypothèse que l'industrie cotonnière locale est à l'origine du projet dont la promotion a débuté au début des années 1880. Ce point de vue va à l'encontre de l'opinion de spécialistes du Ship Canal tels que Douglas Farnie et Ian Harford qui estiment que l'influence du lobby cotonnier de Manchester a été longtemps surestimée. Pourtant, nos recherches sur le canal nous ont conduits à conclure que l'industrie cotonnière, et en particulier les filateurs, sont les catalyseurs du projet. Ces derniers étaient très mécontents de la commercialisation du coton aux États-Unis et à Liverpool. Le 2nd port de l'Empire, où se trouvait le siège, qui réglemente à l'époque le commerce du coton local et international, ne parvenait pas à réguler les dysfonctionnements qui minaient le négoce du coton, conduisant à la dégradation du coton brut expédié aux filatures. Cette thèse rend compte des problèmes endémiques qui affectent chaque étape du commerce du coton, depuis la culture de la matière brute jusqu'à son acheminement aux filatures anglaises. C'est l'insatisfaction des filateurs qui a conduit ces derniers à vouloir s'émanciper du port de Liverpool en créant un port à Manchester, ainsi que des institutions commerciales capables d'amener les importations de coton jusqu'à la "Rome de la Cotonnie"
In 1894, the Manchester Ship Canal, linking the manufacturing metropolis to the sea, is inaugurated, thus transforming Manchester into a port city. Through the formulation of paradoxes relating to the Anglo-American cotton trade, the author analyses the reasons that led Cotonnia's industrial capital to follow a maritime destiny, whereas England's 2nd largest harbour is only 30 miles away.Our argument relies on the hypothesis that the Lancashire cotton industry is at the origin of the canal project whose promotion started at the beginning of the 1880s. This point of view contrasts with the opinion of two Ship Canal specialists, namely Douglas Farnie and Ian Harford, who posit that the influence of the Manchester cotton lobby has long been overestimated. However, our research on the canal drove us to the conclusion that the cotton industry, and spinners in particular, have been the catalysts of the project. They were infuriated by the deficient marketing of cotton in the USA and in Liverpool. The second port in the Empire was the seat of the institution (the Liverpool Cotton Association) that regulated the local and international cotton trade in those days. This association could not settle the dysfunctions that undermined the raw cotton flows, which led to the adulteration of the cargoes shipped to the mills. This thesis accounts for the endemic problems that plagued every stage of the commerce of cotton, from the cultivation of the fiber to the delivery of the raw material at the English mills. The spinners' exasperation, originating from the trade's dysfunctions, led them to seek emancipation from the port of Liverpool, by creating a harbour in Manchester, as well as commercial institutions capable of attracting the raw cotton imports to the industrial capital of Cotonnia

This chapter elaborates on the anecdotal evidence of the previous chapter. It includes a study of members of the Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association and how they operated. The most powerful factions in Britain’s raw cotton trade were the selling brokers and the bankers. This is corroborated by a study of the B Lists of the customs Bills of Entry for Liverpool, which provide a complete inventory of who received every consignment into the port. All cotton consignments for 1860 and 1864 have been tabulated. Data are produced which show the changes wrought by the civil war to cotton shipments, and which prove that 91 per cent of LCBA members were direct recipients of cotton from Liverpool docks. This is the final blow to the notion that there was a scrupulous dividing line between buying and selling brokers. Almost all cotton brokers were traders, but not necessarily successful ones. The chapter concludes with an account of some of the bankruptcies and suggests that Thomas Ellison knowingly falsified the historical record.

This chapter describes how the raw cotton trade was financed, before showing that – despite a drastically reduced volume – the vast rise in price meant that the value of raw cotton imports was greater than at any time in the 19th century and, in terms of the cotton traded, possibly the greatest ever. The implications for the earnings of the cotton brokers are demonstrated, together with the fury in Manchester that Liverpool was enriching itself while the rest of the industry starved. Two elements of Thomas Ellison’s etiquette are considered: that cotton brokers were not simultaneously buying and selling brokers, and that they did not trade cotton on their own account. Evidence is produced to suggest that both contentions are false. The chapter shows how cotton speculation infested the market during the war, but also how the spinners were implicated in it themselves. It concludes with the conflict that erupted towards the end of the war between the Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association and the Cotton Spinners’ Association, led by Hugh Mason.