Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Congresses, Internat., 1889”

Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the main activities of the Indian National Congress (INC) during the reign of Viceroy Lansdowne. During this period, the main objects of the Congress were official recognition by the colonial administration and the expansion of propaganda work in Britain. But Congress also had several internal problems, such as an undeveloped organizational structure and controversies over unresolved social problems in India. Methods and materials. Based on reports on the annual sessions of the INC and the Indian and British press, the article examines the main problems of the development of the INC in 1888– 1894, the reasons for the increased activity of the Congress in England and the process of the emergence of the Congress’ branches in London and the Indian Parliamentary Committee, and the peculiarities of the relationship between Congress and the colonial administration. Analysis. The Viceroy’s views on Congress and their differences from the previous course of the Indian government are analyzed. The specifics of the activities of the INC in Great Britain are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the parliamentary work of the Congress. The reasons for the intensification of internal contradictions in the INC in the early 1890s are investigated. Results. It is concluded that Viceroy Lansdowne’s refusal to abandon the repressive policy towards the Congress contributed to the progressive development of the Congress, which manifested itself in the revitalization of its activities in Great Britain. However, the development was accompanied by the strengthening of internal organizational contradictions and the beginning of the formation of a Congress’ radical wing.

Naar de Oranjegezinde grondleggers van de Vlaamse beweging is in de literatuur al heel wat aandacht gegaan. Maar wegens het gebrek aan een monografie over het orangisme, kon deze groep niet in een breder kader worden geplaatst. Dank zij de publicatie van een dergelijke studie is dat nu wel mogelijk. Er blijkt uit dat de taalminnaren maar het zwakke broertje zijn van een beweging die ettelijke duizenden opposanten telt. Numeriek en politiek stellen ze niet veel voor en noch aan de contrarevoluties noch aan de harde oppositiebeweging in de pers dragen ze veel bij. Als literair bedrijvigen zitten ze gekneld tussen hun loyaliteit aan koning Willem I en het regime waarvan ze tot de revolutie van 1830 veel steun kregen, hun bekommernis om ook na 1830 hun baan te behouden en hun wens om in het Nederlands te blijven publiceren, ook nu die taal niet langer een officieel statuut heeft. Deze spagaat leidt bij de meesten tot een pragmatisch binnenkamersorangisme, waarna ze, met Jan Frans Willems op kop, de Belgische regering van Leopold I opzoeken, met interne conflicten, verzet vanwege de orangistische beweging maar ook met een heropbloei van de literaire bedrijvigheid tot gevolg. Pas als het aftakelingsproces van het politieke orangisme zich na 1839 heeft ingezet, worden de contacten met de orangisten weer opgenomen en ondersteunen de onverzettelijken onder hen de oppositiebeweging van de flaminganten. Dat gebeurt zowel in Gent als in Antwerpen. Samen evolueren ze vervolgens in de richting van een heimweecultus. De orangistische taalminnaren doen echter al van voor 1839 inspanningen om de banden met het noorden aan te halen. Ze blijven er in de jaren 1840 voor ijveren en de eerste Congressen van 1849-1850 zetten de kroon op hun werk, waardoor ze in grote mate bijdragen aan de taalculturele samenwerking die zich sindsdiens en tot op de dag van vandaag tussen Vlaanderen en Nederland ontwikkelde.________How Orangist were the (Dutch) ‘language lovers’?The literature has already paid a lot of attention to the Orangist founding fathers of the Flemish movement. Because no monograph was available about Orangism, this group could not be placed in a wider context. However, this is now possible due to the publication of such a study. The study demonstrates that the ‘language lovers’ were only the poor relatives of a movement, which consisted of several thousands of opponents. They did not amount to much in numbers nor in politics and neither did they contribute much to counterrevolutions or a strong opposition movement in the press. As people active in literature they were caught between their loyalty to King William I and the regime from which they received a lot of support until the revolution of 1830 on the one hand and their concern to keep their jobs also after 1830 and their wish to be able to continue to publish in Dutch, even when this language now longer had an official status, on the other hand. This yawning gap induced most of them to a pragmatic private Orangism that led them under the leadership of Jan Frans Willems to look to the Belgian government of Leopold I to deal with internal conflicts and resistance from the Orangist movement, but which also led to a revival of literary activities. It was only after the decline of the political Orangist movement had begun after 1839 that they renewed their contacts with the Orangists and then the most intransigent amongst them supported the Flemish opposition movement. This occurred both in Ghent and in Antwerp. Together they then evolved into a nostalgia cult. The Orangist ‘language lovers’, however, had already attempted before 1839 to develop closer ties to the North. They continued to fight for this during the 1840’s and the first Congresses of 1849-1850 became their crowning glory, allowing them to make a major contribution to the lingo-cultural cooperation, which has developed since then between Flanders and the Netherlands.

The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes ?Jugoslavia? (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge ?Jugoslavia? maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919-34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934-39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869-1939), Stanoje Mihajlovic (1882-1946), Vladimir Corovic (1885-1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895-1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY?s grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlovic?s three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933-39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Corovic and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939-40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described.

The famous sixteenth-century illustrated manuscript Historia by Fray Diego Durán is an extensive account of Aztec/Mexica history and rites, and a description of the Aztec calendar. Although the exact date of completion is unknown, there are two internal dates in the text (1579 and 1581) which have been used to date the original document. Durán's account was recopied by Mexican scholar José F. Ramírez in 1854 and a two volume printed version with the title Historia de Nueva España y Yslas de Tierra Firme was published in Mexico between 1867 and 1880. Recently a manuscript copy of Durán's text, transcribed in the 1840s, was rediscovered at the Library of Congress containing the following title and description:Historia antigua de la Nueva España con noticias de los ritos y costumbres de los Yndios y esplicacion del calendario mexicano por Fray Diego Durán, Escrita en el año de 1585. [Peter Force Papers, Series VIII C (Hispanic Collection), Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington].

After obtaining autonomy from the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1831, the Serbian Orthodox Church gradually established and strenghtened its position by means of constitutions and laws of the Principality of Serbia which were passed in the course of the XIX century. The established status of an official state church implied considerable priviledges but also the readiness to accept potential candidates designated by the Prince or the Government for the highest hierarch positions as well as the state’s control over practically all segments of religious life. This relationship in which provisions of the Canon Law were frequently ignored, forged a kind of partnership enabling the state to strenghten its economy and democratic institutions while at the same time providing the church with an opportunity to improve its internal organization, the quality of candidates entering priesthood and to create favourable conditions for its spiritual mission. The dissatisfaction with the Russian politics after the Congress of Berlin and the shift towards a new foreign policy relying heavily on the support of Austria-Hungary, soon took toll on the relations between Prince Milan and Metropolitan Mihailo who was a notorious Russophile and a fervent advocate of the Pan-Slavic solidarity. Dissatisfied with the Metropolitan’s activities in Bosnia, the new ally demanded that the Prince remove the dangerous opponent which proved to be a daunting task, due to the Metropolitan’s popularity and his demonstrated leadership skills. In 1881, under the pretext that the Church opposed the Tax law, the Prince’s Government, led by the Progressive Political Party first removed Metropolitan Mihailo which was followed by the removal of all other remaining disobedient Episcopes in 1883. The 1882 amendments to the Law on Church Authorities of the Eastern Orthodox Religion which resulted in changes of the composition of the Assembly of Bishops and included more lay people in the body tasked with the election of the Metropolitan, represented a genuine coup against the Church unprecedented in its centuries long history and practically annulled the canonical order governing the life and functioning of the Orthodox Churches. Having elected the new Metropolitan and Episcopes, the Government led by the Progressive Party established such an organization of the Church which was utterly dependent on the will of the state and the balance of powers on the Serbia’s political scene. The altered political circumstances brought about by King Milan’s abdication and normalization of relations with the Radical Party, enabled Metropolitan Mihailo’s return and reestablishment of previous order in the Church. The ancient Canons, which were ignored at one point in history, proved their vitality, but these events were also convenient for the growing middle class to send a clear message to the Church that the old times of harmonized activity were gone and that the new forces were taking over the public and state affairs.

The Revolution of 1848-1849 in Hungary was a serious challenge to the entire European order established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 as the result of the Napoleon wars. The unfavorable outcome of the revolution was first of all a result of the lack of interest of the major European powers (Russia including) in destroying the Habsburg monarchy, which was a guarantor of stability on the continent due to its middle position in Europe. The main lesson of the events in the Habsburgs monarchy (including Hungary) in 1848-1849 is seen in the fact that for the first time in the European history, they showed so clearly the destructive power of nationalism. The mismatch of the goals of the national movements with their specific programs led to the sharp collisions. Later this experience was taken into consideration by the ideologues of the national movements of various peoples of the Danube region. This report not only evaluates the international significance of the Hungarian revolution of 1848-1849 in a retrospective after 170 years and assesses its place in the Hungarian historical memory. An attempt is made to dispel some stereotypes concerning the policy of the Russian Empire in the region. It is established that its non-interference in the internal affairs of the neighboring empire was of a fundamental nature due to the fear of creating a new “European question”. The choice in favor of the military action was made only after long hesitations for the fear of the collapse of the Habsburg Empire.

Congressional scholars have a unique opportunity to reconnect the histories of American state and society, a task central to the new generation of political historians. As MarkLeff (1995:852) recently argued, social and political historians have come to realize that they “ignored the other at their peril” and that “interaction was the only way to interrogate power—how it was structured and changed, where it was contested, how it was exerted, what its impact was, and what assumptions shaped the discourse that framed it” (see also Gillon 1997).To accomplish the challenge of integrating social and political history, congressional historians will have to examine how the institution’s development related to external forces. Much of what has been written about Congress thus far remains insular.A handful of books published in the past two decades suggest how integration can be accomplished. In Sectionalism and American Political Development 1880–1980, Richard Bensel (1984) situates the internal development of Congress within the larger context of sectional tensions between the “industrial northern core” and the “underdeveloped southern and western periphery.” He pays close attention to key policy decisions and the ongoing struggle between decentralized committee and centralized partisan power to show the influence of sectionalism.

Abstract51 years after its founding in 1882, the "Congress for Internal Medicine", 1920 renamed "German Society for Internal Medicine (DGIM)", fell into heavy water. While during the Kaiserreich and the Weimar Republic the medical care for the individual patient had never been seriously questioned, the proclaimed “Third Reich” brought fundamental changes. The 1164 male and 13 female physicians, who had been organized in the DGIM 1933, had to position themselves in the Nazi dictatorship. The same applied for the society as a whole.The behavior of the German Society of Internal Medicine during the Nazi period is disenchanting. The society completely subordinated to the Nazi regime. The scientific program of the meetings was oriented to the ideological interests of the regime. Solidarity with nazi-persecuted people is only apparent in rare cases. On the contrary, even DGIM chairmen were involved in expulsions and NS-medical crimes. Cautious criticism was limited to a few areas, such as the “Neue Deutsche Heilkunde” (“New German Healing”) and the study conditions at the universities. Only individual DGIM members developed oppositional behavior on the basis of personal conviction.In accordance with the more recent research on the Nazi era, these results both clarify and broaden the picture of scientific organizations in general and medical societies in particular.

In response to “environmental streamlining” legislation passed by the U.S. Congress as part of the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century, Florida has undertaken efforts to implement more efficient transportation planning and environmental review. These efforts have led to the development of the Efficient Transportation Decision-Making Process (ETDM Process), which redefines how Florida will accomplish planning and project development. A rather unique aspect of Florida’s streamlining approach is the integration of information technology as a vital foundation for the process. The development of Florida’s ETDM Process is described and evaluated, focusing on the information technology component. This component was developed as an interactive Internet-accessible geographic information system database. It integrates resource and project data from multiple sources into one standard format, provides quick and standardized analysis of the effects of the proposed projects on the human and natural environment, and supports the effective communication of results among all stakeholders, including the public. The use of technology is expected to reduce the cost of agency participation in the process and produce better, timely transportation decisions that reflect the proper balance among land use, mobility, and environment. Main topics include application design and development methodology, its integration in the ETDM Process, and how it has been received by the user community to date. Its benefits are evaluated, and recommendations for developing integrated technologies in support of streamlining efforts are provided.

At the first International Congress of Physiologists in Basel, Switzerland, the Italian physiologist Angelo Mosso (1846–1910) discussed his findings on muscular fatigue while demonstrating the functioning of an ergograph (work recorder). One hundred sixteen years later, Mosso's career, scientific accomplishments, and legacy in the study of muscular fatigue were commemorated at the 2005 International Congress of Physiological Sciences. After receiving his degree in Medicine and Surgery from Turin, Italy, in 1870, Mosso was able to study and interact with renowned physiologists as Wilhelm Ludwig, Du Bois-Reymond, Hugo Kronecker, and Etienne Marey. By 1879, he was Professor of Physiology at the University in Turin, where he conducted research pertaining to blood circulation, respiration, physical education, high-altitude physiology, and muscular fatigue. Using tracings from the ergograph (concentric contractions of the flexor muscles of the middle finger that were volitionally or electrically stimulated), he was able to characterize muscle fatigue and to associate its occurrence with central or peripheral influences. He demonstrated that exercise would increase muscular strength and endurance while prolonging the occurrence of fatigue, which he postulated was a chemical process that involved the production of toxic substances such as carbonic acid. The phenomenon of contracture was described, and his collective studies led to the formulation of laws pertaining to exhaustion and to the 1891 publication of La Fatica (Fatigue). Besides La Fatica, Mosso will be remembered as a scientist with a love for physiology, a concern for the social welfare of his countrymen, and as one who sought to integrate physiological, philosophical, and psychological concepts in his experimental studies.

The imposition of official state ideology (Marxism-Leninism) is characteristic for Ukrainian and Romanian theoretical linguistics of the middle and second half of the 20th century. It was the leading methodology for solving the problems of nature and essence of the human language. With its help, it was possible to study internal structure of the linguistic system and use linguistic research methods, which are the subject of general linguistics. Issues that are related to the problems of ideology and specific linguistics (Ukrainization, Russification, Romanization, Magyarization, etc.) are not considered and addressed. The subject of research is the penetration of official state ideology into linguistic questions about the nature and essence of language, its reflection in the methods of linguistic research. In Ukrainian Soviet theoretical linguistics of the 1930–1940s, Marism was officially propagated as a proletarian ideology directed against bourgeois comparative studies. Some Ukrainian linguists, following Ivan Meshchaninov (which then was the official head of Soviet linguistics), used the name Marr as a “shield”. They started with quoting Marr in their own works, but that did not affect much the language material investigation (for example, Academician Mykhailo Kalynovych (1888-1949) and others). After appearance of Stalin’s work “Marxism and Problems of Linguistics” (1950), well-known quotes from this work occured widely in Ukrainian and Romanian theoretical linguistics. They were about the class nature of the language, developed the ideas of revolutionary upheavals in it, stated the need for a dialectical combination of language learning with the history of the society. They have been quoted in the linguistic literature of Ukraine until the 22nd Congress of the CPSU (1961). In Romania, they have been quoted until the death of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (1965). Only by this time the development of linguistic structuralism had begun, because the linguistic outlook of the “leader” allowed comprehending lingual facts exclusively within the framework of comparative-historical and descriptive paradigm.

In the aftermath of America's Civil War, national lawmakers who chronicled the fall of slavery described the North as a terrain of states whose representatives assembled in Congress, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–77) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–70). Beginning in the early 1900s, scholars who helped establish the field of American constitutional history redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–1877) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–1870), a first generation of scholars writing during the Progressive Era redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in William A. Dunning's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction (1898), John W. Burgess's The Civil War and the Constitution (1901–1906), and James G. Randall's Constitutional Problems Under Lincoln (1926). Although a second generation of scholars uncovered traces of the lawmakers' perspective of states, new efforts in the wake of the civil rights movement to understand the internal workings of political parties and the contributions of ordinary Americans kept the study of national lawmakers and their states on the margins of inquiry, as evidenced in leading revisionist histories of Reconstruction, including Harold Hyman's A More Perfect Union: The Impact of the Civil War and Reconstruction on the Constitution (1973), Michael Les Benedict's A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863–1869 (1974a), and Eric Foner's Reconstruction: An Unfinished Revolution (1988). Today, the terrain of Northern states remains in the backdrop, as illustrated in recent studies featuring the wartime national government, including James Oakes's Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861–1865 (2012) and Mark E. Neely, Jr.'s Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation: Constitutional Conflict in the American Civil War (2011), as well as studies of the mechanisms of constitutional change during Reconstruction, including relevant sections of Bruce Ackerman's We the People II: Transformations (1998) and Akhil Reed Amar's America's Constitution: A Biography (2005). This review essay argues that incorporating the states back into this century‐old framework will open new lines of inquiry and provide a more complete account of federalism's role in the fall of slavery. In particular, a return to the archives suggests that in the uncertain context of mid‐nineteenth‐century America, slavery's leading opponents in Congress saw the Constitution's federal logic not simply as an obstacle, but as a crucial tool with which to mobilize collective action and accommodate wartime opposition at a time when no one could say for sure what would remain of the United States.

It is natural for scientists, public figures, university professors and other higher education institutions, trustees of educa-tional districts, ministers of public education, statesmen, etc. to show interest in the so-called “university issue” in the conditions of formation and development of domestic university education in the XIX – the early XX century. Particularly heated discussions on this problem arise at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when the activities of universities were regulatedby the reactionary statute of 1884. Many well-known progressives (V. Vernadskyi, M. Pyrohov, I. Sechenov, K. Timiriaziev, Ye. Tru-betskoi, S. Trubetskoi, P. Fortunatov, O. Shvarts and others) advocated the expansion of university rights, and the idea of an au-tonomous independent university became key. The position of supporters of the independence of universities was manifested in the relevant appeals. Thus, in 1899, ten professors submitted a note to the Minister of Education, which referred to the humiliating role of teachers, defined by regula-tions. In 1905, 342 scholars prepared for publication in the journal “Herald of Europe” a special document “Note on the needs of education”, which spoke about the progress of scientific progress through the efforts of domestic scientists and the inappro-priate attitude of the authorities to such achievements. Numerous publications show interest in the university issue. For example, O. Posnikov, V. Sobolevskyi, O. Chuprov substantiate the effectiveness of university autonomy in the columns of the periodical “Russian Gazette”. K. Timiriaziev in his own collection of articles “Science and Democracy” advocates the principle of academic freedom. P. Struve in the preface to O. Heorhiievskyi’s book “A Brief Essay on Government Measures and Predictions Against Student Riots” reflects on human rights violations in universities, the oppression of the rights of teachers and students. V. Vernadskyi writes in the article “On the Professorial Congress” about the importance of creating an “Association for Achieving Academic Freedom and Improving the Conditions of Academic Life”. The study made it possible to state a great interest in the “university question” at the turn of the XIX–XX centuries. Note that this problem is related to the conceptual “idea of the university”, which is interpreted as a combination of the whole set of knowledge and ideas about the university: goals, objectives, principles, structure, functions, internal and external relations,place and role in society at a certain specific historical stage.

The outburst of the Polish insurrection and its evolution attracted the attention of the European Powers, due to the international political context in which it started, that of the liberal-bourgeois revolutions in France, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and of the implications that were expected to occur due to power balance on the continent and in the Eastern Question. Russia’s position in the political systems mentioned above depended on how the Polish Question would be solved. By subordinating all the Kingdom of Poland, whose political individuality, in the Russian political and institutional system, in which the decisions of the „Final Act” of the Peace Congress in Vienna (June 9th 1815) placed it, was about to be abolished by the Tsar, opened to the Russian Empire the path towards the consolidation of its positions in the Baltic region, strategically, political an economical, thus upsetting the other Powers in the European political system, on one hand. And secondly, because it would have relieved it of the necessity to divide its forces to oversee the evolution of the embarrassing Polish Question and would have been capable to focus its attention on a solution to the other problem, the Eastern one. This perspective was likely to happen, especially in the conditions of the peace Treaty that Russia had imposed to Turkey, at Adrianople, on September 14th 1829, which ensured the latter’s „passivity” towards the Oriental policy of its victor. These perspectives affected, in particular, Great Britain and France, the secular rivals of Russia in that area, so they tried, using only diplomatic means because of the very complicated international situation at the beginning of the fourth decade of the nineteenth century, to determine Russia to adopt a more conciliatory attitude towards the Polish insurgents. The rivalries that aggravated the Franco-British relations, especially in Western Europe, prevented the two Powers to adopt a unitary position towards Russia, a fact that allowed the latter to dictate the law in the Kingdom of Poland. A position, in some way singular, towards the Polish Question was adopted by another state, with direct interests in the Baltic sea area and with more specific ones in the Eastern Question. It is the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway, created in the letter and the spirit of the Swedish-Norwegian Convention from Moss, on August 14th 1814. Sweden’s internal and external political circumstances in which, in 1810, the famous marshal of Napoleon I, Jean Baptiste Sebastien Bernadotte, prince of Pontecorvo, was proclaimed crown prince under the name Karl Johan, King Karl XIV Johan, from 1818, as the creation of the Swedish-Norwegian personal Union, determined the Swedish-Norwegian diplomacy favor the Russian interests in the Polish Question as well as in the Eastern Question. In the Polish Question, the one under our analysis, this was also because the insurrection of November 1830 started in the international conditions mentioned above and due to the fact that the liberal internal opposition to the conservative and absolutist monarchical policy of King Karl XIV Johan was becoming more active and could have constituted a reason for the Norwegians to evade the personal Union, which they did not favor and against which they fought, first through arms then by institutional means. The forms in which Great Britain, France and Sweden took position in regard to the reprisal of the Polish insurrection of November 1830, very well documented by the diplomatic reports of the British diplomats in St. Petersburg and of the Swedish ones, accredited in Petersburg and in London, which we had the opportunity to consult in the funds of manuscripts of British Library, in London, and those of the National Archives of Sweden, in Stockholm, constitute, in our opinion, a contribution to the knowledge of the history of European diplomacy, on one hand, and to the research of the international relations in the first half of the nineteenth century, on another. This is the reason why we intend to approach them in this study. All the documents selected from Sveriges Riksarkivet, in Stockholm and cited in these pages are included in the volume X, part I, of the Collection “Europe and the Porte”, which is still in manuscript, for this reason we indicated the archive quotations.

During the creation of the modern Serbian state, Kragujevac had a continuous development, primarilythanks to its geographical position, and then to various political decisions. At the beginning of the 20th century it was the Turkish city and over time it became a real European city with all those elements of development in the 19th century. First of all, thanks to the wisdom of Prince Miloš Obrenović, various institutions were founded in Kragujevac, both administrative and educational and also cultural, and thanks to him Kragujevac became not only the center of the principality of Serbia, still under the supreme Ottoman rule, but also the center of liberation movements, which developed in this period not only in the Serbian national territories but also throughout the Balkans. The decisions of the Turkish sultans were read in Kragujevac,enablingthe city with a wide degree of autonomy so that the release from external pressure became stronger and the internal influence was felt less and less. In the process, internal political freedoms processes were also getting stronger. The Sretenje Constitution passed in 1835, and it foresaw the restriction of the Prince's power and the division into judicial executive and legislative power. The development of political freedoms was unstoppable and a certain number of laws were passed, predicting economic freedom. After passing the Constitution in 1869, and political events culminated in Kragujevac, the Principality of Serbia became an independent state, in August 1878, with the declaration of the decisions of the Congress of Berlin. Political actions after this period shifted to Belgrade, and Kragujevac gradually lost its political significance, although assemblies convened in this period. At the beginning of the Great War, Kragujevac became the military capital of the Kingdom of Serbia. Apart from these political events, Kragujevac was also developing economically, which was documented by the increase in population. One of the most important events that will undoubtedly play the most significant role in its development was Prince Aleksandar Karađorđević's decision to found the first modern arms factory in the Principality of Serbia - Topolivnica. Kragujevac, as well as Prince Miloš, was chosen because of its position. During this period, the middle of the 19th century, revolutionary changes took place throughout Europe. Topolivnica had a continuous development, and thanks to its rapid modernization Kragujevac received the first electric lighting in Serbia. It is important to emphasize that the foundation of the Military School of Arts and Crafts enabled an educated workforce in Kragujevac. Kragujevac was also the center of new political ideas that dominated throughout Europe in that period. Simultaneously with the development of the Military Factory, smaller other industrial companies were created, initially intended for the local market, however, they developed over time, especially in the early 20th century.During the continuous wars waged by the Kingdom of Serbia from 1912-1918, the economic development ceased in Kragujevac. Significant civil and budgetary losses happened in this period, as in other parts of the Kingdom of Serbia. After the First World War, the facilities of the Military Factory were devastated. The gradual recovery began in the 1920s when the elite of the newly created state decided to renovate military-industrial facilities, and the number of workers started to grow. Before the war, there were about 45,000 of them. Military and economic agreements with the Kingdom of Belgium and the Republic of France enabled the import of new modern weapons technology. All these decisions had considerable consequences for the local economy so that in this first period, the number of craft shops and privately owned industrial companies significantly increased (Stefanovići and Fijale). A time of crisis in foreign relations with the surrounding countries brought faster and greater investments into military-industrial facilities throughout the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, as well as in Kragujevac. This development also enables the strengthening of local infrastructure. This continuous development of the city lasted until 1930. Due to the Great World Economic crisis, there was a decline and significant losses appeared in the economy around the world. The Great World Economic crisis hit the private craft sector, trade and financial institutions the hardest. The production volume had been reduced by almost 2/3 and traders had a reduced sales volume. The only thing that helped maintenance of the economy in this period was the existence of the Military Technical Institute, and thanks to its existence, unemployed craftsmen had the opportunity to get a job again. Kragujevac, like other cities, did not feel the consequences of the crisis to that extent, thanks to the large military factory that employed the largest part of the population fit for military service.

Dialoguing with the theoretical intersection between central references of the Critical Theory of Society and the philosopher Guy Debord, through literature review and case studies, this article sought to discuss the theme of suicide.com. Although the term has been coined, it was done, generically, for suicide cases in which the author uses some digital resource to the act. Therefore, suicide.com shows its characteristics and forms of manifestation that differs between cases in which the suicides are encouraged and directed by websites and/or internet users where, in general, such practices are restricted to the forums. accompanied by the chats, having as a visual record eventual images of the process; creation of suicide groups where people meet in forums to talk about the subject and they create a collective death pact; or cases where the suicide makes the practice public in video and live, from the access of Internet users to the webcam. However, the proposed approach embraced a new understanding of the concept, which could be based on the following premises: a) the suicide, as a social phenomenon, is limited to the historical context and cultural factors of its time and space, therefore, the media is an inherent component of contemporary suicide practices; b) suicide.com, however, is not just the virtualized replication of traditional suicide; It is the result of the processes of public spectacularization of private life in virtual environments.ResumoDialogando com a intersecção teórica entre referências centrais da Teoria Crítica da Sociedade e o filósofo Guy Debord, por meio de revisão bibliográfica e de estudos de caso, o presente artigo buscou discutir a temática do suicídio.com. Apesar de o termo já ter sido cunhado, o mesmo foi feito, genericamente, para casos de suicídio em que o autor utiliza algum meio digital para o ato. Assim sendo, o suicídio.com apresentou suas próprias características e formas de manifestação, que se diferem entre casos nos quais os suicidas são incentivados e orientados por sites e/ou usuários da internet onde, em geral, tais práticas ficam restritas aos fóruns, sendo acompanhadas pelos chats, tendo como forma de registro visual eventuais fotos do processo; criação de grupos suicidas onde as pessoas se encontram em fóruns sobre o assunto e criam um pacto de morte coletiva; ou casos em que o suicida torna a prática pública em vídeo e ao vivo, a partir do acesso dos internautas à webcam. Todavia, a propositura levantada abarcou uma nova compreensão do conceito, que pôde ser alicerçado nas seguintes premissas: a) o suicídio, enquanto fenômeno social, está circunscrito ao contexto histórico e aos fatores culturais de seu tempo e espaço, portanto, a mídia é um componente inerente às práticas contemporâneas de suicídio; b) o suicídio.com, porém, não é somente a replicação virtualizada do suicídio tradicional; é consequente dos processos de espetacularização pública da vida privada em ambientes virtuais.Palavras-chave: Suicídio.com, Sociedade do espetáculo, Cibercultura, Suicídio.Keywords: Suicide.com, Society of the spetacle, Cyberculture, Suicide.ReferencesADORNO, Theodor Wiesegrund; HORKHEIMER, Max. Dialética do esclarecimento: fragmentos filosóficos. Trad. Guido Antonio de Almeida. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar, 1985.ALMEIDA, Ana Filipa. Efeito de Werther. In: Análise psicológica, Lisboa, v. 18, n. 1, p. 37-51, 2000.ANES, Eugenia Maria Garcia; SILVA, N.; SILVA, S. Suicídio: um problema de saúde pública. Jornadas de enfermagem da escola superior de saúde do IPB: livro de atas. Bragança: Escola Superior de Saúde. p. 524-532, 2013.BATEY, Mark. O significado da marca: como as marcas ganham vida na mente dos consumidores. Tradução Gabriel Zide Neto. Rio de Janeiro: Best Business, 2010.BESTGORE. Man cuts his femoral artery and bleeds live on ooVoo webcam. 2012. Disponível em: <http://www.bestgore.com/suicide/man-cuts-his-femoral-artery-bleeds-live-oovoo-webcam/>. Acesso em: 29 out. 2018.BLINDERMAN, Ilia. See The First “Selfie” In History Taken by Robert Cornelius, a Philadelphia Chemist, in 1839. Openculture. 2013. Disponível em: < http://www.openculture.com/2013/11/the-first-selfie-in-history-1839.html>. Acesso em: 20 jan. 2019.BRUM, Eliane; AZEVEDO, Solange. Suicídio.com. Revista Época. São Paulo, v. 2, n. 2, p. 27-30, fev. 2008.CAMUS, Albert. O mito de Sísifo. 5.ed. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2008.CHRISTANTE, Luciana. Com sem saída. Revista Unespciência. 13. ed., p. 30-35, out. 2010.COSTA, Ana Luisa. A relação entre o suicídio e a internet: o fenômeno do ‘suicídio.com’. CONGRESSO DE CIÊNCIAS DA COMUNICAÇÃO NA REGIÃO SUDESTE, 19., Vila Velha/ES, 2014. Anais... Vila Velha: Intercom – Sociedade Brasileira de Estudos Interdisciplinares da Comunicação, 2014.CRUVINEL, Monica Vasconcelos. Rastros virtuais de uma morte (a)enunciada: uma análise dos discursos do suicídio pelas páginas “brasileiras” do Orkut”. 2008. 198 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Linguística) - Instituto de Estudos de Linguagem, Unicamp, Campinas, 2008.CRUZ, Dulce Márcia; KRÜGER, Fernando. L. As estratégias de marketing dos jogos eletrônicos de simulação da vida. 2009. Disponível em: <http://www.prodemge.gov.br/images/revistafonte/revista_9.pdf#page=65>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2019.DAYLY MAIL. 'Took all my pills, bye bye': Woman commits suicide on Facebook... and none of her 1,082 online friends help. Daily Mail Reporter. News. 06 Jan. 2011. Disponível em: <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1344281/Facebook-suicide-None-Simone-Backs-1-082-online-friends-helped-her.html>. Acesso em: 02 Fev. 2019.DEBORD, Guy. A sociedade do espetáculo. Tradução Estela dos Santos Abreu. Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto, 1997.DURKHEIM, Émile. O suicídio. Estudo sociológico. Tradução Monica Stahel. 1. ed. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2000. (Coleção Tópicos).FIERRO, Mariana. Suicidios que se transmitieron en vivo por redes sociales. Azteca. 2018. Disponível em: <https://www.aztecaamerica.com/galerias/noticias/13206/suicidios-que-se-transmitieron-en-vivo-por-redes-sociales/7>. Acesso em: 19 maio 2019.GOETHE, Johann Wolfgang. Os sofrimentos do jovem Werther, trad. de Erlon José Paschoal, São Paulo, Estação Liberdade, 1999.GOMES, J. O. et al. Suicídio e internet: análise de resultados em ferramentas de busca. In: Psicologia e Sociedade, v. 26, n. 1, p. 63-73, 2014.HISTÓRIA DIGITAL. 35 fotos post mortem. História Digital. Curiosidades. 2014. Disponível em: <https://historiadigital.org/curiosidades/35-fotos-post-mortem-feitas-apos-a-morte/>. Acesso em: 02 Fev. 2019.LOUREIRO, Paulo Roberto Amorim; MOREIRA, Tito Belchior; SACHSIDA, Adolfo. Os efeitos da mídia sobre o suicídio: uma análise empírica para os estados brasileiros. IPEA. Texto para Discussão 1851. Rio de Janeiro, 2013.MENEGHEL, Stela Nazareth et al. Características epidemiológicas do suicídio no Rio Grande do Sul. Revista Saúde Pública, v. 8, p. 804-810, 2004.MORENO, Ana Carolina; DANTAS, Carolina; OLIVEIRA, Monique. Suicídios de adolescentes: como entender os motivos e lidar com o fato que preocupa pais e educadores. Globo. Ciência e Saúde, 2018. Disponível em: < https://g1.globo.com/ciencia-e-saude/noticia/suicidios-de-adolescentes-como-entender-os-motivos-e-lidar-com-o-fato-que-preocupa-pais-e-educadores.ghtml >. Aceso em: 08 mar. 2019.NAÇÕES UNIDAS. OMS: quase 800 mil pessoas se suicidam por ano. Nações Unidas Brasil, 2018. Disponível em: <https://nacoesunidas.org/oms-quase-800-mil-pessoas-se-suicidam-por-ano/>. Acesso em: 04 mar. 2019.O GLOBO. Mãe encontra vídeo no Youtube Kids que ensina crianças como cometer suicídio. OGlobo. Sociedade. 2019. Disponível em: <https://oglobo.globo.com/sociedade/mae-encontra-video-no-youtube-kids-que-ensina-criancas-como-cometer-suicidio-23482770>. Acesso em: 19 maio 2019.OOVOO. Fast facts & figures. OOVOO. Company Fact Sheet 2014. Disponível em: <http://www.oovoo.com/fact-sheet/ooVoo_FactSheet_0807V5.pdf>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2018.OWEN, Jonathan. Teens die after logging into 'suicide chat rooms'. Independent. This Britain. 2006. Disponível em: <https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/this-britain/teens-die-after-logging-into-suicide-chat-rooms-415386.html>. Acesso em 06 mar. 2019.PACÍFICO, Marsiel; GOMES, Luiz Roberto. O espetáculo de si: uma proposição sobre a atualidade da sociedade do espetáculo. Comunicações. Piracicaba, v. 26, n. 1, p. 165-179, 2019.R7. Por desilusão amorosa! Garota anuncia suicídio em rede social e posta última foto antes de se matar. R7. Hora7. 2014. Disponível em: <https://noticias.r7.com/hora-7/fotos/por-desilusao-amorosa-garota-anuncia-suicidio-em-rede-social-e-posta-ultima-foto-antes-de-se-matar-16062018#!/foto/8>. Acesso em: 18 dez. 2018.SILVA, Manuely Costa. A influência dos grupos Emo, Gótico e Punk no desenvolvimento dos adolescentes. Monografia (Especialização em Educação e Psicopedagogia) – Pontifícia Universidade Católica. Campinas, p. 33, 2006.SOUSA, Ana Cristina. Eugenia Cooney, a ‘rainha-esqueleto’, é demasiado magra para o Youtube?. Público. Sociedade, 2016. Disponível em: <https://www.publico.pt/2016/10/25/sociedade/noticia/anorexia-ou-magreza-natural-1748753>. Acesso em: 10 nov. 2018.STELTER, Brian. Web Suicide Viewed Live and Reaction Spur a Debate. NYTimes. 2008. Disponível em: <https://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/25/us/25suicides.html>. Acesso em: 18 maio 2019.STOKES, Paul. Chatroom users 'goaded man in web suicide'. The Telegraph. UKNews. 2007. Disponível em: <https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1563053/Chatroom-users-goaded-man-in-web-suicide.html>. Acesso em: 18 maio 2019.TÜRCKE. Christoph. Sociedade Excitada: filosofia da sensação. Tradução Antonio A. S. Zuin e outros. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2010.VEJA. A cada 40 segundos ocorre um suicídio no mundo. Veja. Saúde, 2018. Disponível em <https://veja.abril.com.br/saude/a-cada-40-segundos-ocorre-um-suicidio-no-mundo/>. Acesso em: 12 maio 2019.VIANA, Bruno Mariante. Teasers: imagens que provocam a utilização do teaser de cartaz da saga Star Wars frente ao imaginário do público pós-moderno. Monografia (Bacharelado em Comunicação Social, Habilitação em Publicidade e Propaganda) – Faculdade de Biblioteconomia e Comunicação, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, p. 92, 2010.YOUTUBE. Eugenia Cooney. Disponível em: <https://www.youtube.com/user/eugeniacooney/about>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2019.e3873103

Čenču Jezups or Dzērkste (real name Jezups Kindzuļs, 1888–1941?) was a Latgalian public figure, agronomist, publicist and writer. Date of his death is unknown – he was arrested in February 1941 by NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs), but after that there is no information about his further life. He participated in the Latgalian Awakening movement at the beginning of 20th century. Later J. Kindzuļs was one of the organizers of the Latgalian congress (1917) in Rēzekne and a member of Constitutional Assembly of Latvia (1920–1922). He was an editor of such periodicals as “Latgalīts” (1921), “Latgolas Zemkūpis” (1924–1935), “Latgolas lauksaimnīks” (calendar, 1924–1935). He wrote his novel “Pīters Vylāns” between 1935 and 1941. It was first published in Daugavpils in 1943 by writer and publisher Vladislavs Luocis. Later it was published again in Germany in 1967.Čenču Jezups’ novel “Pīters Vylāns” was analysed by Miķelis Bukšs, Ilona Salceviča, Oskars Seiksts. The mentioned papers reveal the meaning of Latgalian self-confidence, which is disclosed in “Pīters Vylāns”, but unfortunately the author of this novel seems to be forgotten. Therefore the aim of this research is to “decode” factors of inspiration in Čenču Jezups’ novel “Pīters Vylāns” to gain more information about author’s life and his value system.Inspiration is always connected with writer’s life experience. Furthermore, the writer creates his own world. Vladislavs Luocis wrote that J. Kindzuļs planned to write a trilogy (Lōcis 1965: 26), but because of Latvia’s occupation by the Soviet Union this intention was not fulfilled. Factors of inspiration are divided into two groups: literary and non-literary (Lukaševičs 2007: 5). Non-literary factors of inspiration are those connected with J. Kindzuļs’ life (social and political events, education and public activities, private life). Literary and cultural factors of inspiration refer to his interests and Latgalian self-identification.Novel “Pīters Vylāns” was written during the authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis (1934–1940) and deals with peasants’ life during the Russian Revolution of 1905 (1905–1907) in Latgale. The problems of Latgalian identity (to be russified or polonized, quest for identity as a possibility) are dealt with by means of such characters as Vera Semjonova, Stefa, Meikuls Stumbris and Buks. It may be that the characters Pīters Vylāns and Ontons Sleižs are the two sides of J. Kindzuļs’ alter ego. His life experience until World War I is revealed in Pīters Vylāns, but after 1920 – in Ontons Sleižs. J. Kindzuļs may have studied either agronomy or law in Petersburg (after 1907). He took part in Latgalian Musical society and later he worked in the editorial office of newspaper “Drywa” (1908–1912). J. Kindzuļs was involved in the First World War and after that he worked in Rēzekne Commerce School (1919). After 1922 he started farming in his household “Pelēķi” in Laucesa rural municipality and was busy with issues of agronomy in Latgale.J. Kindzuļs’ private life is revealed in two women characters: Elvira and Stefa. Kindzuļs himself had three wives: unknown (married before 1919), Hortenzija Kindzule (Dardedze, married about 1921), Jadviga Kindzule (Kondrāte, married before 1933). J. Kindzuļs became a widower twice. He had two sons: Česlavs (from his first marriage) and Andrivs Jēkabs (from the second marriage). The third child was a daughter, but he and his wife Jadviga lost her because she died of an illness when she was 3.Because of lack of information about J. Kindzuļs, there is no possibility to find out his interests. The only way to get more information about J. Kindzuļs is to research his novel “Pīters Vylāns”. From the novel we know that for J. Kindzuļs there are three groups of literary and cultural factors of inspiration. Firstly, it is Latgalian self-confidence, which appears in the use of Roman Catholic elements such as rites, prayers and honour songs for God. Secondly, it is syncretism of Christian faith and paganism, which is presented as rewriting of folksongs by hand and “vakariešona” or evening gathering. Thirdly, it is European culture, because it is clear that J. Kindzuļs knew, for example, such writers as Goethe, Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, classical music (F. F. Chopin) and architecture. The amount of information about J. Kindzuļs must be enriched and research must be continued. Novel “Pīters Vylāns” was written after 1935 and it is autobiographical. Such characters as Pīters Vylāns and Ontons Sleižs reflect the personality of J. Kindzuļs, but Elvira and Stefa reveal some traits of his wives Hortenzija and Jadviga. J. Kindzuļs glorifies values which became significant after 1934: land and farming, peasants and unity. He describes the Latvians of Latgale during the Russian Revolution of 1905 (1905–1907), but at the same time he criticizes the tendency to be latvianized. The same attitude he has to russification. He accepts the ideological course of Kārlis Ulmanis policy and this ideological position of J. Kindzuļs is manifested as a form of rebellion.

Throughout its history, India has been the target of a multitude of external aggressions, which have frequently resulted in initial confrontations between domestic forces and foreign aggressors. In India, the coexistence principle has played a significant role in the development of a multicultural and multiethnic society. However, the memory avenue remains scarred by the enduring effects of the violent conflict. Local communities, places of worship, and valuables were destroyed during the incessant conflict between regional regimes that opposed the expanding Mughal Empire prior to British colonization. Throughout this period, devout Hindus who harbored this resentment held in high regard monarchs who vehemently opposed the Islamic invaders. Following the British removal of Muslim authorities, the Muslim population, in conjunction with non-Muslim segments, extended a helping hand to the indigent and swore to defend India's independence. The sociological study of group dynamics exerted a significant impact on the political terrain of the Indian independence movement by fostering solidarity among individuals of various religious and racial affiliations who opposed the colonialists. Nevertheless, the British possessed knowledge of the religious and linguistic dichotomies that existed among the various communities in India, in addition to their extensive chronicle of internal turmoil and discord. Consequently, they devised the "divide and rule" strategy by specifically exploiting communal elements. At the behest of the authorities, the communal infection extensively permeated the Indian political system during the British colonial period. The Indian National Congress was established in 1885 in opposition to the British approach of fostering animosity between the Muslim and Hindu communities. In an effort to operate as a nationalist entity, the recently established organization solicited contributions from all sectors of Indian society and exerted diplomatic pressure on the government. Notwithstanding the Congress comprising leaders from both communities, a considerable number of Muslim leaders retained apprehensions concerning the impact of Hindu leaders. They held the view that the Congress, which was under the control of a westernized Hindu oligarchy, would be incapable of effectively representing Muslim interests and could potentially be detrimental to them. Measures were taken to enhance Muslim support on a national level in order to protect the interests and well-being of the Muslim community. Many interpreted the Viceroy of Bengal, Lord Curzon,'s 1905 decision to partition the province into communal territories as an effort to further segregate the Hindu and Muslim communities.

Abstract Background Numerous predictive clinical scores with varying discriminatory performance have been developed in the context of the current coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. To support clinical application, we test the transferability of the frequently applied 4C mortality score (4C score) to the German prospective Cross-Sectoral Platform (SUEP) of the National Pandemic Cohort Network (NAPKON) compared to the non COVID-19 specific quick sequential organ failure assessment score (qSOFA). Our project aims to externally validate these two scores, stratified for the most prevalent variants of concerns (VOCs) of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus type 2 (SARS-CoV-2) in Germany. Methods A total of 685 adults with polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-detected SARS-CoV-2 infection were included from NAPKON-SUEP. Patients were recruited from 11/2020 to 03/2022 at 34 university and non-university hospitals across Germany. Missing values were complemented using multiple imputation. Predictive performance for in-hospital mortality at day of baseline visit was determined by area under the curve (AUC) with 95%-confidence interval (CI) stratified by VOCs of SARS-CoV-2 (alpha, delta, omicron) (Figure 1). Figure 1:Study flow chart with inclusion criteria and methodological workflow. Results Preliminary results suggest a high predictive performance of the 4C score for in-hospital mortality (Table 1). This applies for the overall cohort (AUC 0.813 (95%CI 0.738-0.888)) as well as the VOC-strata (alpha: AUC 0.859 (95%CI 0.748-0.970); delta: AUC 0.769 (95%CI 0.657-0.882); omicron: AUC 0.866 (95%CI 0.724-1.000)). The overall mortality rates across the defined 4C score risk groups are 0.3% (low), 3.2% (intermediate), 11.6% (high), and 49.5% (very high). The 4C score performs significantly better than the qSOFA (Chi2-test: p=0.001) and the qSOFA does not seem to be a suitable tool in this context. Table 1:Discriminatory performance of the 4C Mortality Score and the qSOFA score within the validation cohort NAPKON-SUEP stratified by the Variant of Concerns of SARS-CoV-2. Conclusion Despite its development in the early phase of the pandemic and improved treatment, external validation of the 4C score in NAPKON-SUEP indicates a high predictive performance for in-hospital mortality across all VOCs. However, since the qSOFA was not specifically designed for this predictive issue, it shows low discriminatory performance, as in other validation studies. Any interpretations regarding the omicron stratum are limited due to the sample size. Disclosures Daniel Pape, Dr., Advanz Pharma Germany: Support for attending meetings and/or travel for ECCMID 2021 Martin Hower, n/a, MSD: Advisor/Consultant|Trogarzo: Advisor/Consultant|ViiV Healthcare: Advisor/Consultant Björn-Erik O. Jensen, Dr. med., GILEAD: Advisor/Consultant|GILEAD: Lectures, Travel|GSK: Lectures, Travel Jörg J. Vehreschild, Univ.-Prof. Dr. med., Ärztekammer Nordrhein: Honoraria|Academy for Infectious Medicine, University Manchester: Honoraria|Astellas Pharma: Grant/Research Support|Astellas Pharma: Honoraria|Back Bay Strategies: Honoraria|Basilea: Grant/Research Support|Basilea: Honoraria|Deutsches Zetrum für Luft- und Raumfahrt (DLR): Grant/Research Support|German Centre for Infection Research (DZIF): Grant/Research Support|German Centre for Infection Research (DZIF): Honoraria|German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF): Grant/Research Support|German Society for Infectious Diseases (DGI): Honoraria|German Society for Internal Medicine (DGIM): Honoraria|GILEAD: Advisor/Consultant|GILEAD: Grant/Research Support|GILEAD: Honoraria|Janssen: Honoraria|Merck / MSD: Grant/Research Support|Merck / MSD: Honoraria|Molecular Health: Honoraria|Netzwerk Universitätsmedizin: Honoraria|NordForsk: Honoraria|Pfizer: Advisor/Consultant|Pfizer: Grant/Research Support|Pfizer: Honoraria|Rigshospitalet Copenhagen: Grant/Research Support|Shionogi: Advisor/Consultant|Shionogi: Honoraria|University Hospital Aachen: Honoraria|University Hospital Freiburg/ Congress and Communication: Honoraria|University of Bristol: Grant/Research Support.

The Digital TurnMuch of the 19th century disappeared from public view during the 20th century. Historians recovered what they could from archives and libraries, with the easy pickings-the famous and the fortunate-coming first. Latterly, social and political historians of different hues determinedly sought out the more hidden, forgotten, and marginalised. However, there were always limitations to resources-time, money, location, as well as purpose, opportunity, and permission. 'History' was principally a professionalised and privileged activity dominated by academics who had preferential access to, and significant control over, the resources, technologies and skills required, as well as the social, economic and cultural framework within which history was recovered, interpreted, approved and disseminated.Digitisation and the broader development of new communication technologies has, however, transformed historical research processes and practice dramatically, removing many constraints, opening up many opportunities, and allowing many others than the professional historian to trace and track what would have remained hidden, forgotten, or difficult to find, as well as verify (or otherwise), what has already been claimed and concluded. In the 21st century, the SEARCH button has become a dominant tool of research. This, along with other technological and media developments, has altered the practice of historians-professional or 'public'-who can now range deep and wide in the collection, portrayal and dissemination of historical information, in and out of the confines of the traditional institutional walls of retained information, academia, location, and national boundaries.This incorporation of digital technologies into academic historical practice generally, has raised, as Cohen and Rosenzweig, in their book Digital History, identified a decade ago, not just promises, but perils. For the historian, there has been the move, through digitisation, from the relative scarcity and inaccessibility of historical material to its (over) abundance, but also the emerging acceptance that, out of both necessity and preference, a hybridity of sources will be the foreseeable way forward. There has also been a significant shift, as De Groot notes in his book Consuming History, in the often conflicted relationship between popular/public history and academic history, and the professional and the 'amateur' historian. This has brought a potentially beneficial democratization of historical practice but also an associated set of concerns around the loss of control of both practice and product of the professional historian. Additionally, the development of digital tools for the collection and dissemination of 'history' has raised fears around the commercialised development of the subject's brand, products and commodities. This article considers the significance and implications of some of these changes through one protracted act of recovery and reclamation in which the digital made the difference: the life of a notorious 19th century professional agitator on both sides of the Atlantic, John De Morgan. A man thought lost, but now found."Who Is John De Morgan?" The search began in 1981, linked to the study of contemporary "race riots" in South East London. The initial purpose was to determine whether there was a history of rioting in the area. In the Local History Library, a calm and dusty backwater, an early find was a fading, but evocative and puzzling, photograph of "The Plumstead Common Riots" of 1876. It showed a group of men and women, posing for the photographer on a hillside-the technology required stillness, even in the middle of a riot-spades in hand, filling in a Mr. Jacob's sandpits, illegally dug from what was supposed to be common land. The leader of this, and other similar riots around England, was John De Morgan. A local journalist who covered the riots commented: "Of Mr. De Morgan little is known before or since the period in which he flashed meteorlike through our section of the atmosphere, but he was indisputably a remarkable man" (Vincent 588). Thus began a trek, much interrupted, sometimes unmapped and haphazard, to discover more about this 'remarkable man'. "Who is John De Morgan" was a question frequently asked by his many contemporary antagonists, and by subsequent historians, and one to which De Morgan deliberately gave few answers. The obvious place to start the search was the British Museum Reading Room, resplendent in its Victorian grandeur, the huge card catalogue still in the 1980s the dominating technology. Together with the Library's newspaper branch at Colindale, this was likely to be the repository of all that might then easily be known about De Morgan.From 1869, at the age of 21, it appeared that De Morgan had embarked on a life of radical politics that took him through the UK, made him notorious, lead to accusations of treasonable activities, sent him to jail twice, before he departed unexpectedly to the USA in 1880. During that period, he was involved with virtually every imaginable radical cause, at various times a temperance advocate, a spiritualist, a First Internationalist, a Republican, a Tichbornite, a Commoner, an anti-vaccinator, an advanced Liberal, a parliamentary candidate, a Home Ruler. As a radical, he, like many radicals of the period, "zigzagged nomadically through the mayhem of nineteenth century politics fighting various foes in the press, the clubs, the halls, the pulpit and on the street" (Kazin 202). He promoted himself as the "People's Advocate, Champion and Friend" (Allen). Never a joiner or follower, he established a variety of organizations, became a professional agitator and orator, and supported himself and his politics through lecturing and journalism. Able to attract huge crowds to "monster meetings", he achieved fame, or more correctly notoriety. And then, in 1880, broke and in despair, he disappeared from public view by emigrating to the USA.LostThe view of De Morgan as a "flashing meteor" was held by many in the 1870s. Historians of the 20th century took a similar position and, while considering him intriguing and culturally interesting, normally dispatched him to the footnotes. By the latter part of the 20th century, he was described as "one of the most notorious radicals of the 1870s yet remains a shadowy figure" and was generally dismissed as "a swashbuckling demagogue," a "democratic messiah," and" if not a bandit … at least an adventurer" (Allen 684). His politics were deemed to be reactionary, peripheral, and, worst of all, populist. He was certainly not of sufficient interest to pursue across the Atlantic. In this dismissal, he fell foul of the highly politicised professional culture of mid-to-late 20th-century academic historians. In particular, the lack of any significant direct linkage to the story of the rise of a working class, and specifically the British Labour party, left individuals like De Morgan in the margins and footnotes. However, in terms of historical practice, it was also the case that his mysterious entry into public life, his rapid rise to brief notability and notoriety, and his sudden disappearance, made the investigation of his career too technically difficult to be worthwhile.The footprints of the forgotten may occasionally turn up in the archived papers of the important, or in distant public archives and records, but the primary sources are the newspapers of the time. De Morgan was a regular, almost daily, visitor to the pages of the multitude of newspapers, local and national, that were published in Victorian Britain and Gilded Age USA. He also published his own, usually short-lived and sometimes eponymous, newspapers: De Morgan's Monthly and De Morgan's Weekly as well as the splendidly titled People's Advocate and National Vindicator of Right versus Wrong and the deceptively titled, highly radical, House and Home. He was highly mobile: he noted, without too much hyperbole, that in the 404 days between his English prison sentences in the mid-1870s, he had 465 meetings, travelled 32,000 miles, and addressed 500,000 people. Thus the newspapers of the time are littered with often detailed and vibrant accounts of his speeches, demonstrations, and riots.Nonetheless, the 20th-century technologies of access and retrieval continued to limit discovery. The white gloves, cradles, pencils and paper of the library or archive, sometimes supplemented by the century-old 'new' technology of the microfilm, all enveloped in a culture of hallowed (and pleasurable) silence, restricted the researcher looking to move into the lesser known and certainly the unknown. The fact that most of De Morgan's life was spent, it was thought, outside of England, and outside the purview of the British Library, only exacerbated the problem. At a time when a historian had to travel to the sources and then work directly on them, pencil in hand, it needed more than curiosity to keep searching. Even as many historians in the late part of the century shifted their centre of gravity from the known to the unknown and from the great to the ordinary, in any form of intellectual or resource cost-benefit analysis, De Morgan was a non-starter.UnknownOn the subject of his early life, De Morgan was tantalisingly and deliberately vague. In his speeches and newspapers, he often leaked his personal and emotional struggles as well as his political battles. However, when it came to his biographical story, he veered between the untruthful, the denial, and the obscure. To the twentieth century observer, his life began in 1869 at the age of 21 and ended at the age of 32. His various political campaign "biographies" gave some hints, but what little he did give away was often vague, coy and/or unlikely. His name was actually John Francis Morgan, but he never formally acknowledged it. He claimed, and was very proud, to be Irish and to have been educated in London and at Cambridge University (possible but untrue), and also to have been "for the first twenty years of his life directly or indirectly a railway servant," and to have been a "boy orator" from the age of ten (unlikely but true). He promised that "Some day-nay any day-that the public desire it, I am ready to tell the story of my strange life from earliest recollection to the present time" (St. Clair 4). He never did and the 20th century could unearth little evidence in relation to any of his claims.The blend of the vague, the unlikely and the unverifiable-combined with an inclination to self-glorification and hyperbole-surrounded De Morgan with an aura, for historians as well as contemporaries, of the self-seeking, untrustworthy charlatan with something to hide and little to say. Therefore, as the 20th century moved to closure, the search for John De Morgan did so as well. Though interesting, he gave most value in contextualising the lives of Victorian radicals more generally. He headed back to the footnotes.Now FoundMeanwhile, the technologies underpinning academic practice generally, and history specifically, had changed. The photocopier, personal computer, Internet, and mobile device, had arrived. They formed the basis for both resistance and revolution in academic practices. For a while, the analytical skills of the academic community were concentrated on the perils as much as the promises of a "digital history" (Cohen and Rosenzweig Digital).But as the Millennium turned, and the academic community itself spawned, inter alia, Google, the practical advantages of digitisation for history forced themselves on people. Google enabled the confident searching from a neutral place for things known and unknown; information moved to the user more easily in both time and space. The culture and technologies of gathering, retrieval, analysis, presentation and preservation altered dramatically and, as a result, the traditional powers of gatekeepers, institutions and professional historians was redistributed (De Groot). Access and abundance, arguably over-abundance, became the platform for the management of historical information. For the search for De Morgan, the door reopened. The increased global electronic access to extensive databases, catalogues, archives, and public records, as well as people who knew, or wanted to know, something, opened up opportunities that have been rapidly utilised and expanded over the last decade. Both professional and "amateur" historians moved into a space that made the previously difficult to know or unknowable now accessible.Inevitably, the development of digital newspaper archives was particularly crucial to seeking and finding John De Morgan. After some faulty starts in the early 2000s, characterised as a "wild west" and a "gold rush" (Fyfe 566), comprehensive digitised newspaper archives became available. While still not perfect, in terms of coverage and quality, it is a transforming technology. In the UK, the British Newspaper Archive (BNA)-in pursuit of the goal of the digitising of all UK newspapers-now has over 20 million pages. Each month presents some more of De Morgan. Similarly, in the US, Fulton History, a free newspaper archive run by retired computer engineer Tom Tryniski, now has nearly 40 million pages of New York newspapers. The almost daily footprints of De Morgan's radical life can now be seen, and the lives of the social networks within which he worked on both sides of the Atlantic, come easily into view even from a desk in New Zealand.The Internet also allows connections between researchers, both academic and 'public', bringing into reach resources not otherwise knowable: a Scottish genealogist with a mass of data on De Morgan's family; a Californian with the historian's pot of gold, a collection of over 200 letters received by De Morgan over a 50 year period; a Leeds Public Library blogger uncovering spectacular, but rarely seen, Victorian electoral cartoons which explain De Morgan's precipitate departure to the USA. These discoveries would not have happened without the infrastructure of the Internet, web site, blog, and e-mail. Just how different searching is can be seen in the following recent scenario, one of many now occurring. An addition in 2017 to the BNA shows a Master J.F. Morgan, aged 13, giving lectures on temperance in Ledbury in 1861, luckily a census year. A check of the census through Ancestry shows that Master Morgan was born in Lincolnshire in England, and a quick look at the 1851 census shows him living on an isolated blustery hill in Yorkshire in a railway encampment, along with 250 navvies, as his father, James, works on the construction of a tunnel. Suddenly, literally within the hour, the 20-year search for the childhood of John De Morgan, the supposedly Irish-born "gentleman who repudiated his class," has taken a significant turn.At the end of the 20th century, despite many efforts, John De Morgan was therefore a partial character bounded by what he said and didn't say, what others believed, and the intellectual and historiographical priorities, technologies, tools and processes of that century. In effect, he "lived" historically for a less than a quarter of his life. Without digitisation, much would have remained hidden; with it there has been, and will still be, much to find. De Morgan hid himself and the 20th century forgot him. But as the technologies have changed, and with it the structures of historical practice, the question that even De Morgan himself posed – "Who is John De Morgan?" – can now be addressed.SearchingDigitisation brings undoubted benefits, but its impact goes a long way beyond the improved search and detection capabilities, into a range of technological developments of communication and media that impact on practice, practitioners, institutions, and 'history' itself. A dominant issue for the academic community is the control of "history." De Groot, in his book Consuming History, considers how history now works in contemporary popular culture and, in particular, examines the development of the sometimes conflicted relationship between popular/public history and academic history, and the professional and the 'amateur' historian.The traditional legitimacy of professional historians has, many argue, been eroded by shifts in technology and access with the power of traditional cultural gatekeepers being undermined, bypassing the established control of institutions and professional historian. While most academics now embrace the primary tools of so-called "digital history," they remain, De Groot argues, worried that "history" is in danger of becoming part of a discourse of leisure, not a professionalized arena (18). An additional concern is the role of the global capitalist market, which is developing, or even taking over, 'history' as a brand, product and commodity with overt fiscal value. Here the huge impact of newspaper archives and genealogical software (sometimes owned in tandem) is of particular concern.There is also the new challenge of "navigating the chaos of abundance in online resources" (De Groot 68). By 2005, it had become clear that:the digital era seems likely to confront historians-who were more likely in the past to worry about the scarcity of surviving evidence from the past-with a new 'problem' of abundance. A much deeper and denser historical record, especially one in digital form seems like an incredible opportunity and a gift. But its overwhelming size means that we will have to spend a lot of time looking at this particular gift horse in mouth. (Cohen and Rosenzweig, Web).This easily accessible abundance imposes much higher standards of evidence on the historian. The acceptance within the traditional model that much could simply not be done or known with the resources available meant that there was a greater allowance for not knowing. But with a search button and public access, democratizing the process, the consumer as well as the producer can see, and find, for themselves.Taking on some of these challenges, Zaagsma, having reminded us that the history of digital humanities goes back at least 60 years, notes the need to get rid of the "myth that historical practice can be uncoupled from technological, and thus methodological developments, and that going digital is a choice, which, I cannot emphasis strongly enough, it is not" (14). There is no longer a digital history which is separate from history, and with digital technologies that are now ubiquitous and pervasive, historians have accepted or must quickly face a fundamental break with past practices. However, also noting that the great majority of archival material is not digitised and is unlikely to be so, Zaagsma concludes that hybridity will be the "new normal," combining "traditional/analogue and new/digital practices at least in information gathering" (17).ConclusionA decade on from Cohen and Rozenzweig's "Perils and Promises," the digital is a given. Both historical practice and historians have changed, though it is a work in progress. An early pioneer of the use of computers in the humanities, Robert Busa wrote in 1980 that "the principal aim is the enhancement of the quality, depth and extension of research and not merely the lessening of human effort and time" (89). Twenty years later, as Google was launched, Jordanov, taking on those who would dismiss public history as "mere" popularization, entertainment or propaganda, argued for the "need to develop coherent positions on the relationships between academic history, the media, institutions…and popular culture" (149). As the digital turn continues, and the SEARCH button is just one part of that, all historians-professional or "amateur"-will take advantage of opportunities that technologies have opened up. Looking across the whole range of transformations in recent decades, De Groot concludes: "Increasingly users of history are accessing the past through complex and innovative media and this is reconfiguring their sense of themselves, the world they live in and what history itself might be about" (310). ReferencesAllen, Rob. "'The People's Advocate, Champion and Friend': The Transatlantic Career of Citizen John De Morgan (1848-1926)." Historical Research 86.234 (2013): 684-711.Busa, Roberto. "The Annals of Humanities Computing: The Index Thomisticus." Computers and the Humanities 14.2 (1980): 83-90.Cohen, Daniel J., and Roy Rosenzweig. Digital History: A Guide to Gathering, Preserving, and Presenting the Past on the Web. Philadelphia, PA: U Pennsylvania P, 2005.———. "Web of Lies? Historical Knowledge on the Internet." First Monday 10.12 (2005).De Groot, Jerome. Consuming History: Historians and Heritage in Contemporary Popular Culture. 2nd ed. Abingdon: Routledge, 2016.De Morgan, John. Who Is John De Morgan? A Few Words of Explanation, with Portrait. By a Free and Independent Elector of Leicester. London, 1877.Fyfe, Paul. "An Archaeology of Victorian Newspapers." Victorian Periodicals Review 49.4 (2016): 546-77."Interchange: The Promise of Digital History." Journal of American History 95.2 (2008): 452-91.Johnston, Leslie. "Before You Were Born, We Were Digitizing Texts." The Signal 9 Dec. 2012, Library of Congress. <https://blogs.loc.gov/thesignal/292/12/before-you-were-born-we-were-digitizing-texts>.Jordanova, Ludmilla. History in Practice. 2nd ed. London: Arnold, 2000.Kazin, Michael. A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan. New York: Anchor Books, 2006.Saint-Clair, Sylvester. Sketch of the Life and Labours of J. De Morgan, Elocutionist, and Tribune of the People. Leeds: De Morgan & Co., 1880.Vincent, William T. The Records of the Woolwich District, Vol. II. Woolwich: J.P. Jackson, 1890.Zaagsma, Gerban. "On Digital History." BMGN-Low Countries Historical Review 128.4 (2013): 3-29.

Photo by niu niu on Unsplash ABSTRACT Shackling prisoners has been implemented as standard procedure when transporting prisoners in labor and during childbirth. This procedure ensures the protection of both the public and healthcare workers. However, the act of shackling pregnant prisoners violates the principles of ethics that physicians are supposed to uphold. This paper will explore how shackling pregnant prisoners violates the principle of justice and beneficence, making the practice unethical. INTRODUCTION Some states allow shackling of incarcerated pregnant women during transport and while in the hospital for labor and delivery. Currently, only 22 states have legislation prohibiting the shackling of pregnant women.[1] Although many states have anti-shackling laws prohibiting restraints, these laws also contain an “extraordinary circumstances” loophole.[2] Under this exception, officers shackle prisoners if they pose a flight risk, have any history of violence, and are a threat to themselves or others.[3] Determining as to whether a prisoner is shackled is left solely to the correctional officer.[4] Yet even state restrictions on shackling are often disregarded. In shackling pregnant prisoners during childbirth, officers and institutions are interfering with the ability of incarcerated women to have safe childbirth experiences and fair treatment. Moreover, physicians cannot exercise various ethical duties as the law constrains them. In this article, I will discuss the physical and mental harms that result from the use of restraints under the backdrop of slavery and discrimination against women of color particularly. I argue that stereotypes feed into the phenomenon of shackling pregnant women, especially pregnant women of color. I further assert that shackling makes it difficult for medical professionals to be beneficent and promote justice. BACKGROUND Female incarceration rates in the United States have been fast growing since the 1980s.[5] With a 498 percent increase in the female incarceration population between 1981 and 2021, the rates of pregnancy and childbirth by incarcerated people have also climbed.[6],[7] In 2021, over 1.2 million women were incarcerated in the United States.[8] An estimated 55,000 pregnant women are admitted to jails each year.[9],[10] Many remain incarcerated throughout pregnancy and are transported to a hospital for labor and delivery. Although the exact number of restrained pregnant inmates is unclear, a study found that 83 percent of hospital prenatal nurses reported that their incarcerated patients were shackled.[11] I. Harms Caused by Shackling Shackling has caused many instances of physical and psychological harm. In the period before childbirth, shackled pregnant women are at high risk for falling.[12] The restraints shift pregnant women’s center of gravity, and wrist restraints prevent them from breaking a fall, increasing the risk of falling on their stomach and harming the fetus.[13] Another aspect inhibited by using restraints is testing and treating pregnancy complications. Delays in identifying and treating conditions such as hypertension, pre-eclampsia, appendicitis, kidney infection, preterm labor, and especially vaginal bleeding can threaten the lives of the mother and the fetus.[14] During labor and delivery, shackling prevents methods of alleviating severe labor pains and giving birth.[15] Usually, physicians recommend that women in labor walk or assume various positions to relieve labor pains and accelerate labor.[16] However, shackling prevents both solutions.[17] Shackling these women limits their mobility during labor, which may compromise the health of both the mother and the fetus.[18] Tracy Edwards, a former prisoner who filed a lawsuit for unlawful use of restraints during her pregnancy, was in labor for twelve hours. She was unable to move or adjust her position to lessen the pain and discomfort of labor.[19] The shackles also left the skin on her ankles red and bruised. Continued use of restraints also increases the risk of potentially life-threatening health issues associated with childbirth, such as blood clots.[20] It is imperative that pregnant women get treated rapidly, especially with the unpredictability of labor. Epidural administration can also become difficult, and in some cases, be denied due to the shackled woman’s inability to assume the proper position.[21] Time-sensitive medical care, including C-sections, could be delayed if permission from an officer is required, risking major health complications for both the fetus and the mother.[22] After childbirth, shackling impedes the recovery process. Shackling can result in post-delivery complications such as deep vein thrombosis.[23] Walking prevents such complications but is not an option for mothers shackled to their hospital beds.[24] Restraints also prevent bonding with the baby post-delivery and the safe handling of the baby while breast feeding.[25] The use of restraints can also result in psychological harm. Many prisoners feel as though care workers treat them like “animals,” with some women having multiple restraints at once— including ankles, wrists, and even waist restraints.[26] Benidalys Rivera describes the feeling of embarrassment as she was walking while handcuffed, with nurses and patients looking on, “Being in shackles, that make you be in stress…I about to have this baby, and I’m going to go back to jail. So it’s too much.”[27] Depression among pregnant prisoners is highly prevalent. The stress of imprisonment and the anticipation of being separated from their child is often overwhelming for these mothers.[28] The inhumane action has the potential to add more stress, anxiety, and sadness to the already emotionally demanding process of giving birth. Shackling pregnant prisoners displays indifference to the medical needs of the prisoner.[29] II. Safety as a Pretense While public safety is an argument for using shackles, several factors make escape or violence extremely unlikely and even impossible.[30] For example, administering epidural anesthesia causes numbness and eliminates flight risk.[31] Although cited as the main reason for using shackles, public safety is likely just an excuse and not the main motivator for shackling prisoners. I argue that underlying the shackling exemplifies the idea that these women should not have become pregnant. The shackling reflects a distinct discrimination: the lawmakers allowing it perhaps thought that people guilty of crimes would make bad mothers. Public safety is just a pretense. The language used to justify the use of restraint of Shawanna Nelson, the plaintiff in Nelson v. Correctional Medical Services, discussed below, included the word “aggressive.”[32] In her case, there was no evidence that she posed any danger or was objectively aggressive. Officer Turnesky, who supervised Nelson, testified that she never felt threatened by Nelson.[33] The lack of documented attempts of escape and violence from pregnant prisoners suggests that shackling for flight risk is a false pretense and perhaps merely based on stereotypes.[34] In 2011, an Amnesty International report noted that “Around the USA, it is common for restraints to be used on sick and pregnant incarcerated women when they are transported to and kept in hospital, regardless of whether they have a history of violence (which only a minority have) and regardless of whether they have ever absconded or attempted to escape (which few women have).”[35] In a 2020 survey of correctional officers in select midwestern prisons, 76 percent disagreed or strongly disagreed with restraining pregnant women during labor and delivery.[36] If a correctional officer shackles a pregnant prisoner, it is not because they pose a risk but because of a perception that they do. This mindset is attributed to select law enforcement, who have authority to use restraints.[37] In 2022, the Tennessee legislature passed a bill prohibiting the use of restraints on pregnant inmates. However, legislators amended the bill due to the Tennessee Sherriff Association’s belief that even pregnant inmates could pose a “threat.”[38] Subjecting all prisoners to the same “precautions” because a small percentage of individuals may pose such risks could reflect stereotyping or the assumption that all incarcerated people pose danger and flight risk. To quell the (unjustified) public safety concern, there are other options that do not cause physical or mental harm to pregnant women. For example, San Francisco General Hospital does not use shackles but has deputy sheriffs outside the pregnant women’s doors.[39] III. Historical Context and Race A. Slavery and Post-Civil War The treatment of female prisoners has striking similarities to that of enslaved women. Originally, shackling of female slaves was a mechanism of control and dehumanization.[40] This enabled physical and sexual abuses. During the process of intentionally dehumanizing slaves to facilitate subordination, slave owners stripped slave women of their feminine identity.[41] Slave women were unable to exhibit the Victorian model of “good mothering” and people thought they lacked maternal feelings for their children.[42] In turn, societal perception defeminized slave women, and barred them from utilizing the protections of womanhood and motherhood. During the post-Civil War era, black women were reversely depicted as sexually promiscuous and were arrested for prostitution more often than white women.[43] In turn, society excluded black women; they were seen as lacking what the “acceptable and good” women had.[44] Some argue that the historical act of labeling black women sexually deviant influences today’s perception of black women and may lead to labeling them bad mothers.[45] Over two-thirds of incarcerated women are women of color.[46] Many reports document sexual violence and misconduct against prisoners over the years.[47] Male guards have raped, sexually assaulted, and inappropriately touched female prisoners. Some attribute the physical abuse of black female prisoners to their being depicted or stereotyped as “aggressive, deviant, and domineering.”[48] Some expect black women to express stoicism and if they do not, people label them as dangerous, irresponsible, and aggressive.[49] The treatment of these prisoners mirrors the historical oppression endured by black women during and following the era of slavery. The act of shackling incarcerated pregnant women extends the inhumane treatment of these women from the prison setting into the hospital. One prisoner stated that during her thirty-hour labor, while being shackled, she “felt like a farm animal.”[50] Another pregnant prisoner describes her treatment by a guard stating: “a female guard grabbed me by the hair and was making me get up. She was screaming: ‘B***h, get up.’ Then she said, ‘That is what happens when you are a f***ing junkie. You shouldn’t be using drugs, or you wouldn’t be in here.”[51] Shackling goes beyond punishing by isolation from society – it is an additional punishment that is not justified. B. Reproductive Rights and “Bad Mothers” As with slaves not being seen as maternal, prisoners are not viewed as “real mothers.” A female prison guard said the following: “I’m a mother of two and I know what that impulse, that instinct, that mothering instinct feels like. It just takes over, you would never put your kids in harm’s way. . . . Women in here lack that. Something in their nature is not right, you know?”[52] This comment implies that incarcerated women lack maternal instinct. They are not in line with the standards of what society accepts as a “woman” and “mother” and are thought to have abandoned their roles as caretakers in pursuit of deviant behaviors. Without consideration of racial discrimination, poverty issues, trauma, and restricted access to the child right after delivery, these women are stereotyped as bad mothers simply because they are in prison. Reminiscent of the treatment of female black bodies post-civil war and the use of reproductive interventions (for example, Norplant and forced sterilization) in exchange for shorter sentences, I argue that shackles are a form of reproductive control. Justification for the use of shackles even includes their use as a “punitive instrument to remind the prisoner of their punishment.”[53] However, a prisoner’s pregnancy should have no relevance to their sentence.[54] Using shackles demonstrates to prisoners that society tolerates childbirth but does not support it.[55] The shackling is evidence that women are being punished “for bearing children, not for breaking the law.”[56] Physicians and healthcare workers, as a result, are responsible for providing care for the delivery and rectifying any physical problems associated with the restraints. The issues that arise from the use of restraints place physicians in a position more complex than they experience with regular healthy pregnancies. C. Discrimination In the case of Ferguson v. City of Charleston, a medical university subjected black woman to involuntary drug testing during pregnancy. In doing so, medical professionals collaborated with law enforcement to penalize black women for their use of drugs during pregnancy.[57] The Court held the drug tests were an unreasonable search and violated the Fourth Amendment. Ferguson v. City of Charleston further reveals an unjustified assumption: the medical and legal community seemed suspicious of black women and had perhaps predetermined them more likely to use drugs while pregnant. Their fitness to become mothers needed to be proven, while wealthy, white women were presumed fit.[58] The correctional community similarly denies pregnant prisoners’ medical attention. In the case of Staten v. Lackawanna County, an African American woman whose serious medical needs were treated indifferently by jail staff was forced to give birth in her cell.[59] This woman was punished for being pregnant in prison through the withholding of medical attention and empathy. IV. Failure to Follow Anti-Shackling Laws Despite 22 states having laws against shackling pregnant prisoners, officers do not always follow these laws. In 2015, the Correctional Association of New York reported that of the 27 women who gave birth under state custody, officers shackled 23 women in violation of the anti-shackling laws.[60] The lawyer of Tracy Edwards, an inmate who officers shackled unlawfully during her twelve-hour labor stated, “I don’t think we can assume that just because there’s a law passed, that’s automatically going to trickle down to the prison.”[61] Even with more restrictions on shackling, it may still occur, partly due to the stereotype that incarcerated women are aggressive and dangerous. V. Constitutionality The Eighth Amendment protects people from cruel and unusual punishment. In Brown vs. Plata, the court stated, “Prisoners retain the essence of human dignity inherent in all persons.”[62] In several cases, the legal community has held shackling to be unconstitutional as it violates the Eighth Amendment unless specifically justified. In the case of Nelson v. Correctional Medical Services, a pregnant woman was shackled for 12 hours of labor with a brief respite while she pushed, then re-shackled. The shackling caused her physical and emotional pain, including intense cramping that could not be relieved due to positioning and her inability to get up to use a toilet.[63] The court held that a clear security concern must justify shackling. The court cited a similar DC case and various precedents for using the Eighth Amendment to hold correctional facilities and hospitals accountable.[64] An Arkansas law similarly states that shackling must be justified by safety or risk of escape.[65] If the Thirteenth Amendment applied to those convicted of crimes, shackling pregnant incarcerated people would be unconstitutional under that amendment as well as the Eighth. In the Civil Rights Cases, Congress upheld the right “to enact all necessary and proper laws for the obliteration and prevention of slavery with all its badges and incidents.”[66] Section two of the Thirteenth Amendment condemns any trace or acts comparable to that of slavery. Shackling pregnant prisoners, stripping them of their dignity, and justification based on stereotypes all have origins in the treatment of black female slaves. Viewed through the lens of the Thirteenth Amendment, the act of shackling would be unconstitutional. Nonetheless, the Thirteenth Amendment explicitly excludes people convicted of a crime. VI. Justice As a result of the unconstitutional nature of shackling, physicians should have a legal obligation, in addition to their ethical duty, to protect their patients. The principle of justice requires physicians to take a stand against the discriminatory treatment of their patients, even under the eye of law enforcement.[67],[68] However, “badge and gun intimidation,” threats of noncompliance, and the fear of losing one’s license can impede a physician’s willingness to advocate for their patients. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) finds the use of physical restraints interferes with the ability of clinicians to practice medicine safely.[69] ACOG, The American Medical Association, the National Commission on Correctional Health Care, and other organizations oppose using restraints on pregnant incarcerated people.[70] Yet, legislators can adopt shackling laws without consultation with physicians. The ACOG argues that “State legislators are taking it upon themselves to define complex medical concepts without reference to medical evidence. Some of the penalties [faced by OBGYNs] for violating these vague, unscientific laws include criminal sentences.”[71] Legislation that does not consider medical implications or discourages physicians’ input altogether is unjust. In nullifying the voice of a physician in matters pertaining to the patient’s treatment, physicians are prevented from fulfilling the principle of justice, making the act of shackling patients unethical. VII. Principle of Beneficence The principle of beneficence requires the prevention of harm, the removal of harm, and the promotion of good.[72] Beneficence demands the physician not only avoid harm but benefit patients and promote their welfare.[73] The American Board of Internal Medicine Foundation states that physicians must work with other professionals to increase patient safety and improve the quality of care.[74] In doing so, physicians can adequately treat patients with the goal of prevention and healing. It is difficult to do good when law enforcement imposes on doctors to work around shackles during labor and delivery. Law enforcement leaves physicians and healthcare workers responsible not only to provide care for the delivery, but also rectify any ailments associated with the restraints. The issues arising from using restraints place physicians in a position more complex than they experience with other pregnancies. Doctors cannot prevent the application of the shackles and can only request officers to take them off the patient.[75] Physicians who simply go along with shackling are arguably violating the principle of beneficence. However, for most, rather than violating the principle of beneficence overtly, physicians may simply have to compromise. Given the intricate nature of the situation, physicians are tasked with minimizing potential harm to the best of their abilities while adhering to legal obligations.[76] It is difficult to pin an ethics violation on the ones who do not like the shackles but are powerless to remove them. Some do argue that this inability causes physicians to violate the principle of beneficence.[77] However, promoting the well-being of their patients within the boundaries of the law limits their ability to exercise beneficence. For physicians to fulfill the principle of beneficence to the fullest capacity, they must have an influence on law. Protocols and assessments on flight risks made solely by the officers and law enforcement currently undermine the physician’s expertise. These decisions do not consider the health and well-being of the pregnant woman. As a result, law supersedes the influence of medicine and health care. CONCLUSION People expect physicians to uphold the four major principles of bioethics. However, their inability to override restraints compromises their ability to exercise beneficence. Although pledging to enforce these ethical principles, physicians have little opportunity to influence anti-shackling legislation. Instead of being included in conversations regarding medical complexities, legislation silences their voices. Policies must include the physician's voice as they affect their ability to treat patients. Officers should not dismiss a physician's request to remove shackles from a woman if they are causing health complications. A woman's labor should not harm her or her fetus because the officer will not remove her shackles.[78] A federal law could end shackling pregnant incarcerated people. Because other options are available to ensure the safety of the public and the prisoner, there is no ethical justification for shackling pregnant prisoners. An incarcerated person is a human being and must be treated with dignity and respect. To safeguard the well-being of incarcerated women and the public, it is essential for advocates of individual rights to join forces with medical professionals to establish an all-encompassing solution. - [1] Ferszt, G. G., Palmer, M., & McGrane, C. (2018). Where does your state stand on shackling of Pregnant Incarcerated Women? Nursing for Women’s Health, 22(1), 17–23. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nwh.2017.12.005 [2] S983A, 2015-2016 Regular Sessions (N.Y. 2015). https://legislation.nysenate.gov/pdf/bills/2015/S983A [3] Chris DiNardo, Pregnancy in Confinement, Anti-Shackling Laws and the “Extraordinary Circumstances” Loophole, 25 Duke Journal of Gender Law & Policy 271-295 (2018) https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/djglp/vol25/iss2/5 [4] Chris DiNardo (2018) [5] U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. 1980. " Prisoners in 1980 – Statistical Tables”. Retrieved April 20, 2023 (https://bjs.ojp.gov/content/pub/pdf/p80.pdf). [6] U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. 2022. " Prisoners in 2021 – Statistical Tables”. Retrieved April 20, 2023 (https://bjs.ojp.gov/sites/g/files/xyckuh236/files/media/document/p21st.pdf). [7] U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (1980) [8] Sufrin C, Jones RK, Mosher WD, Beal L. Pregnancy Prevalence and Outcomes in U.S. Jails. 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