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1
Paine, Laura. "Hands to Work, Hearts to God: The Story of the Shaker Seed Industry". HortTechnology 3, nr 4 (październik 1993): 375–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.3.4.375.
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The Shakers were a celibate, communistic religious group, active primarily in the 18th and 19th centuries in the United States. Well-known for their craftsmanship in making furniture and other household items, their expertise extended far beyond these areas into a broad range of industries, including many agricultural enterprises. Seeds of vegetable varieties were produced and marketed independently by several of the Shaker communities starting in the late 18th century. During the first part of the 19th century, Shaker peddlers were one of a very few sources of vegetable seed for American gardeners, and seed sales comprised a major portion of the Shaker communities' income. Shaker doctrine encouraged excellence and integrity in all their business practices. These characteristics were largely responsible for the Shakers' success in the seed industry, as well as for their ultimate decline. Their enterprise sprang from their rural, agricultural roots and their markets were the small villages and farming communities across the eastern United States. The Shaker seed industry thus developed independent of the market forces governing “the World.” The commercial seed industry, based in Philadelphia (beginning in the first decades of the 1800s), and the Shaker seed industry had little effect on one another until mid-century, when improved transportation and mail service opened rural markets to the mainly city-based commercial seed dealerships. Unwilling to compete with commercial dealers, the Shaker seed industry gradually declined until the turn of the century, when it ceased to exist.
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Bednarek, Wojciech. "Little Moscow on the Vltava river – Russian communities in the Czech Republic in the context of socio-political order and homeland security". Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, nr 3 (grudzień 2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.3.4.
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The central concern of this paper is the growing influx of Russian migrants to the Czech Republic and the consequences for political and social order. With nearly 40,000 migrants, Russians are the fourth biggest foreign community in Czechia. Due to their material status, the history of bilateral relations, and the significant role of their homeland in Czech politics, the growing Russian community poses a problem for Czech society. The fear of Russian dominance – in political as well as economical dimensions – as well as resentment about the communistic era, is still present among Czech people. Although most Russians come to Czech to study or to do business and are not engaged in political activity, relations between migrants and the host society can be strained. Mutual prejudices make themselves felt in moments of the political crisis between two countries, such as the recent row over Soviet monuments in Prague. However, this doesn’t necessarily mean that the Russian community could easily become a tool for Kremlin propaganda. Russians appreciate the opportunity to live in a rich, liberal and democratic society and even though they keep strong emotional ties with their homeland they are not keen to affirm all of Moscow’s deeds.
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Čiegis, Remigijus, Dainora Grundey i Dalia Štreimikiene. "ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF CITIES SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIC PLANNING". Technological and Economic Development of Economy 11, nr 4 (31.12.2005): 260–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/13928619.2005.9637706.
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In Lithuania, like in other post communistic countries, the principles of sustainable development were used only few years ago, basically only in case, that it was “in vogue” in the whole world. Strategic plans were created usually in such a way that everyone understood, not paying attention to quality and real destination. Most of investors choosing places for their investments usually analyse strategic plans and this is one of the critical factors for choosing the place for investments or at least choosing possible variants. At present Lithuanians are starting to understand the importance of sustainable development and the principles of sustainability are being implemented realistically. During this process a lot of obscurities were observed which have conditioned the problematic of the article: misunderstandings of cities’ sustainable development strategic planning principles, in the appreciation of community's involvement importance into strategic management processes, the absence of the united methodology for sustainable development strategic planning processes. Therefore the principles of sustainable development and possibilities for their use in the development processes of cities’ communities are analyzed in this article. Summarizing the principles of sustainable development of cities it is possible to separate three basic stages of strategic planning, which are (1) creation of vision, (2) strategic planning, and (3) implementation of the plan. In every stage there is a management process which is adjusted to new conditions, changed tactics, but doesn't go far from the vision which was formulated by authorities and inhabitants.
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Hall, Rosalie Arcala. "Politics in the Frontline: Local Civil-Military Interactions in Communist Counterinsurgency Operations in the Philippines". Philippine Political Science Journal 27, nr 1 (21.12.2006): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701001.
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This article examines the interaction of local army units and town/village leaders in several communist frontline communities in Southern Iloilo, in the light of changes in the national government’s policy response after 1986. Civil-military engagement in the frontline is asymmetrical and premised on different understandings of the nature and assessment of the communist threat. For soldiers, the communists are embedded in the community, and pose a serious threat. Local leaders downplay the rebel threat and view the communists as outsiders, but express a nuanced view of the different roles locals play in the communist movement and factional affiliation of rebels in their area. Except for paramilitary formation, the military devises all counterinsurgency programs while civilian leaders and the police are confined to implementation. The Municipal Peace and Order Councils do not serve as institutional means for local civilian leaders to oversee military operations, but rather as venues for local commands to obtain logistical support. Civil-military interface on human rights concerns has become less confrontational and oriented towards soldiers carrying firearms in public, abuse of local generosity particularly in quartering and food provision, and complaints procedure for minor infractions.
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AHMAD, MOHD ABDUL AZIZ, i MOKHTARRUDIN AHMAD. "PERCUBAAN FAHAMAN KOMUNIS MENGUASAI PARTI KEBANGSAAN MELAYU MALAYA (PKMM)". International Journal of Creative Future and Heritage (TENIAT) 5, nr 1 (31.03.2017): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47252/teniat.v5i1.208.
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Penyebaran fahaman komunis di Tanah Melayu dilakukan oleh Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM), fahaman komunis pada peringkat awalnya disebarkan di kalangan masyarakat Cina sahaja, kemudiannya mereka menyebarkan fahaman mereka kepada masyarakat Melayu. Fahaman komunis disebarkan kepada masyarakat Melayu melalui dua kaedah. Pertama, penyebaran secara langsung kepada orang Melayu (propaganda atau penyebaran ideologi komunis dilakukan secara terus melalui Parti Komunis Malaya); dan kedua, melalui penguasaan parti politik Melayu (menguasai parti politik Melayu dan menyebarkan ideologi komunis dalam parti politik Melayu tersebut). Kajian mengenai kaedah pertama sudah banyak dihasilkan oleh penyelidik sebelum ini. Oleh itu, artikel ini bermatlamat meneliti kaedah kedua komunis iaitu melalui penguasaan parti politik Melayu iaitu Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). Perkara yang menjadi persoalan kajian ialah sejauh manakah fahaman komunis berjaya menguasai PKMM? Bagi menjawab persoalan kajian, kaedah kualitatif digunakan berdasarkan kepada analisis teks bertemakan sejarah politik. Hasil analisis ini pengkaji telah mendapati fahaman komunis tidak dapat menguasai kepimpinan dan dasar parti kerana dalam PKMM mempunya tiga aliran iaitu aliran nasionalis, aliran agama dan aliran komunis. Aliran yang menguasai kepimpinan adalah aliran nasionalis dan agama. Kegagalan fahaman komunis menguasai PKMM juga disebabkan oleh kerjasama yang terjalin antara mereka adalah atas sebab kepentingan masing-masing. The spread of communism in Malaya was undertaken by the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM). The movements of communism were initially diffused only among the Chinese community, then later on to the other communities. Communism was disseminated to the communities through two methods. Firstly, the ideology was spread directly to the Malays (the propaganda of communist ideology was made directly through the Malayan Communist Party); and secondly, it was carried out through the control of Malay political parties (by dominating the Malay political parties and spread the communist ideology in the Malay political parties). The study of the first method has been widely produced by the researchers before. Therefore, this article aims to examine the second method utilized by the communists to control the Malay political party, Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). A question arises as to what extent the communists successfully gained control of PKMM? To answer the research question, a qualitative method is used based on the analysis of political history themed texts. The result of the analysis, researcher found that communists did not dominate the leadership and policy of the party for PKMM consists of three streams which are the nationalist, religious and communist streams. The streams that took control of the leadership are the streams of nationalism and religion. The failure of communists to dominate PKMM was due to the cooperation linked between them and also because each of the streams cared for their own interests.
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Moisa, Gabriel. "Perceptions of the bolshevik danger at the western border of Romania in the interwar period". Revista de istorie a Moldovei, nr 3-4(131-132) (listopad 2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.131-132.04.
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At the western border of Romania, the communist-Bolshevik ideology made its presence felt at the end of 1918 on the Hungarian chain, in the conditions of ideological turmoil of this type generated by the Bolshevik socialist group in Budapest formed around Kun Béla. In Oradea there was a socialist group even before the First World War. Its leader was Katz Béla in the fall of 1918. Bolshevik ideas were often spotted in the county in the immediate future, facilitating the formation of a fairly important communist group throughout the interwar period. At the end of 1919, the socialist leader Eugen Rozvany, recently returned from the front, a member of the Socialist Party of Transylvania and Banat, made his presence felt in Oradea. He joined the communist movement in 1920, where he held an important position until his departure to the USSR in 1932, placing himself at the head of the Bihor and even national communist movement. He was the one who seriously imprinted the communist movement in Bihor and beyond. Breiner Bela was added immediately. Along with them, new leaders were formed who turned to communism in a very short time, such as Sándkovitz Sándor (Alexandru Sencovici) and Mogyorós Sándor (Alexandru Moghioroş). Oradea and Bihor played an important role in the national communist movement. This is demonstrated by the fact that after the Second Congress of the Communist Party of Romania, held in 1922, the communist movement in the country was organized into eight regional secretariats. One of them was in Oradea. The Communist Party of Romania, the Bihor county organization, was a political structure overwhelmingly dominated in the interwar period, as can be seen, by members of the Hungarian and Jewish communities. They made the law in the organization, and if someone did not agree with its conduct, he was quickly shot dead. This is also the case of Eugen Rozvany, who, when he had a different position from the local communists on “the self-determination of the peoples of imperialist Romania”, he supported the idea of the Romanian national state, was unmasked, removed from the party, whose fate was sealed.
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Edgerton-Tarpley, Kathryn. "A River Runs through It: The Yellow River and The Chinese Civil War, 1946–1947". Social Science History 41, nr 2 (2017): 141–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.2.
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In June 1938 China's Nationalist government breached a major Yellow River dike in a drastic attempt to use flooding to slow the Japanese invasion. The strategic breach caused the Yellow River to abandon the northern course it had followed since 1855, and its new southeastern course led to eight years of catastrophic flooding. After World War II, the Nationalists, with extensive aid from the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), aimed to close the breach and divert the river back to its pre-1938 course. However, the Chinese Communists had taken control of much of that course, and local interests there opposed the plan to bring back the river. The Yellow River diversion project thus became intensely politicized. This article examines how the diversion plan became embroiled in the Chinese Civil War of 1946–49, how the river's return to its northern course in 1947 impacted communities in its path, and how the Communists and Nationalists imagined the river and made different tactical and rhetorical uses of it during the war. I find that the campaign to reroute the river was complicated not only by the civil war but also by tension between local and national interests within the Communist Party, and that UNRRA's attempts to mediate between the Nationalists and Communists at times put the organization at odds with both parties. Moreover, in 1946 and 1947 the intense struggle to tame, make strategic use of, or cross the Yellow River became an important metaphor for the battle to control China.
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Bowd, Gavin. "Franco-British communist solidarity in the miners' strikes of 1926, 1948 and 1984-85". Twentieth Century Communism 23, nr 23 (10.11.2022): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165544.
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The British and French communist movements have rarely been an object of comparison, partly because of the huge difference in fortunes enjoyed by the two parties. However, one important similarity between these neighbours was the size and importance of the countries' coal industries, as well as the militancy of their mining communities, where communism took root as a serious political and cultural force. This article examines acts of solidarity by British and French Communists during the most important miners' strikes of their parties' existence: the General Strike and Lockout of 1926, the French miners' action of 1948, and the British miners' last great struggle of 1984-1985. Through the study of archival documents, the press and other sources, we explore how these disputes constitute important moments in the history of British and French communism, as well as of their countries' respective labour movements. The dispute of 1984-1985 marks a culminating point that confirms the strengths and weaknesses of British and French communism's relationship with the miners.
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Morozova, Irina. "Adaptive Compromisers or Inventive Reformers: Communities, Religion and Ideology in Late Socialism in Central and Inner Asia". Inner ASIA 15, nr 1 (2013): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-90000055.
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Pioneering historical comparison between Soviet Central Asia and socialist Mongolia in the last decades of socialism, this article aims to assess the role of international factors and regional geopolitics in the policies of socialist states towards religious institutions and communities. It also traces long- term sociocultural transformations of Muslim and Buddhist communities in comparative perspective, and questions how individuals and groups responded to antireligious social campaigns, adapted to newly introduced institutions and reframed their religious identities throughout. The research is based on archival and oral- history data, while reflections upon the concepts of secularity and religion assist in working out a critical approach to the sources. The article raises the complex question of fading religiosity in the religious rites and ceremonies which persisted into socialism and beyond, explored alongside the sacral meaning imposed and found in communist commemorations and socialist cults. It argues for the necessity of analysing communities in the shared historical space where foreign state policies and individual histories intersect. While post- Second World War Middle Eastern geopolitics impacted upon the reestablishment of legal Muslim institutions in Soviet Central Asia, the status of socialist Mongolia vis- à- vis Peking became an additional motivation for the Mongolian communists’ assault on the lamas. In Soviet Central Asia in the 1970s–1980s, social life was still centred on Islamic rituals, while in Mongolia, where socialist cults laid down deeper roots, the population demonstrated more profound sacral perception of communal commemorations than Central Asians.
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Lilly. "Communities of the Dead: Secularizing Cemeteries in Communist Yugoslavia". Slavonic and East European Review 97, nr 4 (2019): 676. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/slaveasteurorev2.97.4.0676.
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Musabegović, Senadin. "Raspad multietničkih zajednica / Disintegration of Multi-Ethnic Communities". Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Sarajevu, ISSN 2303-6990 on-line, nr 24 (10.11.2021): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036990.2021.391.
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In the end of the 1980s and during the 1990s, the religious communities in Yugoslavia wholeheartedly critiqued the ‘totalitarian communist government’ claiming that it had imposed, from the above, the ideological restraints and suppression of religious freedoms. Therefore, many religious elites accepted the process of Western European liberalization in order to win the fight for religious freedom, as well as to affirm its role and power through free elections. In the anti-communist context, the religious elites insisted on the return to tradition, to ancestors, to the past, and mostly neglecting the narrative of ‘the new future.’ This paper examines the way in which nationalism – which establishes its power through the use of religious symbols in order to unify and mobilize the masses— came to existence after the disintegration of a multi-ethnic state, such as the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empire, on the one side, and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, on the other. In such a way, religious universalism reduces itself on the particular national myth, which, through the symbol of the victim, constructs the ‘chosen people’ whose politics is not based on joining, connecting with other people, but on separation and division.
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Mello, William. "Robert W. Cherny, William Issel, and Kieran Walash Taylor, eds.,American Labor and the Cold War: Grassroots Politics and Post War Political Culture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004. 320 pp. Paper $23.95". International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (kwiecień 2005): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905210153.
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Would the existing powerlessness of American unions be much different had organized labor not been the focus of cold-war repression in the late 1940s and 1950s? How did workers experience the anticommunist upsurge and reshape their political alliances in light of what some have called America's darkest political hour? American Labor and the Cold War is a collection of smart and challenging essays that examine the impact of cold war politics on organized labor and the labor-left. The authors explore the historical impact of the cold war and the constraints placed on working class political power in the United States immediately following the Second World War. They argue that the cold war on labor reflected a process that was driven by state-organized repressive measures that were sustained by regional political-cultural traditions and in some cases high levels of working-class conservatism. The essays highlight the efforts of conservative labor leaders to take control of left-led unions, purging Communist Party (CP) activists and their allies and the ways in which communists sought to resist the radical right-wing movement in their unions and surrounding communities.
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Gąsior-Niemiec, Anna, Georg Glasze i Robert Pütz. "A Glimpse over the Rising Walls". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, nr 2 (29.04.2009): 244–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408328749.
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The authors focus on societal perceptions of the Polish post-communist transformation as reflected in the rising discourse of gated communities. Guarded, (video-) controlled and/or walled housing estates have been on the sprawl in the Polish metropolises throughout the 1990s and 2000s. However, only recently they have been discursively constructed—under the banner of “gated communities”—as a social and political issue in the country. The authors look at this issue from a vantage point offered by Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse, which allows the authors to combine a spatial and a linguistic analytical perspective. The analysis emphasizes the manner in which societal perceptions of borders surrounding gated communities overlap with perceptions of boundaries being inscribed in the social structure of post-communist Poland, while the resulting socio—spatial configurations are taken to signify political cleavages inherent in the Polish nation.
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Kit-ching, Chan Lau. "The Perception of Chinese Communism in Hong Kong 1921–1934". China Quarterly 164 (grudzień 2000): 1044–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019299.
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This article attempts to present the impression made by Chinese communism in Hong Kong during the germinal period of the Chinese Communist Movement from 1921, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was founded, to 1934, when the communist presence in Hong Kong and Guangdong had virtually disappeared and communist activities were not to be revived until shortly before the outbreak of China's war with Japan. The early perception of communism and its importance have to be understood in the context of the dual society of the colony, with the British as the ruler and the Chinese as the ruled in almost totally separate communities.
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Bárdi, Nándor. "Different Images of the Future of the Hungarian Communities in Neighbouring Countries, 1989–2012". European Review 21, nr 4 (październik 2013): 530–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000525.
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The paper offers a conceptual framework for interpreting the actions, rhetoric and decisions of the Hungarian communities living in neighbouring countries. Its main topic is covering how post-communist social transformations have been linked to the images these different communities have of the future, including expectations, principles and strategic goals.
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Morris, Joshua J. "Building a Movement: American Communist Activism in the Communities, 1929-1945". American Communist History 18, nr 3-4 (2.10.2019): 218–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743892.2019.1677125.
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Saade, Bashir. "Clerics and Communists". Monthly Review 67, nr 9 (5.02.2016): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-09-2016-02_5.
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<div class="bookreview">Rula Jurdi Abisaab and Malek Abisaab, <em>The Shi'ites of Lebanon: Modernism, Communism, and Hizbullah's Islamists</em> (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2014), 350 pages, $49.95, hardcover.</div>In the West today, political Islam is mostly equated with ISIS's spectacle of violence, and with the narrow, bigoted understanding of religion and society that inspires it. It will thus intrigue many readers to discover that the legacy of Islamic intellectual and political activity, from the turn of the twentieth century until today, bore the imprint of a complex interaction between Communist and leftist traditions. A recent book by two professors at McGill University, Rula Jurdi Abisaab and Malek Abisaab, takes on the ambitious task of tracing the history of the sometimes symbiotic, sometimes confrontational relationship among Shi'i communities and clerics in Lebanon, along with occasional discussions of related issues in Iraqi politics. Based on a rich set of primary documents from both countries, the authors describe in great detail the rise and fall of the Communist experience in the region, the shortcomings of the left as it was gradually superseded by Islamic party formations, and the deep debt of the latter to the former.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-9" title="Vol. 67, No. 9: February 2016" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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Kamarás, István. "Civil Society and Religion in Post-Communist Hungary". Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 13, nr 1 (2001): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2001131/27.
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How can the churches in Hungary today help in building civil society without becoming politicised or submerged in a secular world? This essay focuses on the different roles and activities of larger and smaller churches in Hungarian civil society, especially Catholic congregations and smaller communities, new religious movements and groups, the "official church," and the "civil church," Churches and religious communities in Hungary are still too rigid in their institutional forms to become an organic part of civil society. To preserve their unique calling churches have to play the role as a participant of a special form of civil society--the "contrast-society." Only churches institutionalized in an appropriate way will be able to accommodate civil society without being assimilated by it. Thus, churches can become part of civil society mainly in the form of a dialogue. Hungarian churches, religious groups, and movements are just at the beginning of a promising process.
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Pilat, Tadeusz Adam. "Union of Polish Communities in Europe. The Calendar of Major Events 1993-2019 it all Started in Kraków". Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (20.12.2022): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.6s.
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This article presents the calendar of the most important events related to the Union of Polish Communities in Europe (EUWP), a federation of Polish diaspora organisations from all over Europe. The EUWP was established in 1993 in London with the aim of promoting Polonia-related and Polish affairs in the process of Poland’s integration with the democratic West, cooperating with Polish communities around the world and providing assistance to Polish organisations in post-communist countries. For 28 years, the Union of Polish Communities in Europe has been involved in promoting Polish culture and integrating Polish communities, organising and taking part in various scientific and cultural events, conferences and competitions.
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Zafer, Zeynep. "Belene Concentration Camp and Muslim Communities (1964-1987)". Balkanistic Forum 32, nr 3 (15.09.2023): 126–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.7.
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The imprisonment of Muslims in the Belene concentration camp, subsequently called forced settlement of a new residence, as the punitive measure in a more mitigated form, was applied against opponents of assimilation policy almost until the fall of communist power in Bulgaria. The article summarizes data on Turks and Pomaks who opposed the state decisions and repression, sent to the second division of the Belene concentration camp in the first two periods (1949-1953 and 1956-1959) of its history. Then we consider in more detail the imprisonment of Pomaks in relation of the change of names in the almost unexplored by this aspect 1960s and 1970s of the concentration camp. Finally, brief parallels are drawn between the internment in these two decades, and the last, largest forced internment of Turks (1984-1987) in the concentration camp in the name change campaign of 1984-1985 and the subsequent years of repression.
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Beqa, Mentor, Ardian Muhaj i Ferid Piku. "The Revival of Religion in Albania". Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, nr 2 (27.12.2022): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2022.9.2.33.
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This paper examines the recent history of religious development in Albania during the post-communist period. Second, it identifies patterns in the differentiated development of material and spiritual religious life among the region’s religions, and the institutional and political reasons behind them. Third, it analyses the positions of Albanian Cham, Albanian Kosovar and Bosniak Sunni communities as they confront the post-communist pressures of proselytisation and de-Sunnification. Through historical and discourse analysis and unstructured interviews with individuals of different religious, ethnic and local affiliation, the paper reveals that religious, ethnic and local feelings are strong among all three communities. Attitudes toward proselytization attempts among Bosniaks, Cham and Kosovar Albanians, however, are more resilient than those of local Sunnis toward de-Sunnification. The weakening of religiosity among local Sunnis is in conjunction with an organised movement to construct a distinct Bektashi identity, although most Bektashis still identify as Muslim.
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Urban, Michael. "The Politics of Identity in Russia's Postcommunist Transition: The Nation against Itself". Slavic Review 53, nr 3 (1994): 733–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501518.
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Politics in postcommunist societies is in large measure a politics of identity. Central to it seem to be two mutually reinforcing moments through which national communities recreate themselves. One involves the "positive" expression of nation and concerns the recovery of those identity markers—symbols, rituals, anthems, history, literature and so forth—that had been suspended and suppressed during the communist epoch. The other moment is "negative." It appears in the act of purging the nation of like markers associated with the period of communist rule that are now openly regarded as alien. The multitude of images projected from the countries of east Europe and the former USSR at the moment of communism's collapse capture these two moments in concentrated fashion. In the crowds chanting national slogans and waving the national flag, while chiseling communist emblems from the facades of public buildings and toppling statues erected to some member of the communist pantheon, we observe a distilled version of this duplex signification: "We are not communist/communism is not us."
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Kozyrev, Nikolai. "Formation of a sustainable management system Development of territorial communities". Problems of Innovation and Investment Development, nr 17 (4.12.2018): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33813/2224-1213.17.2018.02.
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The article discusses the systemic obstacles to the sustainable development of territorial communities in the context of the historical transition from post-communist Ukrainian society, loaded with structures of the past social order, to the modern – in the process of modernizing the country. At the same time, special attention is focused on the factors blocking this development when reforming local self-government. These blockages include, above all, systemic nonlegal practices, the legitimacy of which is ensured not only by the inertia of the Soviet traditions of arbitrariness of the executive power, but also by certain laws of the post-Soviet period. This is especially noticeable in the field of public utilities and property management of territorial communities.
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Stoyanov, Petar, i Klaus Frantz. "Gated communities in Bulgaria: interpreting a new trend in post-communist urban development". GeoJournal 66, nr 1-2 (czerwiec 2006): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-006-9016-1.
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Rubin, Michael A. "Rebel Territorial Control and Civilian Collective Action in Civil War: Evidence from the Communist Insurgency in the Philippines". Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, nr 2-3 (27.07.2019): 459–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719863844.
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Under what conditions do rebel organizations control territory during civil war? How do civilians influence the distribution of territorial control? This article introduces a civilian agency theory, emphasizing community collective action capacity (CAC) defined by underlying social network structure, to complement existing explanations of territorial control. I argue communities with greater CAC mobilize information and resources more efficiently, increasing belligerents’ incentives to control territory. However, CAC also increases community bargaining power to demand costly investments in governance, partially offsetting these gains. CAC increases rebel control in areas of state neglect. But, as state service provision increases, communities leverage CAC to demand prohibitively costly rebel governance, deterring rebel control. This article tests the theory in the context of the communist insurgency in the Philippines, using military intelligence reports from 2011 to 2014 to measure village-level communist insurgent territorial control and a household-level census (2008–2010) to measure village CAC. Interviews with village elders in Eastern Mindanao illustrate causal mechanisms and explore alternative explanations.
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Graham, Ann, i Joanna Regulska. "Expanding Political Space for Women in Poland: An Analysis of Three Communities". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30, nr 1 (1.03.1997): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(96)00024-4.
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The paper argues that Poland's emerging democracy has yet to open political space for women. Through an analysis of three case study communities, the authors that Poland's political culture—whether communist or democratic—cannot be relied on to ensure women's equal participation. Formal mechanisms of power continue to favor the experience of men. By focusing on the ignored context of women's local activism, the study draws attention to the barriers and opportunities for women and how these barriers play out differently in which political cultures are similar yet distinct.
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Șincan, Anca. "Stuck in the Middle: The Inspector for Religious Denominations as Mediator between the Religious Community and the Early Communist Romanian State". East Central Europe 44, nr 1 (23.06.2017): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04401012.
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The relationship between state and religious denominations in communist Romania was mediated, supervised and enforced among others by a member of the state administration—the local inspector for religious denominations. Inherited from the Soviet practice this position is new in the state apparatus. The present article offers an overview of the particularities of the inspector’s work. Constantly moving between the requirements of his position, his communist orthodoxy and his own belief system and world view he had a difficult task of going between the state administration and the religious communities and make the policies and regulations of the totalitarian state palatable and enforceable. A sounding board for state policies whose applicability they tested in the field they were the last link of the newly designed relationship between the communist state and religious denominations.
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Gunderson, Christopher. "The Communist Roots of Zapatismo and the Zapatista Uprising". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 16, nr 1-3 (7.04.2017): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341427.
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This study suggests that communist politics had much deeper roots in the larger indigenous-campesino movement that formed the social base of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (ezln) than has previously been acknowledged. Tracing the political development of the indigenous communities of Chiapas, Mexico from the late nineteenth century to the founding of the ezln in 1983, it examines the influence of several currents of revolutionary socialist and communist theory and practice on the Zapatistas. It concludes with a call for further investigation into the theoretical status of communism as a category of a critical theory of contentious politics.
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Branković, Tomislav. "THE LEAGUE OF COMMUNISTS OF YUGOSLAVIA AND RELIGION". RELIGION IN THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1, nr 2 (1.12.2007): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0102081b.
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The Communist Party based its attitude to religion on Marxism-Leninism as a scientific and theoretical framework. As a critical theory of the capitalist society Marxism examined the phenomenon of religion and religious feelings in civil society and designed a project of a future socialist society. One can say that Marxism looks at the phenomenon of religion from the angle of a class society, from a materialistic viewpoint and while using the historical research method. The source of religion is in man’s alienation first from himself, then from other people and, finally, from society itself. Marxism surpasses the criticisms of religion dating back to the Enlightenment as well as the vulgar-marxist criticisms that associated religion and religious feeling with human ignorance and delusion. Marxism places religion into the historical framework including the social and economic setting which is changing, developing and thus producing or bringing about changes in religious consciousness. In their practice, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia or what was later the League of Communists of Yugoslavia had an attitude to religion and the church that was a mixture of some original Marxism but also, in much larger measure, of dogmatic, Leninist-Marxist and most often administrative –pragmatic stands which suited the then balance of political power in the state or at lower administrative levels. This attitude was also conditioned by the situation in the party, the state, Yugoslavia’s international position, the situation in the church, etc. In this context, one can say that in the actual laws and regulations governing the legal status of the church and the issue of the religious rights and liberties of citizens the atheist approach predominated, i.e. the approach that was solely and exclusively determined in relation to God. This approach seems to have predominated due to the negative experience gained by the workers’ movement in Yugoslavia between the two World Wars as well as during the course of the Second World War when the majority of church activists adopted a negative attitude to the National Liberation Movement (NLM). The process of atheization which was launched immediately following the end of the Second World War, in addition to formally playing a major role in establishing and giving legitimacy to the new social system of government, was also ongoing, in terms of its attitude to the churches, on at least two levels: 1) depoliticization of all religious communities; and 2) supression of the idea that religious attributes should be identified as national attributes in the established and traditional churches and religious communities (Serbian Orthodox Church, Roman Catholic Church, Islamic Religious Community).
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Moon, Krystyn R., Jennifer Rhode Ward, José Vazquez Rodriguez i Jorge Foyo. "Food Access, Identity, and Taste in Two Rural Cuban Communities". Gastronomica 22, nr 1 (2022): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2022.22.1.66.
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While many scholars have examined the idea of consumption preferences, also known as taste, in capitalist contexts, they have not explored how taste manifests in socialist or communist societies. In this case study, we query the ways in which two Cuban communities express taste through food choices and consumption patterns. We find that identity influences preferences less than the prevailing discourse around Cuban cuisine suggests. In addition, patterns among subjects’ responses speak to the ways in which local custom and larger structural forces intersect in respondents' lives. Instead of simply reflecting the notion of class differentiation through consumption, our subjects reveal the significance of gender roles and individual relationships to food production in their discussions of preferences. Thus, this study demonstrates that, while food preferences appear in this resource-constrained context, taste and actuality do not always align.
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Flere, Sergej. "REGISTRATION OF RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES". POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 4, nr 1 (1.06.2010): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0401099f.
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In the text regimes of religious community registration by statutory law in European countries is reviewed. Although freedom of religion is declared as a pricniple at the European level and individual constitutional provisions, varied obstacles to registering religious communities are set. They may reflect fear of abuse of religion or the intent to safeguard the hegemony of a traditionally entrenched religion. Some of these obstacles are historically entrenched, whereas in post-Communist countries they have been set during democrratic reconstruction. States differ in conditions for registration, in bodies competent to act upon such supplications, procedures in reviewing them and in practice. A trend toward reaching the standards set by the Europeaн Convention on Human Rights may be discerned. The major policies of the Venice Commission regarding religious liberty and a number of standard setting judgments by the European Court of Human Rights, regarding religious liberty, particularly within the registration of religious groups are reviewed in continuation. These policies and judgments ensue from a strict vision of individual and collective religious rights and may collide with traditional religious cultures favouring an entrenched church, within various confessional traditions in Europe. These opinions and judgments present a limited but important instrument of affirmation of religious liberty and suppressing state arbitrariness in the treatment of religious freedom, particularly of minority groups and beliefs. Problems of Orthodox cultures are stressed.
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Stenning, Alison. "Book Review: Local communities and post-communist transformation: Czechoslovakia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia". Progress in Human Geography 29, nr 1 (luty 2005): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913250502900121.
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Marsh, Christopher. "The Religious Dimension of Post-Communist “Ethnic” Conflict". Nationalities Papers 35, nr 5 (listopad 2007): 811–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701651802.
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Common religious, cultural, and ethnic bonds can hold communities together, while differences along these same lines often lead to calls for national independence, complicate nation building, and confound inter-communal peacemaking efforts. In particular, when religious differences exist between groups in conflict there is a marked tendency for such differences to become emphasized. This is not to say that religion is the root cause of all internecine and inter-communal conflict, which certainly is not the case. But conflicts become fundamentally altered as they rage on, and factors that were at the root cause of a conflict at its outset may no longer be the primary causes in later stages. That is, once conflicts have significantly evolved, thepriorcauses may no longer be theprimarycauses.
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To, James. "Beijing's Policies for Managing Han and Ethnic-Minority Chinese Communities Abroad". Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 41, nr 4 (grudzień 2012): 183–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261204100407.
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The overseas Chinese (OC) form a vast network of powerful interest groups and important political actors capable of shaping the future of China from abroad by transmitting values back to their ancestral homeland (Tu 1991). While the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) welcomes and actively seeks to foster relations with the OC in order to advance China's national interests, some cohorts may be hostile to the regime. In accordance with their distinct demographic and ethnic profiles, the CCP's qiaowu ([Formula: see text], OC affairs) infrastructure serves to entice, co-opt, or isolate various OC groupings. This article summarises the policies for managing different subsets of OC over the past three decades, and argues that through qiaowu, the CCP has successfully unified cooperative groups for China's benefit, while preventing discordant ones from eroding its grip on power.
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Davydov, D. A. "Virtues against Communism Fishman. L.G. The Age of Virtues: After Soviet Morality. Moscow: New Literary Observer, 2022". Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 107, nr 4 (23.12.2022): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-186-196.
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The article is dedicated to comprehending the ideas set forth in the monograph by Leonid Fishman The Age of Virtues: After Soviet Morality, which raises the question of the reasons for the rapid destruction of “high” communist morality in the USSR, as well as the sliding of the Russian society in the 1990s into a state of “war of all against all”. Setting himself the task of tracing how “evil” is born from “good”, Fishman draws attention to the fact that the communist morality of the Soviet Union contained an internal contradiction due to the combination of what can be called virtue ethics and the ethics of principles. Virtues consist of values that are relevant to certain communities. At the same time, virtue ethics has a dual nature. Under certain social circumstances, it contributes to nurturing a harmonious individual who strives for high social goals. This happens if the ethics of principles rises above it, setting higher goals and general ideas about how to treat other members of society. But if the ethics of principles ceases to function, nothing prevents the virtues from serving pure evil, for even members of mafia clans are not strangers to heroism, devotion, and honor. Fishman demonstrates how the virtue ethics gradually replaced the ethics of principles, bringing closer the collapse of the great communist project. According to Dmitry Davydov’s conclusion, the value of Fishman’s research is greater than just historical. No communist project can exclude either its humanistic core, with the focus on the liberation of the individual, or its emphasis on the socialization of the individual in these or other communities. But any “harmonious” personality and any community that serves “the good” risk transforming into their opposites: into a selfish individual and an association of “friends”, for whom everyone “who is not with us” is an enemy.
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Nicolas Jabla, Anthony Ceasar, Marjorie Sobradil, Elaiza Polo i Colleen Olive Lobitaña. "EFFECTIVENESS OF EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 70 OR THE NATIONAL TASK FORCE TO END LOCAL COMMUNIST ARMED CONFLICT: EXPERIENCES ON THE POVERTY REDUCTION, LIVELIHOOD, AND EMPLOYMENT CLUSTER OF THE SELECTED COMMUNITIES IN KIBAWE, BUKIDNON, PHILIPPINES". Journal of Governance and Development (JGD) 20, nr 1 (8.07.2024): 45–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jgd2024.20.1.2.
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This study examines the experiences of the selected communities in the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF- ELCAC) Poverty Reduction, Livelihoods, and Employment Cluster of Executive Order No. 70. It utilized qualitative research through the phenomenology approach as it studied the experiences of the selected communities in Kibawe, Bukidnon. It employed thematic analysis in this investigation to assess the study’s focus group discussion. The study concludes that the whole-of-the-nation approach of the government was an effective tool for the government to uplift the living conditions of the selected communities by reducing poverty through livelihood and employment programs, penetrating the most insurgency-vulnerable areas in the municipality, and increasing the representation of the selected communities in the local government units through their representatives. These programs and projects under NTF-ELCAC PRLEC have had a political, social, and economic impact on the lives of the selected communities by reducing poverty, providing work opportunities for the communities, and helping them to become self-reliant without revolting against the government.
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Urman, Aleksandra, i Mykola Makhortykh. "There can be only one truth: Ideological segregation and online news communities in Ukraine". Global Media and Communication 17, nr 2 (16.04.2021): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17427665211009930.
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The paper examines ideological segregation among Ukrainian users in online environments, using as a case study partisan news communities on Vkontakte, the largest online platform in post-communist states. Its findings suggest that despite their insignificant numbers, partisan news communities attract substantial attention from Ukrainian users and can encourage the formation of isolated ideological cliques – or ‘echo chambers’ – that increase societal polarisation. The paper also investigates factors that predict users’ interest in partisan content and establishes that the region of residence is the key predictor of selective consumption of pro-Ukrainian or pro-Russian partisan news content.
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Vogelaar, Huub. "Ecumenical Relations in Hungary Since 1990". Exchange 35, nr 4 (2006): 398–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254306780016131.
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AbstractHungary has a Catholic majority, but a substantial number of Protestants (about 20%), most of them Reformed. There are also several smaller Orthodox communities. Many ethnic Hungarians live outside the boundaries of the present Republic of Hungary. During the Communist period ecumenical events were used by the state to control and use religion. In the period after 1989 the first concern of all denominations was the re-establishment their own communities, including roles in education, social and political life. Ecumenical relations also developed and have led to several new institutions, councils and activities. These new developments are described in this contribution.
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Szporer, Michael. "The Security Forces and Polish Communism: Reclaiming History from Myth". Journal of Cold War Studies 9, nr 1 (1.01.2007): 88–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.1.88.
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This article provides a critical review of Oczami Bezpieki (Through the Eyes of the Security Service), an overview of post-1945 Poland based on secret police files by Slawomir Cenckiewicz. The essay sheds light on the ongoing controversies surrounding the secret police files that still can cause turmoil in Polish politics. The article discusses the aggressive strategies of the Communist-era security apparatus in three areas considered in the volume: penetration of émigré communities in the United States; attempts to neutralize opposition to the Communist regime from 1968 through the 1980s; and the manipulation of the Roman Catholic Church. The documents demonstrate how obsessively the security forces kept track of opposition activities.
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Abazi, Enika. "Importing Religion into Post-Communist Albania: Between Rights and Obligations". Religions 14, nr 5 (15.05.2023): 658. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14050658.
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After the communist regime seized power in Albania in 1944, the vilification, humiliation, persecution and execution of clergy of all faiths, including Muslim, Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox, were conducted publicly. Religious estates were nationalized in 1946, and around the same time, religious institutions were closed or converted into warehouses, gymnasiums, workshops or cultural centers. In the communist constitution of 1976, Albania became the first constitutional atheist state in the world. In Article 37 of the Constitution was stated “the state does not recognize any religion”. Albanians were forced to deny their religion, change their belief system and adopt the new socialist way of life that praised secular gods such as the Communist Party and its leaders. The image of the party leader replaced religious icons. Young people were encouraged to follow worldly pursuits, including offering their life for communist deities. With the fall of communism, Albanian clerics and foreign missionaries encouraged the revival of religiosity in the country. Because in Albania, religious institutions and clergy did not exist for more than 3 decades, foreign actors played a major role in the return of religion to social life and among young people. Post-communist Albania represents a quintessential case study of importing religion into a formerly atheistic country that lacked qualified clergy, religious institutions and strong religious beliefs. In the permissive post-communist Albania, people, especially young people, attributed different meanings to religion and religiosity. Mere investigations and surveys of faith communities along traditional lines would fail to provide useful insights into the significant transformations that have impacted the religious field in Albania after the fall of the communist regime and the current challenges faced by new and “traditional” denominations. The post-communist religious context is dominated by two opposing currents: The first trend is marked by the legal organization of religious practice in the public space, which grants freedoms and equality to the “traditional” religions recognized by the state, but autonomous and independent from it. The other trend is shaped by the rituals and practices of believers from abroad who are pushing for the creation of new autonomous religious communities. This paper is not investigating religious “communitarianism” along traditional lines but rather examines salient religious identification and societal relationships and discusses their implications. This analysis rests on survey data and free-flowing and open-ended interviews conducted mainly with students of the Political Science Department of the University of Tirana and of the European University of Tirana, as well as research of different social networks. The article is divided into three parts, which present the following: literature insights, the historical background of Albania’s secularization and current religious trends and practices.
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Koinova, Maria. "Diasporas and democratization in the post-communist world". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, nr 1 (1.03.2009): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.001.
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If diaspora communities are socialized with democratic values in Western societies, they could be expected to be sympathetic to the democratization of their home countries. However, there is a high degree of variation in their behavior. Contrary to the predominant understanding in the literature that diasporas act in exclusively nationalist ways, this article argues that they do engage with the democratization of their home countries. Various challenges to the sovereignty of their homelands explain whether diasporas involve with procedural or liberal aspects of democratization. Drawing evidence from the activities of the Ukrainian, Serbian, Albanian and Armenian diasporas after the end of communism, I argue that unless diasporas are linked to home countries that enjoy both international legal and domestic sovereignty, they will involve only with procedural aspects of democratization. Diasporas filter international pressure to democratize post-communist societies by utilizing democratic procedures to advance unresolved nationalist goals.
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Bridges, F. Stephen, i Neil P. Coady. "Urban Size Differences in Incidence of Altruistic Behavior". Psychological Reports 78, nr 1 (luty 1996): 307–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1996.78.1.307.
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Two field experiments using 828 “lost letters” tested the hypothesis that altruism would be higher in small urban communities or towns than in cities unless the person needing help was a social deviant. The effect of deviance did alter return rates in both studies. In Study A, the effect of location and social deviance on altruistic responses from cities was generally greater than from smaller communities, except when the person in need of help was affiliated with the highly deviant prostitute conditions. In Study B, altruistic responses from cities were generally less than those from small towns even when the needy person was affiliated with the Communist or needle-exchange conditions.
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Fernando, Joseph M. "Elite intercommunal bargaining and conflict resolution: The role of the Communities Liaison Committee in Malaya, 1949–51". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, nr 2 (20.04.2012): 280–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463412000069.
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Between 1949 and 1951, the Communities Liaison Committee (CLC), an unofficial body comprising leaders from the main Malayan ethnic communities, served as a prototype for elite intercommunal conflict resolution during a very challenging period amid an ongoing communist insurgency. Drawing upon previously inaccessible primary sources, this article reassesses the CLC's work towards resolving divisive issues such as Malay economic backwardness, federal citizenship, national identity, education and language in Malaya. This article argues that the CLC played a significantly bigger role than previously recognised and influenced government policy considerably. Equally importantly, it entrenched the concept of consociationalism, which was to shape the Malayan political landscape long thereafter.
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Bugajski, Janusz. "Balkan vortex: states, territories, and minorities". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 1, nr 3 (1993): 171–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181193x00149.
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AbstractWith the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the unravelling of centralized Communist controls, numerous points of conflict over territories, minorities, and resources were regenerated in the Balkans. In some instances, former Communist forces have adopted nationalist programs and tried to exploit social and ethnic cleavages to preserve their positions and privileges. In other cases, radical populists and ultra-nationalist groupings have endeavored to capitalize on deteriorating economic conditions and continuing political instability by deliberately exacerbating cultural, religious, regional, and nationality frictions. Simultaneously, minority communities in several countries have raised their political aspirations for cultural autonomy and territorial self-government. Such demands have, in turn, heightened tensions with majority populations and with some neighboring states concerned over the fate of their co-ethnics.
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Mike, Károly, i Boldizsár Megyesi. "Communities after markets. The long road of winemakers to self-governance in post-communist Hungary". Geoforum 88 (styczeń 2018): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2017.11.021.
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Karkov, Nikolay. "Against the Double Erasure: Georgi Markov's Contribution to the Communist Hypothesis". Slavic Review 77, nr 1 (2018): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.14.
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This paper argues against what can be called a “double ontological erasure” of state socialism in eastern Europe, by both the east European right-wing intelligentsia and the west European militant left. In an effort to challenge said erasure, the paper draws on the journalistic and fictional work of Bulgaria's major dissident writer of the 1970s, Georgi Markov. Against mainstream readings of his work as staunchly anti-communist, the paper suggests that Markov makes at least three major contributions to the “communist hypothesis” from the perspective of eastern Europe. First, by offering a “postcolonial” (rather than a political-economic) critique of the “cult of things” and consumerism in the region. Second, by developing a truly immanent critique of state socialism from the position of the communist ideal. Lastly, by proposing what could be called a “communism of the abject” among individuals and communities on the margins of socialist governmentality. Arguably, this triple contribution not only proffers a more nuanced and complex understanding of life under socialism, but also has important insights for contemporary debates on the left today.
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Krašić, Wollfy. "Bleiburg and Croatian Political Emigration – Commemorations, Interpretations and Use in Anti-Yugoslav Propaganda". Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 31 (14.12.2022): 47–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/10.4467/2543733xssb.22.003.16705.
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The paper presents forms of commemoration of the Bleiburg tragedy and the Way of the Cross in the communities of Croatian political refugees in the West and different interpretations of the mentioned events. It also analyzes some cases in which the world public was made aware of the massacres committed by communist Yugoslavia, as well as forms of repression and diplomatic pressure by the Yugoslav authorities to prevent commemorations in Bleiburg.
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Krašić, Wollfy. "Bleiburg and Croatian Political Emigration – Commemorations, Interpretations and Use in Anti-Yugoslav Propaganda". Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 31 (14.12.2022): 47–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.22.003.16705.
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The paper presents forms of commemoration of the Bleiburg tragedy and the Way of the Cross in the communities of Croatian political refugees in the West and different interpretations of the mentioned events. It also analyzes some cases in which the world public was made aware of the massacres committed by communist Yugoslavia, as well as forms of repression and diplomatic pressure by the Yugoslav authorities to prevent commemorations in Bleiburg.
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Orella, José Luis. "The Ostpolitik of Francoist Spain". Przegląd Europejski, nr 4-2017 (25.03.2018): 98–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.17.5.
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Francoist Spain was not recognised by the Communist Bloc countries due to its support of the communities of political exiles. In 1969 a thaw in relations began at an economic level in search of markets for Spanish development. The timid contact would gradually increase and favour relationships away from political ideology, beneficial in economic terms, and this would prepare the basis of full future recognition, with the exchange of ambassadors in 1977.
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Audard, Catherine. "Political Liberalism, Secular Republicanism: two answers to the challenges of pluralism". Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 40 (marzec 1996): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100005932.
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The main challenge facing democracies in the post-Communist era is probably not so much the threat of totalitarianism as the consequences of pluralism, of the existence within these societies of a plurality of incompatible cultural allegiances. How are they to survive their fragmentation into communities many of whom no longer share the basic moral requirements of a democratic regime: recognition of the liberty of conscience, of equality of rights, and the like?