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1
Fuwongcharoen, Puli. "Constitutions and legitimisation : the cases of Siam's permanent constitution and Japan's postwar constitution." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283934.
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Wamunyima, Mbololwa. "Constitution making in Zambia : the need for a new perspective." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1243.
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"While public participation in constitution-making is recognised under international law, its extent is not elaborated. This has resulted in governments pursuing constitution-making processes that, despite involving public participation, do not involve meaningful public participation. As shall be illustrated in this study, this is the dilemma faced in Zambia. Zambia has experienced constitutional instability since independence. It has had four constitutions since then, and is currently in the process of making its fifth. This will represent an average of a new constitution every eight years: one of the highest rates of constitutional change in Commonwealth Africa. This is an unimpressive record in so far as it is generally accepted that a constitution defines and limits the exercise of governmental power, and regulates major political activities in a country. It cannot, therefore, be frequently subjected to change like any other ordinary piece of legislation. ... This study constitutes five chapters. Chapter one introduces the study. Chapter two analyses the origins and nature of government and constitution. Chapter three examines and analyses the constitutional development process in Zambia from the pre-colonial period to the current time. In chapter four, the making of the current constitution of South Africa is duscussed and analysed. Chapter five provides the conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction.<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.<br>Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Edward Kofi Quashigah at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
3
Parjouet, Claire. "Une méta-constitution, la constitution de transition." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Pau, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023PAUU2148.
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Les transitions constitutionnelles sont des processus de remplacement d'une Constitution par une autre. Elles sont de plus en plus régulièrement structurées par un ensemble de textes. Ces corpus de transition forment ce qu'il est possible de présenter comme un droit constitutionnel pour la construc-tion constitutionnelle. Produits d'un choix des acteurs politiques, ils traduisent une réappropriation des outils et concepts constitutionnels classiques en fonction des enjeux et impératifs du moment. Le droit semble en ce sens employé en tant qu'instrument de normalisation d'une période anormale. Il en résulte un ensemble de contradictions rendant particulièrement complexe l'appréhension de ces textes, qu'il s'agisse de leur nature ou de leur fonction. Plusieurs concepts ont déjà été présentés par la doctrine afin de mettre en lumière certaines de leurs spécificités. Dans la continuité de ces ré-flexions, la présente étude propose de recourir au concept de droit méta-constitutionnel pour définir et analyser ce droit paradoxal.La préposition grecque « méta » signifie la succession, le changement, la transformation. Elle souligne l'implication des textes concernés dans l'édification du futur système constitutionnel, et permet en ce sens de considérer les fonctions de norme et de méta-norme constitutionnelle ainsi que les finalités méta-juridiques des corpus de transition. Ces textes sont en effet pensés pour orchestrer le présent, mais construisent également le futur système constitutionnel. Cette double temporalité, associée à l'instabilité politique et juridique du moment, commande une réadaptation des schèmes scientifiques classiques, en fonction des ambitions concrètes de ce droit exceptionnel.La présente thèse propose de soutenir ce point à travers une étude de droit constitutionnel com-paré se concentrant sur un type d'actes composant les corpus de transition : les Constitutions de tran-sition. Seize Constitutions de transition ont été identifiées entre 1989 et 2019. Elles sont définies comme les textes cumulant des dispositions déconstituante(s), constituante(s) et constitutive(s). Cette catégorie représente la quintessence du paradoxe d'un droit constitutionnel pour la construction constitutionnelle. La qualification de leur nature et de leur fonction s'avère en effet complexe, parta-gée entre la réalité d'une Constitution et les conséquences de la transition. Un raisonnement en termes de droit méta-constitutionnel permettrait cependant d'appréhender pleinement ces instru-ments. Véritables méta-Constitutions, les Constitutions de transition forment un objet atypique, mais au combien novateur pour la science du droit<br>Constitution-making process are processes whereby one constitution is replaced by another. They are regularly structured by a collection of texts. These transitional corpus form what can be described as constitutional law for constitutional construction. As a product of political actors choices, they reflect a reappropriation of classic constitutional tools and concepts in line with the issues and imperatives of the moment. In this sense, the law seems to be used as an instrument to normalise an abnormal period. The result is a series of contradictions that make it particularly com-plex to understand these texts, whether in terms of their nature or their function. A number of con-cepts have already been presented by legal writers in order to highlight some of their specific fea-tures. Following on from these reflections, this study proposes to use the concept of meta-constitutional law to define and analyse this paradoxical law
4
Marumahoko, Sylvester. "Constitution-making in Zimbabwe : assessing institutions and processes." University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5470.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD<br>Since its conquest by Britain in 1890, Zimbabwe has witnessed a series of constitution-making projects. Spanning over 100 years, the question of constitutional development has continued to dominate public debate. The end of colonial rule did not see an end to the demand for a constitution that is legitimate and durable. The search for an enduring and good constitution continued into the 21st century. With the unveiling of the 2013 constitution-making project, however, it seemed as if a long lasting solution had been 'delivered' on the question of a legitimate and durable constitution. The thesis assesses the questions of institutions and processes in Zimbabwe’s quest to construct a new constitution. It contends that institutions and processes used to make constitutions are as important as the contents of a final constitution. That is why more time and efforts are often spent negotiating the twin questions of institutions and processes of constitution-making than is spent negotiating the content of a constitution. With this in mind, the thesis develops standards for assessing institutions and processes used in successive
constitution-making projects in Zimbabwe. A major finding of the assessment is that the twin questions of institutions and processes were neglected in all constitution-making efforts undertaken in Zimbabwe, including that which culminated in the creation of the Constitution of 2013. The thesis maintains that a lot of significance must be attached to the design of institutions and processes of constitution making
if a constitution is to be enduring and widely accepted as legitimate.
5
Antoun, Adib. "Constitution et esprit politique libanais : (constitution de 1926)." Paris 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA010620.
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Constitution et esprit politique libanais - constitution de 1926", thèse ordonnée par mon souci de faire valoir la vérité scientifique y afférant, vérité tenue à l'écart de ce qui est de l'ordre herméneutique et poétique, s'appuyant sur les faits et les hypothèses susceptibles de démonstration rationnelle. L'être de la vérité scientifique qui n'est ni chronique ni utopique est en interaction indéfectible avec l'histoire. Dans ce propos, la vérité scientifique est double: vérité mathématique relative aux sciences dites exactes et vérité philosophique, propre au domaine des sciences humaines, étant donné que la question philosophique est en perpétuel devenir. Des lors, mon option pour le respect de l'identité politique libanaise indépendante, pour l'abrogation de la constitution de 1926 toujours en vigueur et pour la réorganisation de la vie politique au Liban, est l'aboutissement logique et naturel de la nécessite d'observer une harmonie authentique entre la situation réelle et l'aspect légal de l'état. La crise au Liban, alimentée par des incohérences locales, est également ordonnée par des interférences extérieures; j'ajouterai que ce dernier facteur qui a projeté de prime abord l'éclatement des différences libanaises, présuppose comme but à atteindre, l'anéantissement de la valeur humaine que représente le Liban. L'humanité qui, actuellement, ressent la honte des génocides antérieurs, la ressentira ultérieurement du génocide libanais d'aujourd'hui<br>Lebanese constitution and its political spirit", thesis planned out in my anxiety to bring forth scientific truth pertaining thereto; truth, discarded from all that belongs to either hermeneutics or poetics, merely supported by facts and hypothesis susceptible of rational, conclusive proofs - within scientific truth that is nei- ther uchronic nor utopist, its essence is indefectibly interacted with history. Double is the meaning of "scientific truth" in connection with this subject : mathematical truth relevant from the so-called exact sciences, and philosophical truth belonging to the social sciences realm, since philosophy is in a constant state of development. So, my option for the recognition of the independant, political lebanese identity, for the abrogation of the 1926 constitution - still in force - and for the re-organi- sation of lebanon political life is, therefore, the logical and normal conclusion surged out of the necessity to accept an authentical harmony between a realistic situation and the legal aspect of the state. - the lebanese crisis, fed by local incoherency is, at the same time, manipulated by foreign interferences. I must add that, from the very start, this foreing handling of lebanese divergences, rapidly brought them to explosion, confirming, doubtlessly, that the annihilation of all of lebanon human value was the very aim to be attained. Humanity who, at present, is so deeply ashamed of past genocides will, later, feel its shame
6
au, Trenorden@iinet net, and Geoffrey Trenorden. "The Deakinite myth exposed : other accounts of constitution-makers, constitutions and citizenship." Murdoch University, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060502.151040.
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As argued throughout this thesis, in his personification of the federal story, if not immediately in his formulation of its paternity, Deakins unpublished memoirs anticipated the way that federation became codified in public memory. The long and tortuous process of federation was rendered intelligible by turning it into a narrative set around a series of key events. For coherence and dramatic momentum the narrative dwelt on the activities of, and words of, several notable figures. To explain the complex issues at stake it relied on memorable metaphors, images and descriptions.
Analyses of class, citizenship, or the industrial confrontations of the 1890s, are given little or no coverage in Deakinite accounts. Collectively, these accounts are told in the words of the victors, presented in the images of the victors, clothed in the prejudices and predilections of the victors, while the losers are largely excluded. Those who spoke out against or doubted the suitability of the constitution, for whatever reason, have largely been removed from the dominant accounts of constitution-making. More often than not they have been character assassinated or held up to public ridicule by Alfred Deakin, the master narrator of the Conventions and federation movement and by his latter-day disciples. Those who opposed Deakin I have labelled anti-Deakinites.
To anti-Deakinites, the journey to federation was characterised by compromises and concessions that reflected or produced a series of exclusions (of individuals, groups and ideas) from Deakinite stories of federation, often for reasons of political exigency. They acknowledge that compromises had to be made in bringing about federation. Men with a national viewpoint they believe, often acquiesced to states rights men whose primary interest was a good deal for their state or colony. Anti-Deakinites are critical of the heroes in Deakinite accounts (of the Ultra-Federalists) believing that these men would have federated any time after 1891 with an undemocratic and illiberal constitution.
Events that were to influence the course of Australian history took place during the 1880-90s. Yet the dominant accounts of constitution-making do not acknowledge the context within which the constitution was written. It is difficult denying that these must have influenced the Constitution-makers as they began their work in 1891. The central claim of my thesis is that many accounts of Australian constitution-making and federation have been selective in their descriptions of the events and the organisations and individuals involved, leading to the misrepresentation of these seminal episodes in Australian history. This misrepresentation has occurred as a consequence of the privileging of, what I label, the Deakinite account of constitution-making and federation over all others.
7
Trenorden, Geoff. "The Deakinite myth exposed : other accounts of constitution-makers, constitutions and citizenship /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060502.151040.
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8
Trenorden, Geoffrey. "The Deakinite myth exposed: other accounts of constitution-makers, constitutions and citizenship." Thesis, Trenorden, Geoffrey (2005) The Deakinite myth exposed: other accounts of constitution-makers, constitutions and citizenship. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2005. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/369/.
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As argued throughout this thesis, in his personification of the federal story, if not immediately in his formulation of its paternity, Deakin's unpublished memoirs anticipated the way that federation became codified in public memory. The long and tortuous process of federation was rendered intelligible by turning it into a narrative set around a series of key events. For coherence and dramatic momentum the narrative dwelt on the activities of, and words of, several notable figures. To explain the complex issues at stake it relied on memorable metaphors, images and descriptions.
Analyses of class, citizenship, or the industrial confrontations of the 1890s, are given little or no coverage in Deakinite accounts. Collectively, these accounts are told in the words of the victors, presented in the images of the victors, clothed in the prejudices and predilections of the victors, while the losers are largely excluded. Those who spoke out against or doubted the suitability of the constitution, for whatever reason, have largely been removed from the dominant accounts of constitution-making. More often than not they have been 'character assassinated' or held up to public ridicule by Alfred Deakin, the master narrator of the Conventions and federation movement and by his latter-day disciples. Those who opposed Deakin I have labelled anti-Deakinites.
To anti-Deakinites, the journey to federation was characterised by compromises and concessions that reflected or produced a series of exclusions (of individuals, groups and ideas) from Deakinite stories of federation, often for reasons of political exigency. They acknowledge that compromises had to be made in bringing about federation. Men with a national viewpoint they believe, often acquiesced to states' rights men whose primary interest was a good deal for their state or colony. Anti-Deakinites are critical of the heroes in Deakinite accounts (of the Ultra-Federalists) believing that these men would have federated any time after 1891 with an undemocratic and illiberal constitution.
Events that were to influence the course of Australian history took place during the 1880-90s. Yet the dominant accounts of constitution-making do not acknowledge the context within which the constitution was written. It is difficult denying that these must have influenced the Constitution-makers as they began their work in 1891. The central claim of my thesis is that many accounts of Australian constitution-making and federation have been selective in their descriptions of the events and the organisations and individuals involved, leading to the misrepresentation of these seminal episodes in Australian history. This misrepresentation has occurred as a consequence of the privileging of, what I label, the Deakinite account of constitution-making and federation over all others.
9
Trenorden, Geoffrey. "The Deakinite myth exposed: other accounts of constitution-makers, constitutions and citizenship." Trenorden, Geoffrey (2005) The Deakinite myth exposed: other accounts of constitution-makers, constitutions and citizenship. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2005. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/369/.
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As argued throughout this thesis, in his personification of the federal story, if not immediately in his formulation of its paternity, Deakin's unpublished memoirs anticipated the way that federation became codified in public memory. The long and tortuous process of federation was rendered intelligible by turning it into a narrative set around a series of key events. For coherence and dramatic momentum the narrative dwelt on the activities of, and words of, several notable figures. To explain the complex issues at stake it relied on memorable metaphors, images and descriptions.
Analyses of class, citizenship, or the industrial confrontations of the 1890s, are given little or no coverage in Deakinite accounts. Collectively, these accounts are told in the words of the victors, presented in the images of the victors, clothed in the prejudices and predilections of the victors, while the losers are largely excluded. Those who spoke out against or doubted the suitability of the constitution, for whatever reason, have largely been removed from the dominant accounts of constitution-making. More often than not they have been 'character assassinated' or held up to public ridicule by Alfred Deakin, the master narrator of the Conventions and federation movement and by his latter-day disciples. Those who opposed Deakin I have labelled anti-Deakinites.
To anti-Deakinites, the journey to federation was characterised by compromises and concessions that reflected or produced a series of exclusions (of individuals, groups and ideas) from Deakinite stories of federation, often for reasons of political exigency. They acknowledge that compromises had to be made in bringing about federation. Men with a national viewpoint they believe, often acquiesced to states' rights men whose primary interest was a good deal for their state or colony. Anti-Deakinites are critical of the heroes in Deakinite accounts (of the Ultra-Federalists) believing that these men would have federated any time after 1891 with an undemocratic and illiberal constitution.
Events that were to influence the course of Australian history took place during the 1880-90s. Yet the dominant accounts of constitution-making do not acknowledge the context within which the constitution was written. It is difficult denying that these must have influenced the Constitution-makers as they began their work in 1891. The central claim of my thesis is that many accounts of Australian constitution-making and federation have been selective in their descriptions of the events and the organisations and individuals involved, leading to the misrepresentation of these seminal episodes in Australian history. This misrepresentation has occurred as a consequence of the privileging of, what I label, the Deakinite account of constitution-making and federation over all others.
10
Cadinot, Clément. "Les Préambules des constitutions : approche comparative." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0340.
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Les préambules constitutionnels sont répandus à travers le monde, depuis le constitutionnalisme de la fin du XVIIIème. A ce jour, plus de deux constitutions sur trois dans le monde en sont précédées. Pourtant, leur nature suscite un faible intérêt pour la doctrine, voire même un rejet. Pourtant, l'intérêt que leur porte constituants contemporains et l'utilisation qui en est faite par les juges constitutionnels invalide cette position de principe. Il convient de s'attacher à la variété des préambules constitutionnels à travers le monde, en dégager des fonctions et comprendre leurs utilisations contentieuses (ce qui n'exclut nullement la possibilité que certaines juridictions constitutionnelles ne s'y réfèrent pas). A ces fins, une approche marco-comparative puis micro-comparative semblent nécessaires pour embrasser cet objet juridique rarement étudié de manière systématique<br>Constitutional Preambles are worldwide spread from the late 18st Century constitutionalism. And today, more than two to three constitutions are opened with such a Preamble. Yet, regarding to their particuliar nature, law studies dealing with them are quite rare, if not deny them. However, the certain onstituents'interest to them and their use by constitutional judges just disprove it. A broad and methodic study dealing with the wide range of Preambles shall be established in ordre to understand their functions and their judicial uses - though a jurisdiction can not use them. To that end, a broad - macro-comparativ - and then a micro-comparativ study must be done, since a systematic study on Preambles has not been done
11
Quilpatay, Mauricio. "Constellating ideas and beliefs in Pinochet’s Constitution Or how knowledge was put together in Chile’s antidemocratic constitution-making process." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29263.
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This thesis addresses the problem of how ideas and beliefs, or knowledge, are selected, articulated, and put together in constitution-making contexts. It does this by analysing the organising principles of the knowledge elaborated to make Pinochet’s 1980 Constitution. This constitution, still in effect, built a ‘protected’ democracy through its authoritarian and anti-democratic laws and institutions.
The research draws on Legitimation Code Theory (LCT) to enact a qualitative case study of the Proceedings of the Ortúzar Commission (1973–1978). Over 417 sessions, the commissioners invoked a variegated array of ideas and beliefs to discuss their constitution, from law to political and moral notions, religious doctrine, literary references, common sense opinions, and more. LCT’s Constellations was used to show how these variegated concepts were grouped together. Then, the organising principles of these concepts were analysed using LCT’s Specialization to reveal their underlying legitimation bases.
The thesis analysed the organising principles of the Commission’s justifications for writing of a new Constitution, of the Commission’s main sources and inspirations that structured their knowledge-building, and of how they put together all these variegated ideas and beliefs to construct their Constitution. These findings are a step toward a deeper understanding of the socio-political aspects of knowledge used to make constitutions. The thesis concludes that the authoritarian aspects of the 1980 Constitution cannot be reduced to its explicitly anti-democratic laws and political institutions. Rather, its anti-democratic and anti-political character underpins the entire constitution-making effort of this Constitution. In sum, the thesis explores and evidences the socio-political aspects of constitution-making processes.
12
Pratt, Emma Cerelia. "Georgia's 2010 Constitution." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306879598.
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Dussart, Marie-Laure. "Constitution et économie." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM1044.
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Wolf, Nicholas M. "Defending the Constitution." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626272.
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Seay, Stephen Heywood. "The transformation of the American Constitution." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/576.
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Guruswamy, Menaka. "Designing enduring constitutionalism : constitution-making in India, Pakistan and Nepal." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669800.
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Mdhluli, Lindiwe. "Bunguni : the Zulu constitution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385597.
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Jacquinot, Nathalie. "Ordre public et constitution." Aix-Marseille 3, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000AIX32056.
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L'ordre public est une notion fondamentale de notre systeme juridique, qui transcende les differentes branches du droit, mais elle en est aussi l'une des plus obscures. Cette recherche interdisciplinaire a pour objet de permettre de lui apporter un nouvel eclairage a partir de l'analyse des rapports qu'il entretient avec les normes constitutionnelles. Elle se divise en deux parties successivementconsacrees a la dimension constitutionnelle de l'ordre public et aux incidences des normes constitutionnelles sur l'ordre public. La premiere demontre, a partir des nombreuses correlations existant entre ordre public et constitution et de la mise en exergue d'un ordre public constitutionnel, l'existence de cette nouvelle dimension acquise par l'ordre public et etudie l'accueil et la place qui luisont reserves dans les jurisprudences administrative et judiciaire. La seconde s'attache a examiner le renforcement de l'ordre public induit par les normes constitutionnelles, qui se traduit par une consolidation de sa dualite fonctionnelle ; elle s'efforce egalement de dresser un tableau des transformations presentes ou futures de l'ordre public que peuvent ou que pourraient produire les normes constitutionnelles. De cette confrontation aux normes constitutionnelles l'ordre public en ressort alors comme en quelque sorte enrichi : il y gagne tout a la fois en clarte, en unite et en force.
19
Daups, Thierry. "L'idée de constitution européenne." Paris 10, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA100132.
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Depuis la seconde moitié du XXIème siècle, la recherche de la communication entre les états et entre les peuples de l’Europe (la constitution), s'est réalisée par le développement de la "charte constitutionnelle" que constituent les traites de la communauté européenne, la jurisprudence de la cour de justice et de la pratique constitutionnelle communautaire. La constitution européenne s'inscrit à la fois dans une conception non écrite de la constitution échappant a l'état et dans le cadre d'un fédéralisme non étatique, pour gérer les interdépendances européennes. Le système constitutionnel communautaire, fonde sur des bases constitutionnelles propres, forme un modèle constitutionnel de nature supranationale, distinct de celui de l'état fédéral, de la confédération et de l'organisation internationale. Véritable constitution sans état, ce modèle e adapte à la complexité géographique, historique, économique et politique de l’Europe communautaire, suppose une forme de démocratie parlementaire différente de celle des états et limite ses possibilités d'évolutions constitutionnelles que les communautés maitrisent concurremment aux états membres<br>Since the second half of the 20th century, the seek for communication between the states and between the peoples of Europe (the constitution), has been in process through the development, of the "constitutional charter" established with the treaties of European community, the sum of judicial decisions of the court of justice and the constitutional practice of the community. The European constitution is in keeping, at one and the at the same time, with an unwritten conceiving of the constitution escaping from the pair state constitution and within the general pattern of a federalism without state machine, with a view of administering the European interdependences. The European community constitutional system founded on its own constitutional basis, forms a constitutional pattern having a supranational nature, distinct from the one of the federal state, from the confederation and from the international organization
20
Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Slavery in the Constitution." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/740.
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Gutiérrez, Ramírez Luis-Miguel. "Justice transitionnelle et Constitution." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOU10015.
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La présente recherche propose une analyse spécifique de la justice transitionnelle au prisme du droit constitutionnel comparé afin d’étudier les rapports qu’entretiennent, d’un point de vue théorique et pratique, la justice transitionnelle et la Constitution. La justice transitionnelle est envisagée pour traiter des crimes perpétrés à l'occasion de conflits armés ou par des dictatures en établissant un régime juridique à la fois ad hoc, dérogatoire et d’application rétroactive. De nombreux mécanismes innovants et originaux, de nature tant judiciaire qu’extrajudiciaire, peuvent être mobilisés pour confronter ces crimes. Au regard des expériences de divers pays, il semblerait néanmoins que les réponses apportées par le droit à ces situations sont toujours insuffisantes et pourtant si nécessaires. Les rapports entre justice transitionnelle et Constitution n’ont pas été suffisamment étudiés par la doctrine et ne peuvent continuer à passer inaperçus. Ces deux notions interagissent de manière dynamique en exerçant une influence réciproque forte. D’une part, le pouvoir constituant, tant originaire que dérivé, constitutionnalise certains de ces mécanismes. De l’autre, l’exercice des pouvoirs publics et la garantie des droits fondamentaux encadrent de manière particulière la mise en place d’un processus de justice transitionnelle. Justice transitionnelle et Constitution sont ainsi intrinsèquement liées dans une relation de confrontation permanente qui oblige à réinterpréter certains principes fondamentaux du droit constitutionnel. Dans ce cadre, le rôle du juge constitutionnel devient principal pour encadrer ce processus mais aussi pour le freiner. La présente étude montre que la justice transitionnelle peut -et doit- garantir une sécurité juridique des situations qu’elle régule, à condition de respecter les garanties consacrées par la Constitution<br>This research proposes a specific analysis of transitional justice through the prism of comparative constitutional law in order to examine the theoretical and practical links between transitional justice and the Constitution. Transitional justice is envisaged to deal with crimes perpetrated in armed conflicts or under dictatorships by establishing a legal regime that is both ad hoc, derogatory and retroactive. Many innovate and original mechanisms, both judicial and extrajudicial, can be mobilized to confront these crimes. In view of the experiences of various countries, it would nevertheless appear that the responses provided by the law to these situations are still insufficient and yet so necessary. The relationship between transitional justice and the Constitution has not been sufficiently studied by the doctrine and cannot continue to go unnoticed. These two notions interact dynamically and have a striking reciprocal influence. On one hand, the constituent power, both original and derived, constitutionalizes some of these mechanisms. On the other hand, the exercise of public authorities and the guarantee of fundamental rights provide a special framework for the establishment of a transitional justice process. Transitional Justice and Constitution are intrinsically linked in a relationship of constant confrontation which requires the reinterpretation of certain fundamental principles of constitutional law. In this context, the role of the constitutional judge becomes the main one to frame this process and also to slow it down. The present study shows that transitional justice can and must guarantee legal certainty of the situations it regulates, provided that they respect the guarantees enshrined in the Constitution
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Gutiérrez, Ramírez Luis-Miguel. "Justice transitionnelle et Constitution." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOU10015.
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La présente recherche propose une analyse spécifique de la justice transitionnelle au prisme du droit constitutionnel comparé afin d’étudier les rapports qu’entretiennent, d’un point de vue théorique et pratique, la justice transitionnelle et la Constitution. La justice transitionnelle est envisagée pour traiter des crimes perpétrés à l'occasion de conflits armés ou par des dictatures en établissant un régime juridique à la fois ad hoc, dérogatoire et d’application rétroactive. De nombreux mécanismes innovants et originaux, de nature tant judiciaire qu’extrajudiciaire, peuvent être mobilisés pour confronter ces crimes. Au regard des expériences de divers pays, il semblerait néanmoins que les réponses apportées par le droit à ces situations sont toujours insuffisantes et pourtant si nécessaires. Les rapports entre justice transitionnelle et Constitution n’ont pas été suffisamment étudiés par la doctrine et ne peuvent continuer à passer inaperçus. Ces deux notions interagissent de manière dynamique en exerçant une influence réciproque forte. D’une part, le pouvoir constituant, tant originaire que dérivé, constitutionnalise certains de ces mécanismes. De l’autre, l’exercice des pouvoirs publics et la garantie des droits fondamentaux encadrent de manière particulière la mise en place d’un processus de justice transitionnelle. Justice transitionnelle et Constitution sont ainsi intrinsèquement liées dans une relation de confrontation permanente qui oblige à réinterpréter certains principes fondamentaux du droit constitutionnel. Dans ce cadre, le rôle du juge constitutionnel devient principal pour encadrer ce processus mais aussi pour le freiner. La présente étude montre que la justice transitionnelle peut -et doit- garantir une sécurité juridique des situations qu’elle régule, à condition de respecter les garanties consacrées par la Constitution<br>This research proposes a specific analysis of transitional justice through the prism of comparative constitutional law in order to examine the theoretical and practical links between transitional justice and the Constitution. Transitional justice is envisaged to deal with crimes perpetrated in armed conflicts or under dictatorships by establishing a legal regime that is both ad hoc, derogatory and retroactive. Many innovate and original mechanisms, both judicial and extrajudicial, can be mobilized to confront these crimes. In view of the experiences of various countries, it would nevertheless appear that the responses provided by the law to these situations are still insufficient and yet so necessary. The relationship between transitional justice and the Constitution has not been sufficiently studied by the doctrine and cannot continue to go unnoticed. These two notions interact dynamically and have a striking reciprocal influence. On one hand, the constituent power, both original and derived, constitutionalizes some of these mechanisms. On the other hand, the exercise of public authorities and the guarantee of fundamental rights provide a special framework for the establishment of a transitional justice process. Transitional Justice and Constitution are intrinsically linked in a relationship of constant confrontation which requires the reinterpretation of certain fundamental principles of constitutional law. In this context, the role of the constitutional judge becomes the main one to frame this process and also to slow it down. The present study shows that transitional justice can and must guarantee legal certainty of the situations it regulates, provided that they respect the guarantees enshrined in the Constitution
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Roques-Bonnet, Marie-Charlotte. "La Constitution et l'internet." Toulouse 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008TOU10061.
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Après les élections législatives et présidentielles de 2007, puis les élections cantonales et municipales de 2008, les pouvoirs publics l’ont bien compris : l’Internet est devenu l’un des supports de la démocratie. Blogs, forums, sondages, sites des candidats et des élus politiques font aujourd’hui de l’environnement numérique un espace d’expression publique. Dépassant l’enjeu électoral, le réseau modernise et réorganise les institutions de la République. Dématérialisée, désintermédiée, l’action administrative se restructure autour du citoyen- internaute, au risque de faire de la fracture numérique une fracture politique, sociale et démocratique. Révolution institutionnelle, l’Internet modifie aussi l’exercice de nos droits. Certes, l’espace numérique est un espace de droit comme les autres. Mais, plus que les autres, il rappelle les limites du bloc de constitutionnalité. En termes matériels d’abord : ne faut-il pas reconnaître un droit fondamental du développement numérique ? En termes normatifs ensuite : face à un réseau universel et interactif, le Conseil constitutionnel a révolutionné le contrôle de constitutionnalité, en le réorganisant en réseau avec la CJCE. Le droit du réseau ne procède donc plus seulement de la Constitution. La subsidiarité géographique (communautarisation des « lois de l’Internet ») et fonctionnelle (corégulation et gouvernance) a reconstruit la normativité du réseau « en dehors » de la compétence légitime de nos représentants, c'est-à-dire « en dehors » de la République. Pourtant, face au réseau, la suprématie de la Constitution sort renforcée : le droit subsidiaire n’existe que dans les limites de l’ « identité constitutionnelle de la France »<br>Original success of the 2007 and 2008 French elections, the webcampain tends to become part of our democracy. From blogging to debating on line, from getting informed to building a virtual political project, French politicians keep on encouraging a lasting political and institutional change. As much as public action seems to be transformed : French administration reorganise, aiming at efficiency and citizens’ satisfaction on line. Therefore, digital discrimination could also lead to a political, social and democratic discrimination. Besides, the web turns out to be a new challenge for our rights. No doubt, on line, constitutional rights have the same normative value than “out line”. But, more than ever, the digital revolution reminds us of the limits of fundamental rights and constitutional justice. Two points are particularly relevant. First, the web could carry out a new generation of human rights, defining and guaranteeing digital development. Secondly, facing a universal and interactive net, the French Conseil constitutionnel has already overcome “constitutional frontiers” to promote a revolutionary shared control with ECJ. Eventually, normative action is fleeing from Republican institutions to coregulation and governance authorities, on one side, and EU institutions, on the other. Built “outside” our legitimate elected representatives’ action, this functional and geographical subsidiarity affects Republican system. However, it enhances Constitution’s supremacy : subsidiarity owe to comply with the rules and principles defining « French constitutional identity »
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Gardères, Nicolas. "Les origines et modèles de la Constitution russe de 1993." Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D003.
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L’objet de cette thèse est de replacer la Constitution de la Fédération de Russie, adoptée par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, dans ses différents contextes de production. En effet, ce texte juridique est à la fois le produit d’une Histoire courte et d’une Histoire longue, d’un conflit intra-élite et d’une somme de représentations héritées des périodes précédentes et reconstruites à la fin des années 80 et au début des années 90. Ainsi, il ne semblait pas suffisamment pertinent de limiter notre étude au processus rédactionnel proprement dit, entamé à l’été 1990. Nous avons pris le parti de tenter de reconstituer ce que pouvait être l’« épistémè », les représentations politico-juridiques, des acteurs ayant joué un rôle décisif dans la discussion de la Constitution. Ce parti nécessitait de retracer les occurrences les plus significatives de l’Histoire du droit et des institutions en Russie tsariste et en Union Soviétique. Cette démarche fait l’objet de la première partie de la Thèse, « La Péréstroïka comme réceptacle, révolution et modèle ». Il ressort de l’analyse que malgré la présence de traditions intellectuelles libérales et d’institutions proto-parlementaires, la tradition dominante, et acceptée comme telle par les rédacteurs de la Constitution russe, est largement antijuridique et autoritaire. C’est dans ce contexte que les acteurs de la Ière République russe ont cherché à puiser dans les modèles étrangers (américain et français en particulier) et les modèles théoriques du Droit constitutionnel (régime parlementaire et régime présidentiel) pour créer le nouvel agencement institutionnel. La seconde partie de la thèse, « Le processus de rédaction de la Constitution de 1993 », porte sur l’Histoire courte, c’est-à-dire sur les années 1990-1993 qui ont vu s’affronter deux camps, tant sur le plan politique que constitutionnel. Le camp du Congrès des députés du peuple emmené par son Président Rouslan Khasboulatov défendait un projet permettant d’assurer la domination du Parlement, alors que le camp du Président de la Fédération, emmené par Boris Eltsine, cherchait à imposer un projet assurant à la présidence une position dominante. De part et d’autre, les modèles empiriques et théoriques du Droit constitutionnel furent instrumentalisés et largement trahis. Entre ces deux camps, la Commission constitutionnelle crée au sein du Congrès des députés du peuple cherchait, à travers ses différents projets, à trouver un agencement équilibré nourri des expériences étrangères et de la science du Droit constitutionnel. Le camp de la présidence réussit finalement à faire prévaloir ses vues, dans le cadre d’une Conférence constitutionnelle organisée en juin 1993, mais surtout par sa victoire politique sur le camp du Congrès suite à la crise d’octobre 1993. Le texte adopté par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, très favorable à la Présidence, peut être considéré comme l’héritier de ce conflit, mais également en partie comme l’héritier des traditions politiques russes et soviétiques<br>The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the Constitution of the Russian Federation passed by referendum on 12 December 1993, in its various contexts of production. Indeed, this legal text is both the result of a short history and of a long history, of an intra-elite conflict and of an amount of representations, inherited from the past and rebuilt at the end of the 80’s and at the beginning of the 90’s. We chose to attempt to reconstruct what has been the « épistémè », the legal and political representations of the key actors of the constitutional discussions. This choice made it necessary to recount the most significant facts and conceptions of the legal and institutional history of Tsarist Russia and Soviet Union. This approach is found in the first part of this dissertation, « Perestroika as a recipient, a revolution and a model ». It appears that despite the existence of liberal traditions and proto-parliamentary institutions, the dominant tradition, granted as such by the drafters of the Russian Constitution, is basically anti-juridical and authoritarian. It is in this context that the actors of the first Russian Republic tried to use foreign patterns (mostly American and French) and the theoretical patterns of Constitutional law (parliamentary regime and presidential regime) in order to create the new institutional design. The second part of the dissertation, « The redaction process of the Constitution of 1993 », deals with short history, that is years the 1990-1993 during which two sides challenged each other, both on a political and on constitutional grounds. The side of the Congress of People’s Deputies led by its President, Ruslan Khasbulatov, promoted a project of Parliament domination, while the side of the President of the Federation promoted a project of President domination. On both sides, empirical and theoretical patterns of constitutional law were exploited and their true meanings betrayed. Between these two sides, the Constitutional Commission created by the Congress of People’s Deputies, through its several drafts, tried to find a balanced design on the basis of foreign patterns and of the science of constitutional law. Finally, on the side of the President there was success in making its conceptions prevail, within a Constitutional Conference organized in June 1993, but mainly through its political victory of October 1993. The text passed on 12 December 1993, very much in favor of the Presidency, can be considered as the heir of this conflict, but as well partly as the heir of Russian and Soviet political traditions
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Evangelides, Petros. "The Republic of Cyprus and its Constitution with special regard to the constitutional rights /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 1996. http://www.ub.unibe.ch/content/bibliotheken_sammlungen/sondersammlungen/dissen_bestellformular/index_ger.html.
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Tremblay, Luc B. "The cement of constitution : the rule of law; an essay in Canadian constitutional theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334837.
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Rubio, Patricio. "Cultural, social and economic rights in the Constitution corpus and Constitutional Court’s Case Law." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116539.
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This article deals with Cultural, Social and Economic Rights established in the Constitution and in Constitutional Case Law. So, after explaining its nature, state’s role according preservation and enforceability,relationship with other fundamental rights, among other key points, it isi ntended to answer, dealing with those rights, which of two scenarios have prevailed: internationalization of constitutional law or constitutionalization of international law.<br>El presente artículo versa sobre la presencia de los derechos económicos sociales y culturales (DESC) en la Constitución y en la jurisprudencia constitucional. Así, tras abordar su naturaleza, el rol estatal respecto de su preservación, su exigibilidad y su relación con otros derechos fundamentales, entre otros importantes aspectos, intenta responder si en el tratamiento de los DESC en nuestro país se ha producido una internacionalización del derecho constitucional o más bien una constitucionalización del derecho internacional.
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Robinson, Farin C. "Rand takes on the Constitution an objectivist perspective of the United States Constitution." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/504.
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Author and philosopher Ayn Rand has gathered a cult like following thanks to her bestselling novels We the Living, Anthem, The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrugged. Through Rand's fictional writings she illustrates the principles of her philosophy objectivism. Objectivism employs five principles; objective reality, reason, self -interest, capitalism and individualism as the truths that govern the philosophy. Objectivists believe that their self-reliant philosophy holds the key to all life's answers. This thesis examines the following question: what would the founder of objectivism Ayn Rand think about the U.S. Constitution? Sadly Ayn Rand passed away in 1982 and never expressed her full opinion on how she felt about the U.S. Constitution. However, using the five principles of the objectivist ideology, public interviews done with Ayn Rand during her life time, and the opinions expressed by Rand in her four fictional novels this thesis will deconstruct the U.S. Constitution and the Bill of Rights and then reconstruct them so that they concur with the objectivist philosophy. The purpose of this thesis is to inform readers of the objectivist philosophy and to highlight the differences and similarities between Ayn Rand's beliefs and the Founding Fathers through the Constitution.<br>B.A.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Oliva, Éric. "L'article 41 de la Constitution du 4 octobre 1958 : initiative législative et Constitution /." Paris : Aix-en-Provence : Economica ; Presses universitaires d'Aix-Marseille, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36696835d.
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Matakane, Gcina M. "The people shall govern: Constituent power and the South African Constitution." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5625.
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Magister Philosophiae - MPhil<br>The South African negotiations process, in the true spirit of classical liberalism, emphasised juridical continuity, legality, and gradual political change. But in spite of this and the fact that South Africa’s constitution-making process is acclaimed as the most successful negotiated revolution, it is generally recognised that there is incongruity between the promise and hope brought about by South Africa’s constitution-making process and the political and social crises that ensued after the advent of constitutional democracy in the country. I argue in this analysis that the South African constitutional discourse must undergo a fundamental shift by abandoning the normative regulation of the constituent power of the people in order to allow for the people to truly govern. The acknowledgement of the possibility of the unregulated exercise of constituent power through people-driven initiatives can mitigate the current malaise facing South Africa’s constitutional democracy.
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Mendes, Conrado Hübner. "Deliberative performance of constitutional courts." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5974.
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Political deliberation is a classic component of collective decision-making. It consists in forming one’s political position through the give-and-take of reasons in the search of, but not necessarily reaching, consensus. Participants of genuine deliberation are open to transform their preferences in the light of persuasive arguments. Constitutional theory has borrowed this notion in its effort to reconstruct a justificatory discourse for judicial review of legislation. Constitutional courts were ascribed the pivotal role of implementing fundamental rights in most contemporary democracies and called for a more sophisticated picture of democratic politics. One influential defence has claimed that courts are not only insulated from electoral competition in order to guarantee the pre-conditions of majoritarian politics, but are deliberative forums of a distinctive kind: they are better located for public reasongiving. This belief has remained, from the normative point of view, largely underelaborated. The thesis proposes a model of deliberative performance to fill that gap. This qualitative concept unfolds the institutional and ethical requirements for courts to be genuinely deliberative. Instead of taking a stand on the old dispute about which institution is more legitimate to have the “last word” on constitutional meaning, this research leaves this question suspended and systematizes the large range of variations that can exist in constitutional courts’ performances. Discussions about the potential roles of constitutional courts, in this perspective, become more sensitive to contexts and to their varying degrees of legitimacy. The thesis offers a comprehensive picture of what is at stake if a constitutional court plans to be truly deliberative. This picture comprises the virtues presupposed by an ethics of deliberation, the institutional devices that facilitate deliberation, the approach to constitutional reasoning that is more hospitable to deliberation and, finally, the political perception to grasp the limits of deliberation itself.
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Richey, Mason. "The retroactive constitution of the political domain from Hegel to the European Union constitution /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.
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Teuteberg, Salomé Marjanne. "A framework for constitutional settlements : an analysis of diverging interpretations of the South African Constitution." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96706.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa’s transition to democracy has been hailed as exemplary in the field of conflict resolution and constitution-making. The negotiated settlement was expected to serve as a consensual constitutional framework boding well for the newly democratic regime, but by 2014 evidence was accumulating of an emerging dissensus on the South African Constitution.
The literature on the South African transition does not anticipate this emerging constitutional dissensus, or address the possibility that the constitution meant different things to different stakeholders. While there was widespread endorsement of the ratification of the constitution, an apparent divergence has emerged about its meaning and what is stands for. Many studies addressed the process of constitutional negotiations and the outcome thereof, but few examine the meaning that the original negotiators invested into this outcome.
The study aimed to address whether this dissensus was present during the negotiating process (1990 - 1996), and whether the negotiators’ agreement on the formal text of the constitution obscures fundamentally diverging interpretations. The study is in the form of a qualitative, descriptive case study. This study created a novel conceptual framework within which to classify diverse interpretations. Perceptions of negotiated compromises in deeply divided societies were conceptualised in the form of Constitutional Contracts, Social Contracts and Benchmark Agreements. Original negotiators’ views and opinions were analysed in order to identify dispositions reconcilable with each of the concepts identified.
This framework proved significantly helpful in identifying whether the views of the negotiators were divergent – on several levels, differences between negotiators during the negotiating period came to the fore. It became evident from the findings that there were indeed present among the ranks of the negotiators of the South African Constitution diverging interpretations of this outcome.
It became clear that certain interpretations were more easily categorised than others: while being able to locate the views of some negotiators within the concepts of Constitutional Contract or Social Contract, identifying those views congruent with the Benchmark Agreement proved more difficult. Also, some negotiators’ views can be located within one, two or all of the categories. It became evident that while negotiators may be categorised within all three concepts of the framework, their opinions are not necessarily specific to the indicators of one single concept.
This study brought significant insight into several concepts, including the Social Contract in a changing society. The Social Contract is identifiable within a system that fosters process over institutions, with specific focus on the working of the electoral system. The Social Contract is vested in the political culture as opposed to in the written text, but the written text does facilitate these types of processes by entrenching mechanisms for ongoing negotiation and revision. However, while some of these mechanisms exist within the Constitution, it does not mean that they are effectively used. Characteristics associated with the Social Contract, such as flexibility and an inclusive process, tend to be associated with longer lasting constitutions. The question remains whether South Africans should be actively seeking to build a Social Contract, and whether a Constitutional Contract can evolve into a Social Contract.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika se oorgang na demokrasie word beskou as ‘n uitnemende voorbeeld in die veld van konflikoplossing en die skryf van grondwette. Daar is verwag dat die onderhandelde skikking sal dien as ‘n ooreengekome grondwetlike raamwerk vir die nuwe demokratiese regime, maar teen 2014 het bewyse begin akkumuleer van ‘n opkomende dissensus oor die grondwet.
Die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgang antisipeer nie hierdie ontluikende grondwetlike dissensus nie, en spreek nie die moontlikheid aan dat die grondwet verskillende dinge vir verskillende rolspelers beteken nie. Alhoewel daar wydverspreide onderskrywing van die bekragtiging van die grondwet was, het daar ‘n klaarblyklike verdeeldheid na vore gekom oor wat die grondwet beteken, en waarvoor dit staan. Die proses van onderhandeling, sowel as die uitkoms in die formaat van die grondwet, is deur baie studies aangespreek, maar min ondersoek die betekenis wat die oorspronklike onderhandelaars in die uitkoms belê het.
Dié studie is daarop gerig om ondersoek of hierdie onderliggende dissensus reeds tydens die onderhandelingsproses (1990 – 1996) teenwoordig was, en of die onderhandelaars se ooreenkoms oor die formele teks fundamenteel uiteenlopende interpretasies daarvan verberg. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe, beskrywende gevallestudie. ‘n Nuwe konseptuele raamwerk is ontwikkel waarbinne die diversiteit van opinie hieroor geklassifiseer kan word. Persepsies van onderhandelde kompromieë in diep verdeelde samelewings is gekonseptualiseer in die vorm van Grondwetlike Kontrakte, Sosiale Kontrakte en Maatstaf Ooreenkomste. Oorpsronklike onderhandelaars se standpunte en opinies is geanaliseer om gesindhede versoenbaar met elk van die konsepte te identifiseer.
Hierdie raamwerk was nuttig om te identifiseer of die menings van die onderhandelaars uiteenlopend was. Verskille op verskeie vlakke het tussen die onderhandelaars tydens die onderhandelingstydperk na vore gekom. Dit is duidelik dat daar wel uiteenlopende interpretasies van hierdie uitkoms teenwoordig was binne die geledere van die onderhandelaars.
Sekere interpretasies is makliker geklassifiseer as ander: die menings van sommige onderhandelaars kan as kongruent met die Grondwetlike Kontrak of die Sosiale Kontrak geidentifiseer word, maar dit was moeiliker om sienings ooreenstemmend met die Maatstaf Ooreenkoms te identifiseer. Sekere onderhandelaars se standpunte kan ook in een, twee of al drie kategorieë geplaas word. Dit het duidelik geword dat terwyl sekere onderhandelaars se opvattings binne al drie konsepte van die raamwerk geklassifiseer kan word, hul menings nie noodwendig spesifiek binne die aanwysers van 'n enkele konsep val nie.
Hierdie studie het beduidende insig in verskeie konsepte gebied, insluitend die Sosiale Kontrak in 'n veranderende samelewing. Die Sosiale Kontrak is identifiseerbaar binne 'n stelsel wat die belangrikheid van proses oor instellings beklemtoon. Die Sosiale Kontrak berus in politieke kultuur, maar die geskrewe gondwetlike reëls fasiliteer hierdie tipe van prosesse deur die vestiging van meganismes vir voortgesette onderhandeling en hersiening. Hierdie verskynsel is tipies meer duidelik sienbaar in die werking van verskillende kiesstelsels. Alhoewel hierdie meganismes kan bestaan binne ‘n grondwet, beteken dit nie dat hulle doeltreffend gebruik word nie. Eienskappe wat verband hou met die Sosiale Kontrak, soos buigsaamheid en 'n inklusiewe proses, is geneig om verband te hou met 'n duursame en standhoudende grondwet. Die vraag bly staan of Suid-Afrikaners aktief op soek moet wees na die bou van ‘n Sosiale Kontrak, en of 'n Konstitusionele Kontrak kan ontwikkel om ‘n Sosiale Kontrak te vorm.
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Stirbu, Diana Silvia. "The invisible constitution : the impact of devolution on UK constitutional dynamics - institutional developments in Wales." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.533920.
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Ally, Dave Ashley Vincent. "Constitutional exclusion under secton 35(5) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa." Pretoria [s.n.], 2009. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-01282010-133748/.
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Maswanganyi, Mfana Perceive. "Government's constitutional obligations to provide access to affordable medication under Section 27 of the Constitution." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/56979.
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Nixon, Amanda. "Tradition, the constitution and time /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arn736.pdf.
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Murray, William Lawrence. "Ways of reading the constitution /." This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03172010-020515/.
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Salt, Matthew Scott. "The constitution of the people." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3046.
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Once the exclusive expressions of the few, modern constitutions have long been a world prose genre. In Western intellectual, political and imperialist discourse the global present of constitutions represents a proliferation of superior practices and universal values born uniquely of European thought and culture. This thesis proposes that constitutions derive their universal truths and their powers not from this (a)historical centre, but in contingent relation to the beliefs, experiences, exigencies and aspirations of the cultures they address and form (as the People). Constitutions function in this respect as rhetorical argumentation. As culturally informed, constitutional history embodies a dynamic, contested and uneven space of relationships not explicated by a linear evolution. Thus, I propose an interwoven and unpredictably circulating world space of knowledge continually shifting its shape throughout the modern era. These propositions are explored through four constitutional texts. Chapter 2 is a genealogy of “the People” in the US Constitution(s), concentrating on the constitutional sanction of slavery, the abolition amendments and civil rights court cases. Chapter 3 elucidates the interrelationship between the declaration of enlightened autonomy in the 1827 Cherokee Constitution and the consequent re-writing of US constitutional law and history required to disguise avarice beneath moral superiority. Chapter 4 considers the constitutions of Vietnam and the creation of a national People as inseparable from struggles against external forces. Chapter 5, on the 2004 Interim Constitution of Iraq, examines the Western creation of an abstract “Iraqi People,” kept distinct from the divisions and aspirations of actual peoples. As read texts and as cultural objects constitutions exist in multitudinous, simultaneous, social, legal, political and intellectual realms of interpretation and perceived value. The interdisciplinary approach taken here is therefore essential and demanded. I conclude that the struggle of human communities has brought progress in world constitutionalism; power reluctantly accommodates the expectations of those that sustain it.
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Marrani, David. "Dynamics in the French Constitution." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.520054.
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Hindmarsh, J. A. "The interactional constitution of objects." Thesis, University of Surrey, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362590.
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Taylor, Robert Brett. "The political constitution no more?" Thesis, Durham University, 2013. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10677/.
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The British constitution has recently undergone some dramatic changes which, according to leading constitutional scholar Vernon Bogdanor, signals the demise of the 'old' political constitution and its replacement with a 'new' more legal constitution. The aim of thesis is to challenge the assertion that the British constitution is undergoing a fundamental transformation from a political to a legal constitution by conducting a thorough analysis of the extent to which the contemporary British constitution can still be said to resemble a political constitution. This will be achieved through an exhaustive examination of three key areas of the constitution: the Royal Prerogative; Constitutional Conventions; and the Human Rights Act 1998. In so doing, however, it is not the aim of this thesis to produce a simple either/or account of the British constitution, but instead to advance and provide evidence of a middle-ground between the two opposing schools of constitutionalism: complementary constitutionalism. It will be argued that both the legal and the political constitutions share many common characteristics and disagree with one another primarily, although not exclusively, on emphasis. No real world constitution, therefore, was or ever will be solely legal or solely political in character. A real world constitution is instead a complementary mixture of elements from both the legal and political schools which can be either primarily legal or primarily political in character. As a result, it will be shown that the British constitution, although undisputedly more legal, nevertheless remains primarily political.
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Murray, William L. "Ways of reading the constitution." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/41700.
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This thesis explores various approaches to constitutional interpretation, paying particular attention to the literalist approach to reading the Constitution set forth by W.W. Crosskey in Politics and the Constitution. Crosskey’s approach is compared to and contrasted with John Rohr’s intentionalist approach to reading the Constitution and the approach of judicial activism.
Drawing from literary theory, this thesis outlines Stanley Fish and Robert Scholes’ approaches to reading. Fish, like judicial activists, subordinates the text to the reader. Scholes, like Crosskey, argument for textual primacy. These literary critics mirror the debate in constitutional scholarship over where meaning lies: with the text or with the reader.
The debate over interpreting the Constitution adds to the tradition in public administration of normatively grounding the discipline in the Constitution. If this attempt at finding a normative grounding for public administration is to be successful, it must consider issues of interpretation.<br>Master of Public Administration
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Dreyfus, Sophie. "Constitution philosophique du délit politique." Paris 10, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA100110.
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Qu’est-ce qu’un acte politique du point de vue de l’Etat ? Nous avons analysé cette définition à travers un outil particulier : la distinction entre infractions politiques et «de droit commun» dans le domaine pénal français. La reconnaissance par les autorités du caractère politique d’une infraction a joué un rôle déterminant, pendant deux siècles, aussi bien en matière d’asile et d’extradition que pour ce qui relève du traitement pénitentiaire des condamnés. L’accès à ce statut suppose en outre une forme de reconnaissance symbolique, de la part des autorités politiques et judiciaires, des motivations de l’infracteur. Comment cette catégorie du "délit politique" s’est-elle construite ? Elle apparaît en contradiction avec les fondements de la pénalité contemporaine, hérités de la Révolution : conformément à une théorie moniste de la souveraineté et à la publicisation de la justice pénale, toute infraction revêt alors un caractère politique. Elle devient néanmoins une catégorie centrale dans la pensée pénale à partir des années 1820-30, jusque dans la dernière décennie, à rebours de l’évolution naturalisante des concepts criminologiques. Cette rupture avec la conception publiciste de l’infraction correspond à la production de l’espace politique moderne, qui repose sur la disjonction entre le public et le privé, ainsi que sur une définition du politique arrimée au schème de la représentation et exclusive du recours à la violence. Aujourd’hui, ce statut « politique » n’est plus reconnu, au moment où se développe le phénomène terroriste ; les outils juridiques permettant cette substitution étaient déjà présents au XIXe siècle, avec le concept de «crimes anti-sociaux»<br>How can one make a definition of a political act from the State point of view ? We have been analysing this definition by studying what a political infraction is, in French penal system. The fact that the authorities recognized the political feature of an infraction played a crucial role during the last two centuries : this applied to asylum and extradition as well as to convicts’ penitentiary treatment. By raising this status the convict was getting a kind of symbolic legitimacy from political and law authorities. How has this political convict’s status been developed ? It seems to be at variance with the contemporary penal law fondations, inherited from the French Revolution : according to the theory of absolute sovereignty and to the justice becoming completely public, any infraction has a political feature. Nevertheless, this status has become a main subject in thinking over penalty since 1820-30 and until the last ten years, which comes against the development of criminology concepts. This breaking with the public definition of an infraction agrees with the building of the modern political «space» : the latest lays on the disjunction between the « public » and the « private », as well as on a definition of politics, linked to the notion of representation and excluding resort to violence. Nowadays, this «political» status seems to be out-of-date, while terrorism is emerging. The legal tools allowing this substitution were already available in the XIXth century, especially through the concept of «anti-social crimes»
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Brikci, Tani Farid. "La Constitution sociale de l'Algérie." Rouen, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998ROUEL306.
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La constitution sociale de l'Algérie est l’étude qui demontre le grand décalage qui existe entre la théorie et la pratique d'un pays qui ne cesse de proclamer dans les textes ce qu'il n'a jamais pu réaliser dans la vie de son peuple. Le sujet est un essai de définition de cette constitution par son objet et par ses bases. D'une part, pour démontrer le lien qui existe entre les gouvernants et les gouvernés; et d'autre part, pour délimiter l'espace des droits et devoirs de chacun<br>The algerian social constitution is the study which shows the great gap between theory and practice in a country which keeps proclaiming in its official documents what it was never able to active in its peoples life. The subject is an attempt to define this constitution in its object and its principles. On the one hand to reveal the link between the authorities and the governed, and on the other hand to appreciate the scope of everyone's rights and duties
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Juan, Vivian 1959. "Tohono O'odham constitution in transition." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291939.
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This thesis attempts to determine what local and national issues between 1937 and 1986 influenced the Tohono O'odham decision to revise their constitution. The Tohono O'odham Nation is still in a transitional phase of constitutional revision. Thesis suggests a number of factors that hinder the smooth transition of the revisions into the 1986 revised constitution. Such factors include the fact that there seems to be an unequal distribution of power among the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial branches allowing too much power to reside in the Legislative branch of the government, and continues to instill political weight in the Legislative council even after the pre 1986 tribal council. Two recommendations are offered for future consideration of the revisions in the present constitution. They are, (1) to create a more representative constitutional review committee that includes tribal elders, and (2) an equal distribution of power in the three branch form of government.
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Lilyblad, Christopher Marc. "The constitution of illicit orders." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b384b742-f218-4e10-8674-647d4cbb59d5.
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Within the context of a modern globalizing world, this thesis investigates governance in fragile areas where unconsolidated territorial-sovereign statehood offers niches for 'illicit' forms of social order to develop. Through recursive theoretical and empirical research rooted in the 'abductive' method of Pragmatism, the analysis has three overarching objectives: First, it offers a different conceptual approach by moving away from negative categorization of the phenomena, e.g. failed states, ungoverned spaces, limited statehood etc., towards a positive conceptualization, i.e. illicit orders. By casting off the legal-rational, sovereign-territorial lens, the pursuant conceptual reconfiguration of territory, authority, and institutions recognizes and more directly conveys the existence of local social organization apart from the modern state via the agency of social groups acting in violation of domestic and/or international legal norms, rules, and institutions. Second, it seeks to explain the constitution of 'illicit orders' by offering a sociologically-cognizant analytical framework capable of elucidating the 'micro' processes inherent to governance in territories where state institutions remain nominal and ineffective. Based on insights from theoretically-informed empirical fieldwork in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil's favelas, I maintain that inter-subjective relations of authority can be produced when a given actor asserts predominance in three co-constitutive domains; namely, organized violence, socioeconomic security, and social legitimacy. Resultant authority then gives rise to the 'structuration' of norms, rules, and institutions, which also recursively reinforces the institutionalization of authority - a process inherent to the constitution of social order in these circumscribed territories. Third, it provides an understanding of how inherently local 'illicit orders' at once form part of a diffuse mosaic of social, political, and economic structures that collectively constitute 'global society', while simultaneously existing in dramatic juxtaposition to the Western-led 'international order' of states within it. Such an understanding purports to further challenge 'neoutilitarian' and 'macro-structural' theoretical approaches predominant in contemporary International Relations discourses.
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Samuelsson, Jacob. "Article 9 and the Japanese Constitution : How did Japan change its constitution without amending it?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-77593.
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The purpose of the essay is to evaluate how the early years of the post-war political system laid the foundation for the amendment process. This turned out to be because of early adoption of a policy direction coupled with institutional memory let these decisions cement themselves as the de facto policy for Japan. Using path dependency by Paul Pierson the reasons for this could be analyzed using four analytical pointers that could explain the normative growth of certain ideas. History is not a straight line and the early decision making have long term effects implying that current day political discourse can have its roots decades back in time. Japans political group chose stability over national pride. Article 9 wasn’t amended because the people did not want to jeopardize their ticket to peace and prosperity. Japan chose economic recovery over military buildup and practiced a policy of non-aggression and sealed themselves off under the US security umbrella. Conservative politicians have hollowed out Article 9 by expanding the military over time. The original reasoning for upholding Article 9 no longer stand and the reasons for not amending it, while still prevalent, do not exist anymore.
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Fisseha, Yonatan Tesfaye. "Who interprets the constitution: A descriptive and normative discourse on the Ethiopian approach to constitutional review." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This study explored the process of constitutional interpretation and constitutional review in Ethiopia and determined the role of the courts. It examined the different suggestions made by different authors and officials regarding the respective role and function of the courts and the House of Federation in interpreting the constitution and exercising the power of constitutional review. It also seeked to inquire the counter-majoritarian problem which focused on the relationship between judicial review and democracy. The thesis also inquired into the legitimacy of the Ethiopian approach to constitutional review. In this regard it seeked to determine whether the approach represents and adequate response to the counter-majoritarian problem. It also seeked to determine whether Ethiopia has adopted an institution that is well suited, competent and impartial to discharge the task of constitutional interpretation and constitutional review.
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Dabed, Dabed Eduardo Emilio. "A constitution for a non-state : the false hopes of the Palestinian Constitutional Process 1988-2007." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1117.
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La littérature académique sur la Palestine depuis les « Accords d'Oslo » a substantiellement avancé notre compréhension des aspects sociaux, politiques et économiques à leur sujet. Néanmoins, un examen en profondeur des structures juridiques qu'Oslo a créées et de leur rôle, et leur impact social et politique reste encore nécessaire. Cette étude se propose de contribuer à cette fin, en se concentrant sur le processus constitutionnel et de construction institutionnelle en Palestine depuis Oslo. Cette recherche essaie de répondre à certaines questions fondamentales soulevées par ce processus : D'abord, en ce qui concerne la rédaction constitutionnelle palestinienne elle-même : comment les forces politiques palestiniennes ont-elles (ou n'ont-elles pas) négocié et se sont-elles entendues (ou non) sur la rédaction et l'approbation de la Loi Fondamentale de 1997 et sur ses modifications ultérieures ? Qui étaient les principaux acteurs de ce processus, et comment leurs propres positions et objectifs politiques ont-ils influencé le processus constituant ? Quels ont été les principaux déterminants sociaux, politiques et juridiques du processus constitutionnel dans chacune de ses étapes ? Dans un second temps, ce travail s'intéresse à l'impact que les structures juridiques, les pratiques et les discours légaux ont eu sur la société palestinienne : quel rôle a joué le droit dans les transformations sociales et politiques ayant lieu dans les territoires palestiniens occupés après Oslo ?<br>Most studies about the “Oslo process” have done much to advance our understanding of the social, political and economic aspects of the agreements. Nevertheless, a deep consideration of the legal structures that “Oslo” created, their role and socio-political impact has not yet been sufficiently addressed. This work intends to contribute to this end by focusing on the constitutional-institutional developments in Palestine during Oslo. This study intends to suggest answers to some fundamental questions regarding the constitutional process – defined as both legal text and practices – in Palestine: First, regarding the Palestinian constitutional drafting itself, how did (or did not) Palestinian and external political forces negotiate and agree on the drafting and approval of the Basic Law of 1997 and on its subsequent amendments? Who were the main actors in this process and how did their own political positions and objectives influence it? What were the main social, political and juridical determinants of the constitutional process in each of its stages? Second, this study looks at the impact that legal structures, practices and discourse had in the Palestinian social and political space: i.e. did law have a role or influence in the social and political transformations that took place in the occupied Palestinian Territory after Oslo? What were the main social, political and symbolic structures, relations, categories, and representations which were transformed or redefined and the orientations of the new definitions?