Kliknij ten link, aby zobaczyć inne rodzaje publikacji na ten temat: Communism and education (North).
Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Communism and education (North)”
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 50 najlepszych artykułów w czasopismach naukowych na temat „Communism and education (North)”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj artykuły w czasopismach z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
1
Lee, Hyeon Ju. "Remembering and Forgetting the Korean War in the Republic of Korea". Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 35, nr 2 (3.03.2023): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.127468.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The Korean War had no official ending and has continued in a form of Cold War since 1953, the year the cease-fire agreement was signed, and yet, during the past five decades, it appears to have faded from South Korean memory. Anti-communism became a national ideology in post-war South Korea. For a country that was endeavoring to establish a national identity that differs from communist North Korea, the establishment of an anti-communist state was inevitable. However, the collapse of the Communist Bloc and a humanitarian crisis in North Korea in the 1990s led to attitudinal changes in the South Korean public toward North Korea. The forgetting and remembering of North Korea in conjunction with the memory of the Korean War has left the South Korean people ambivalent toward North Koreans. This paper explores social encounters between North and South Koreans in the late 2000s in Seoul that illustrate the uneasy interactions that stem from past anti-communist education as well as the subsequent erasure of social memory about North Korea as part of Korean culture.
Keywords: history, memory, migration, North Korean refugees
2
Gallagher, Charles R. "Decentering American Jesuit Anti-Communism: John LaFarge’s United Front Strategy, 1934–39". Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, nr 1 (21.12.2018): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00501006.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In 1934, the Society of Jesus was asked to respond at global and regional levels to the increasing threat of world Communism. In North America, the Jesuits initiated plans to meet the twin threats of Communism and atheism. Between 1934 and 1939, two separate streams of Jesuit anti-Communism began to emerge. The first was a macro-style vision grounded in social reconstruction, which the Jesuits called “Establishing a Christian Social Order,” known colloquially as the “xo” program. The other plan was put forward as early as 1934, and elaborated in July 1936 at the Jesuit meeting in West Baden, Indiana, by the writer and editor John LaFarge. LaFarge’s plan, known as the United Front, has never been evaluated by historians. It was a localized program of reactive initiatives meant to meet the gains of the cpusa with effective Catholic counter-Communist public attacks. LaFarge aimed to recruit students, pastors, and fellow Jesuits to see to it that cpusa gains in labor, culture, education, government, and churches were met with equal and effective public counterattacks. In 1937, the publication of the papal encyclical Divini redemptoris signaled that social reconstruction could become a part of authentic Catholic anti-Communism, indicating the eclipse of LaFarge’s United Front. After 1939, when the Jesuit general Włodzimierz Ledóchowski called for an adoption of the “positive message” of social reconstruction as the dominant means of Jesuit anti-Communism, LaFarge’s more bumptious and militaristic plan began to fade for good. This article chronicles the heretofore unknown struggle between these two antipodes.
3
Hindun Qurrotu Aini i Abdal Malik Fajar Alam. "Perbandingan Kebijakan Pendidikan antara Negara Korea Selatan dan Korea Utara". DIAJAR: Jurnal Pendidikan dan Pembelajaran 3, nr 1 (28.01.2024): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54259/diajar.v3i1.2202.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This research provides a deeper understanding of significant differences in educational approaches and their impact on human resource development in both Koreas. Education is crucial and a primary focus in every country's issues, as the level of education often determines a nation's advancement. The majority of countries mandate their residents to experience and acquire education within a specified timeframe. South Korea and North Korea originated from one country, but the influence of two major world blocs led to the division of Korea into two parts, the South and the North. This study aims to compare the education systems between South Korea and North Korea. South Korea, embracing liberalism and employing a democratic governance system, has managed to establish itself as one of the countries with the best education systems globally, contributing to its status as an advanced nation. On the other hand, North Korea, adhering to communism and employing an authoritarian government system, restricts social mobility and knowledge dissemination. The research methodology employed is qualitative, utilizing a descriptive comparative approach through literature review. The findings reveal that education in South Korea is highly organized, ranging from institutions like KICE to programs initiated by KOICA. Human resources from South Korea tend to excel in various sectors. Meanwhile, North Korea's education system focuses on ideology, with a lack of academic freedom impacting the quality of human resources. Consequently, human resources from North Korea are categorized as low quality. In an effort to improve the quality of education, it must go hand in hand with the improvement of the human resources' quality in a country so that the people living within it can have a decent life.
4
Jordan, Richard. "A Militant Crusade In Africa: The Great Commission And Segregation". Church History 83, nr 4 (grudzień 2014): 957–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714001188.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
During the Cold War and in the aftermath of the Brown v. Board of Education decision, the Calvinist and political fundamentalists of North America opposed the integration of American society and the extension of civil rights to African-Americans. Both were viewed as contrary to God's plan for humankind and omens for the end times. At the same time, these militant clerics spread reformed theology and eschatology to non-white societies across the globe. An important missionary field was Africa, where American and British racial mores influenced the cultural and political struggle. western, capitalistic and democratic principles, white minority-rule, and British imperialism faced African nationalism and communist aid to independence movements. Accordingly, the contrast between militant theology and liberal, modernist Protestantism was interjected into the conflict. Two American crusaders, Carl McIntire and Billy James Hargis, made Africa an important battleground to defend segregation and western influence. Both pursued individual ministries and had differing theological agendas towards race. The International Council of Christian Churches, an organization that McIntire led, spread God's word to black Africans, while Hargis' Christian Crusade Against Communism worked with Rhodesia's white minority government. Their efforts provide insight into the militant theological and political crusade in North America and how they projected their Calvinist ideals into the international arena and into Africa.
5
Lee, Sangwon, i Youngsoo Yook. "Goseong Unification Observatory and Showing North Korea from the South Korean Borderland: Goseong Unification Observatory’s exhibition from 1984-1991". Institute for Historical Studies at Chung-Ang University 60 (31.12.2023): 95–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.46823/cahs.2023.60.95.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Goseong Unification Observatory was established in 1984, based on President Chun Doo-hwan’s plan of mass tourism construction, and borderland tourism sites for inculcating the importance of anticommunism.The Goseong Unification Observatory achieved remarkable success by providing open access to the site and offering panoramic views of North Korean terrain, including the prominent Guemgang mountain. However, with the increasing influx of visitors to the borderland, North Korea began its propaganda targeting the public who came to witness the spectacle. As a countermeasure, the South Korean administration mandated mandatory anti-communism education before allowing entry into the CCZ(Civilian Controlled Zone). This measurement reveals the impregnated trait of the Observatory, where sole knowledge and values were permitted by the government.
Unification Observatory distributed its knowledge systems through panel exhibition adorned of pictures and explanations accordingly. The compact exhibition room, strategically positioned along the route to the observation area, served as a window through which visitors could peer into North Korea. This exhibition site has changed three times between 1984 to 1991. The first period(1984-1987) of the exhibition portrayed Korean Nationalism, anti-communism, and the Chun administration’s fruit. Combining all together, the exhibition iconographically wrote the narrative of enemy North Korea and our auspicious nation, that has fought against the enemy for all time, persuading this government as the one who can guard and lead all of you under the president’s guidance. The second period(1987-1991) of exhibition started to focus more on the ‘North Korea’ itself, performing as a knowledge frontier. It emphasized the abnormality of North Korea, making an antithetical contrast to the normal South. It guided people’s gaze to North Korea as a subject that needed to be absorbed into the normal South. The third period(1991-) exhibition began to put distance from emotional anticommunism banners. It displayed the ‘everyday life of North Koreans’ which was newly started from North Korean Studies.
However, we can find several dissent and discontent about the exhibition, and the tourism system of Observatory from newspaper articles. It suggests the possibility of future study of Transculturation, or Counter-Memory approach to the borderland tourism sites.
6
Dror, Olga. "Education and Politics in Wartime: School Systems in North and South Vietnam, 1965–1975". Journal of Cold War Studies 20, nr 3 (wrzesień 2018): 57–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00819.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
From the late 1950s until 1975, the war between North and South Vietnam had both domestic and international consequences. Unlike the Cold War divide between the United States and the Soviet Union, the war between the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV, the Communist North) and the Republic of Vietnam (RVN, the non-Communist South) was an armed conflict between two polities that both identified themselves as Vietnamese. In this twenty-year-long struggle, the fates of the DRV and the RVN were tied to their success in producing new generations who would subscribe to their respective agendas. This was done through many venues, of which education was one of the most important. Relying on archival materials and published documents, this article compares the educational systems at the primary and secondary school levels in the DRV and RVN after the division of the country, with a special focus on the period 1965–1975.
7
Brezigar, Bojan. "Post-Communist Linguistic Problems in the North Adriatic Area*". Nationalities Papers 27, nr 1 (marzec 1999): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109208.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The population of the North Adriatic area has always been linguistically mixed. Slovene, Croatian and Italian populations have lived here for 14 centuries; German people moved here in the period of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the city of Trieste became the official harbor of the Empire, and, as a consequence, the town grew, attracting others immigrants: Greeks, Jews, Serbs, and so on. Linguistically three main groups lived in Trieste: German, Italian and Slovene speakers. The Slovenes in Trieste owned many important activities, such as banks and trading companies. They were organized in the fields of education and culture with their own theater, private schools, library, daily newspaper and magazines. The Slovenes in Trieste also had their own political movement electing some representatives to the Parliament in Vienna. On the whole, they were considered a very well organized linguistic group. The Italians in Trieste were similarly well organized, and many supported a strong irredentist movement, economical and political organizations, as well as the theater. The German speakers were mostly immigrants who had moved to Trieste for business reasons or as civil servants.
8
Choi, Hyung-mook. "A Theological Critique of the National Security Act from the Perspective of Universal Human Rights". Korean Society of Minjung theology 39 (30.06.2023): 165–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.58302/madang.2023.39.165.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Freedom of thought and conscience are fundamental human rights and are guaranteed in a democratic society. The Constitution of the Republic of Korea states that “the state has the duty to affirm and guarantee the inviolable and fundamental human rights of individuals”(Article 10). However, in South Korean society, this common sense goes out the window the moment someone is labeled a “bbalgaengyi” (reds) or a “jongbukjueuija” (followers of North Korea). This is because the National Security Act legally supports a divided country with anti-communism at the forefront. When it was first enacted in 1948, it was seen as a temporary device to maintain authoritarianism under the divided system, but the reality was different. Even as political democratization has progressed and inter-Korean relations have improved, it has remained powerful as a device for restricting popular movements and unification movements and controlling ideas. It has not only restricted social movements but also controlled academic and artistic activities and regulated people’s inner worlds. The National Security Act has been controversial since the 1987 democratization, but it is still alive and well in 2023. For a long time, research on the National Security Act was a taboo subject that was not easily accessible because it could be considered a violation of the law. Adding to the difficulty of research was the lack of access to documentation of cases where the law was applied. With the democratization of 1987 and the development of the Northern Policy and inter-Korean relations in the early 1990s, the environment was ripe for rethinking the meaning of the National Security Act. Pioneering studies before and after 1990 and the Constitutional Court’s unconstitutionality review process, which began in 1990, led to a serious examination of its legal issues. Theological commentary on the National Security Act is scarce. Not only from the point of view of the church, which was responsible for integrating the public into the anti-communist ideology during the formation and development of the pro- American anti-communist state, but also from the point of view of Minjung theology. For theologians, too, it was not a simple matter to overcome the taboo of anti-communism. They were always conscious of the limits of that taboo, and when they crossed them, they were bound to face the swift blade of state power. In the absence of a theological response to the National Security Act, this article begins that discussion. Approaching it from a theological position is based on an awareness of universal human rights that can no longer be avoided as a theological task today. After articulating that position, this article briefly reaffirms the problems with the National Security Act and addresses the issues of the rule of law and human dignity.
9
Chudzicka-Czupała, Agata, Anna Lupina-Wegener, Silna Borter i Nadiya Hapon. "Students’ Attitude Toward Cheating in Switzerland, Ukraine and Poland". New Educational Review 32 (2013): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/tner.13.32.2.04.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article discusses the problem of academic dishonesty, which has been growing in Western Europe, North America, in the transitional economies of Eastern Europe and Central Asia. However, cross-cultural comparisons remain scarce, particularly with regard to the former communist countries. This paper presents an exploratory study on academic misconduct in Switzerland, Ukraine and Poland. The Academic Dishonesty Scale was used. A sample of 870 university students participated. The results reveal no differences between Ukrainian and Polish students in terms of attitudes toward cheating. Swiss students expressed significantly more negative attitudes. The results offer implications for the practice of moral awareness.
10
Taylor, Moe. "“One Hand Can't Clap”: Guyana and North Korea, 1974–1985". Journal of Cold War Studies 17, nr 1 (styczeń 2015): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00530.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In a little-known episode of the Cold War that challenges many common assumptions, North Korea forged extensive political, economic, military and cultural relations with the small South American-Caribbean coastal state of Guyana in the 1970s and 1980s. During this time, Guyana was ruled by an authoritarian socialist regime under Forbes Burbham, whose unorthodox conception of “socialism” was viewed skeptically by Communist countries other than North Korea. Burnham's program of “co-operative socialism,” which envisaged a population strictly obedient to his own wishes as the supreme leader, was distinctly similar to the juche philosophy espoused by the long-time North Korean dictator, Kim Il-Sung. Burnham deeply admired North Korea's economic and military “achievements,” attributing them to the strict obedience of the North Korean populace to the wishes of Kim Il-Sung. Burnham envisaged a similar role for himself in Guyana and attempted to import various North Korean approaches to socialist education and culture. Guyana came to resemble North Korea in some important respects, but it gradually moved away from this pattern after Burnham's death in 1985.
11
WAŻNIEWSKI, Włodzimierz. "Zmienne losy polskiej socjologii na przykładzie jej czołowego przedstawiciela profesora Józefa Chałasińskiego". Historia i Świat 1 (9.09.2012): 179–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2012.01.09.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Józef Chałasiński was one of significant organizers of learning in the Polish People’s Republic. He was considered a continuator of sociological thought of Florian Znaniecki. He organized the Łódź Sociological Center and after the end of the Second World War was a co-organizer of Łódź University. However, it was not organizational achievements but critical knowledge about the system of the command of science was a long-lasting output of the outstanding sociologist. J. Chałasiński worked out new research methods. He introduced the diary and autobiographic methods to the sociological research. He was a promoter of competitions for peasant and workers’ diaries. Based on them he worked out 4-volume work „Young generation of peasants” (1938) in which one presented shaping of social movements in the Polish countryside. He was a creator of the term „social promotion”. He studied the issues of education in communism and socialism systems. He was also interested in the North American culture. In the mid-fi fties he openly criticized intervention of the state authorities in the Polish science for which he was then withdrawn from the main course of scientific activity. He became a symbol of fi ght for Polish sociological science development under lack of freedom in scientifi c activity conditions.
12
Saha, S. C. "United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, nr 1-2 (styczeń 1988): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.
13
김창근. "North Korean Ethical Standards in Elementary School Textbook, Communist Ethics: Focus on the Implications for Unification Education". Journal of Ethics 1, nr 76 (marzec 2010): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15801/je.1.76.201003.75.
Pełny tekst źródła
14
Irwin, Gilly. "North eastern education and library board a strategic approach: to children in need". Child Care in Practice 3, nr 4 (czerwiec 1997): 61–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13575279708412900.
Pełny tekst źródła
15
Oh, Ki-Sung. "A Study on Moral Education Change in North Korea: From the perspective of a comparison between Communist Morality and Socialist Morality". KOREAN ELEMENTARY MORAL EDUCATION SOCIETY ll, nr 65 (wrzesień 2019): 147–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17282/ethics.2019..65.147.
Pełny tekst źródła
16
Jarman, Neil, George Quinn, Jo Murphy i Susan Irvine Nichol. "Escaping to the Happy Planet? Drug Use, Education and Professional Support in North Belfast". Child Care in Practice 8, nr 3 (lipiec 2002): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1357527022000040381.
Pełny tekst źródła
17
Zaseev, Georgy A. "The Main Directions of Ideological Work with the Youth of Ossetia in 1918-1924". Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, nr 3 (25.09.2023): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2023-47-55.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The article discusses the main directions of ideological work with the youth of Ossetia in 1918-1924. The relevance of the topic is determined by the insufficient study of the ideological component of the youth movement in the North Caucasus in the early Soviet period, which determines the purpose of this study. The article shows that the youth movement in Ossetia was closely connected with the activities of the all-Russian youth organization – Russian communist youth union (1918, since July 1924 – Russian Leninist Communist Youth Union, since 1926 – All-Union Leninist Communist Youth Union/Komsomol), created by the Soviet government for the political education of the young generation of the proletarian republic. Its appearance was due to the need to unite the disparate youth organizations that already existed in various cities of the country and create a single center operating under the leadership of the Communist Party. The process of formation of Komsomol bodies spread in the national regions of the country, including the Terek region, and then in the Mountain ASSR and its individual regions, including Ossetia. One of the main goals of the youth policy was to attract to the side of the party the broad masses of young people who could be involved in the restoration of the economy. Youth organizations in Ossetia solved various party tasks. Ossetian youth were actively involved in Soviet construction. It also participated in rallies, meetings and other public events. The work of the youth was expressed in the organization of Komsomol cells in the Vladikavkaz district, Digoria and remote villages. The fight against unemployment was carried out by involving young highlanders in production. The conclusion is drawn about the role played by the youth Komsomol organizations of Ossetia in strengthening the Soviet power, establishing party work in the politically, socially and economically difficult North Caucasian region. The source base of the study was made up of publications in the mass periodical press, collections of documents on the history of the Ossetian organization of the Komsomol, as well as materials from the SOIGSI Scientific Archive. The study was carried out on the basis of a problem-chronological approach using general historical methods and taking into account the principles of historicism, consistency and objectivity.
18
Loewenberg, Gerhard, William Mishler i Howard Sanborn. "Developing attachments to new political institutions: a multi-level model of attitude formation in post-Communist Europe". European Political Science Review 2, nr 3 (listopad 2010): 475–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000202.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In America and Western Europe, legislatures preceded democratization and contributed to the establishment and maintenance of democratic regimes in the late 18th and the 19th centuries. In Central and Eastern Europe in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, legislatures and democratic regimes appeared simultaneously. In the first 15 years of post-Communist transitions in 12 countries, attachments to the new regimes have been influenced by their institutional structures, their economic performance, and their records in protecting human freedom, while attachment to the new parliaments have been predominantly influenced by cultural factors related to early life socialization including education, age, gender, social status, and attitudes toward the former communist regime. Attachment to parliament was a product more than a cause of attachment to the new regimes, but the parliamentary system of government created a context that contributed to citizens’ attachment to their new political institutions. In that respect, attitudes toward parliaments in Central and Eastern Europe played a role similar to the role that these attitudes played in an earlier stage of democratization in Europe and North America, the role of attaching citizens to new political institutions.
19
Hayes, Catherine, Ann Fox, Jeanette Scott-Thomas i Yitka Graham. "Pressure ulcer prevention in practice". British Journal of Community Nursing 28, Sup6 (1.06.2023): S14—S21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjcn.2023.28.sup6.s14.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Pressure ulcer avoidance in the context of care has the potential to improve the quality and longevity of lives for those living in residential and non-residential care home settings. This paper reports on an educational intervention in the North East of England, which focused on the initial benchmarking of self-reported knowledge levels of healthcare workers, who regularly work with people living within this context. Using a longitudinal study design, a series of three questionnaires were used to collate data from research participants. The study revealed a disparity between what healthcare workers perceived their knowledge to be versus what it was, in terms of application to practice at the front line of patient care. The study reveals that confidence levels in dealing with pressure ulceration had been significantly altered by the training session that was being implemented. It also raised concerns on the methodological approaches being used in the education and training of care staff, which should ideally lead them to be proactive with patients in their care. The study provides an insight into the need for a strategic and targeted approach to pressure ulceration avoidance education, which is tailored to individual learning needs through supervision and mentorship as part of clinical education.
20
Баранов, А. В. "Ukrainization in North Caucasus Krai of the RSFSR (1923–1932): Plans, Public Reaction, Results". Nasledie Vekov, nr 3(27) (30.09.2021): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36343/sb.2021.27.3.002.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Автор статьи определяет причины и цели украинизации в Северо-Кавказском крае РСФСР и анализирует реакцию населения на реформы и результаты такого политического курса. Исследование выполнено в рамках конструктивистской парадигмы, основано на документах Центров документации новейшей истории Ростовской области и Краснодарского края, Государственного архива Ростовской области, материалах Всесоюзной переписи населения 1926 г. Украинизация была составной частью этнополитики «позитивной дискриминации» («коренизации»), принятой РКП(б) в 1923 г. Она включала в себя задачи распространения в Северо-Кавказском крае, Центрально-Черноземной области РСФСР и других макрорегионах украинского литературного языка, формирования украинской идентичности, обеспечения представительства украинцев в партийных и государственных органах власти, общественных организациях. Реформы встретили сопротивление местных чиновников и населения, были оправданно прекращены в условиях коллективизации и военной угрозы. The author of the article aims to determine the plans of Ukrainization in relation to North Caucasus Krai of the RSFSR, the reaction of the regional community to the reforms, and the results of the course of Ukrainization. The work is prepared within the framework of the constructivist paradigm of ethno-historical research. The main directions of the problem analysis in historiography are determined: analysis of the goals of the party-state course, Ukrainization of the government apparatus, educational and language policy, comparative analysis of processes in the districts of North Caucasus Krai. The article is based on the documents of the Centers for Documentation of Contemporary History of Rostov Oblast and Krasnodar Krai, the State Archive of Rostov Oblast, the materials of the All-Union population censuses of 1926 and 1939. The circumstances of the beginning of Ukrainization on the scale of the USSR are described; the interrelation of the reforms with the policy course “Face to the Village” is noted. The institutions, regulatory legal acts and resources for the implementation of modernization in North Caucasus Krai are considered. The reasons for the slow implementation of Ukrainization in the region are analyzed. The measures of Ukrainization adopted by the North Caucasus Regional Committee of the Russian/All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the district committees of the ruling party are described. The author has determined that the population, without objecting to the cultural policy in the Ukrainian language (the elimination of illiteracy, secondary education, libraries, theater), resisted the imposition of Ukrainian as an official language, mandatory for office work and employment in party and state agencies. Dissatisfaction was expressed with the introduction of the Ukrainian literary language (“Galician dialect”), residents preferred local dialects (“Kuban language”, “Balachka”). The author has established that Ukrainization was an integral part of the ethnopolitics of “positive discrimination” (“korenizatsiya” [indigenization]) adopted by the Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1923 and was carried out until the end of 1932. Ukrainization included the tasks of spreading the Ukrainian literary language in North Caucasus Krai, the Central Black Earth Region of the RSFSR and other macro-regions; forming the Ukrainian identity; ensuring the representation of Ukrainians in party and state agencies, and in public organizations. The author has found that the reforms met the resistance of the local officials and the population, and were justifiably stopped due to collectivization, the military threat, and the imperatives of the integration of the state.
21
DM, Hong. "Korean Christians Americanized". Philosophy International Journal 6, nr 3 (20.09.2023): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.23880/phij-16000310.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
With the introduction of zoom and cell group Bible study and fellowship gathering with church members from 6 to 10, congregation members of each Korean church have come to appreciate the diversity within each consistory encompassing multigenerational American born Koreans, foreign expats, diplomats, immigrants from middle class and up from the greater Seoul, South Korea area, political refugees and migrant workers who categorically entered this country with Republic of Korea visa but who originally were able to date back their earlier life from Communist Regimes such as Siberia, China, Vietnam and North Korea (Ibuk chulsin) and other Asian of color looking foreigners and mix-breeds with Korean heritage and other combinations. The focus of their Christian practice has been more passive concept of God’s grace grounded on John Wesley tradition rather than their yoking and making progress in lineal fashion into the future with and by believers out of Christian love. A premium is placed in smooth transitioning from static Confucianism and Christianity embracing education, meritocracy, social harmony and order.
22
Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "Editorial Foreword". Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 5, nr 2 (15.12.2013): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v5i2_1.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
A large part of the articles published in the current issue of Revista Română de Studii Baltice şi Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies have been initially presented at the Fourth International Conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania: Empire-Building and Region-Building in the Baltic, North and Black Sea areas held at Ovidius University Of Constanța in May 2013. The conference approached the North in the wider perspective of regional cooperation intra- and extra-Nordic muros. The North is regarded as a springboard of regional cooperation which has a strong though faltering historical and cultural background and an obvious European dimension. The downfall of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the process of European integration (whether some of the Nordic countries belong to the EU or not, they are all part and parcel of the process and deeply affected by it) have encouraged the development of regional cooperation in Northern Europe. Belonging to the Northern dimension of the EU meant not only maintaining a regional identity with deep roots in history and culture and making the others acknowledge it, but also strengthening the influence of Nordic countries within and outside the EU and fostering other regional cooperation initiatives in the Baltic Sea area and outside it. Patterned on the Nordic regional cooperation, the Baltic States of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia strengthened their regional cooperation and envisaged deepening their ties to surrounding areas, especially with the Nordic countries. Alongside the Nordic countries, they also gradually turned into a model for the Danubian and Black Sea countries. In this respect, the conference addressed themes such as: the empire building, region-building, national/nationalist, cultural construction discourses present in these regions; the historic development of these regional initiatives and/or organizations and the relations between them; political, cultural and diplomatic relations between Baltic and/or Nordic states, on the one hand, and the Black Sea countries, on the other hand; the relations between the EU integration and different Baltic, North and Black Sea regional structures; education and leadership in the context of regionalization in the Baltic Sea and Black Sea areas; linguistic unity and diversity in Scandinavia and the Baltic states; Nordic and Baltic identity through cultural diversity; water protection in the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea Region and the role of agriculture; inter- and intra-regional comparisons.
23
Congdon, Lee. "Anti-anti-communism". Academic Questions 1, nr 3 (wrzesień 1988): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02682740.
Pełny tekst źródła
24
O'Hara, Maureen. "Positive Highlights on Quality Daycare for Children: A North West of Ireland Study". Child Care in Practice 16, nr 4 (październik 2010): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13575279.2010.498163.
Pełny tekst źródła
25
Murtezani, Lulzim, i Kushtrim Ahmeti. "The University of Tetova: A Glorious Temple Built on the Nation’s Sacrifice for Culture and Justice Acknowledgement". European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 5, nr 3 (25.09.2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v5i3.p61-67.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In different historical periods, famous people have sacrificed themselves on behalf of their substantial beliefs in the function of promoting scientific knowledge. Likewise, many of them, with an uncompromising piety have contributed to the establishment of institutions to ensure its advancement. Not long ago, by the end of the 20th century, in a Macedonian town – now North Macedonia, in Tetovo - the first Albanian-language university was founded as a product of citizens’ collective willpower for ethnic and cultural identity actualization in the field of education. It is fairly said that its founding history is hurtful and atypical for a higher education institution. Therefore, through this article we will tend to elaborate the specificities of its evolution by describing two development stories based on the collected data using the archival study method. In the first one, we will give light to some of events of essential importance of its establishment, in a time and context of communist regime that led an ethnic groups marginalization politics in a multiethnic society. Our focus will be the police actions by the government of the time in order to brutally crush the pro-University civic movement, which led to murder and imprisoning of Albanian intellectuals, professors and youngsters, but with unsuccessful epilogue. Subsequently, we will present the second story of this major national project: from the moment if its institutional legalization in 2004 to the present. Today, this university represents the nucleus of the Albanian emancipation in RNM, by promoting social, multicultural and especially scientific and academic values. At the end we will emphasize the vision, strengths of this University, such are women empowering, intercultural dialogue and its internationalization.
26
Bryant, John. "Communism, Poverty, and Demographic Change in North Vietnam". Population and Development Review 24, nr 2 (czerwiec 1998): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2807973.
Pełny tekst źródła
27
Montemor, Ryan Nepomuceno, i Ricardo Roberto Plaza Teixceira. "Atividades de divulgação científica sobre exoplanetas". Revista Brasileira de Educação em Ciências e Educação Matemática 5, nr 2 (31.08.2021): 445–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33238/rebecem.2021.v.5.n.2.26865.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Resumo: Este trabalho investigou os resultados e impactos de atividades de divulgação científica sobre a ciência dos exoplanetas, ocorridas em 2018, junto a alunos de quatro escolas de educação básica situadas em municípios do litoral norte paulista. Essas ações permitiram que os alunos adquirissem melhor compreensão acerca dos conceitos apresentados sobre exoplanetas e procuraram incentivar o aprofundamento no estudo de áreas da astronomia. Para a elaboração das apresentações estudou-se tanto o estado atual dos conhecimentos científicos sobre exoplanetas, quanto o modo como o trabalho didático com temas de astronomia pode ser efetuado a alunos dos ensinos fundamental e médio. Nas apresentações foram usados diferentes recursos que procuraram tornar mais compreensíveis os conceitos científicos envolvidos e as técnicas de detecção de exoplanetas. Em particular, considerou-se o caráter interdisciplinar da ciência dos exoplanetas, bem como, conhecimentos relacionados à história da astronomia.Palavras-chave: Astronomia; Ensino de Física; Divulgação da Ciência; Detecção de Exoplanetas. Scientific dissemination activities on exoplanetsAbstract: This work investigated the results and impacts of scientific dissemination activities on the science of exoplanets, which took place in 2018, with students from four schools of basic education located in municipalities on the north coast of São Paulo. These actions allowed students to gain a better understanding of the concepts presented about exoplanets and sought to encourage further study in areas of astronomy. For the elaboration of the presentations, it was studied both the current state of the existing scientific knowledge about exoplanets, as well as the way the didactic work with astronomy themes can be carried out with elementary and high school students. In the presentations, different resources were used to make the scientific concepts involved and the techniques for detecting exoplanets more understandable. In particular, the presentations considered the interdisciplinary nature of the science of exoplanets, as well as knowledge related to the history of astronomy.Keywords: Astronomy; Physics Teaching; Dissemination of Science; Exoplanet Detection.
28
Suprayitno, Suprayitno. "Exemplary of Limang: The Life Story of Rakoetta Sembiring Brahmana as “Bupati Pejuang” 1914-1964". Lembaran Sejarah 15, nr 1 (6.09.2020): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.59522.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Rakoetta S. Brahmana is a name that is still unfamiliar to some of the ears of North Sumatra people, especially for Indonesians in general. Rakoetta, as her comrade and family called her, was a Karo son who was born in the village of Limang, Tanah Karo on August 4, 1914. Rakoetta means glue in the Karo language. By giving that name, his parents hoped that Rakoetta would truly become the glue (unity) for the family and the wider community. This article is intended to re-record the struggle and dedication of Rakoetta as an exemplary figure for what is now known a “fighting” in the Indonesian politics, the Simultaneous Local Election. Rakoetta understood his sociological conditions and Karo culture well because of the influence of his parents. His knowledge of Karo culture became a strong capital in pursuing his political career during the independence struggle in North Sumatra, in addition to his formal education experience at HIS Kabanjahe and Medan Taman Siswa School between 1924 and 1930s. When in Medan, Rakoetta began to come into contact with ideas of nationalism. In Medan political organizations such as Budi Utomo, Sarekat Islam, the Indonesian Communist Party and the Indonesian National Party flourished. During the revolutionary period of independence he was actively involved as a member of Partindo, PNI, Boempa, BPI, BKR until he became regent of the revolutionary period. Rakoetta continued to serve as a Regent of Karo for two periods from 1946 to 1954, and again a Regent of Asahan concurrently Mayor of Tanjung Balai 1954-1960 and Mayor of Siantar 1960-1964. Rakoetta passed away in 1964. The story of Rakoetta’s life saves a bitter and full of ethos of struggle; consistent, resilient, tough, creative, clean and anti-corruption. There are many moral examples that should be emulated from a Rakoetta. The story of his struggle has never been written by anyone.
29
Hayes, David. "Parental participation at child protection case conferences: An evaluation of practice in north and west belfast". Child Care in Practice 4, nr 2 (grudzień 1997): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13575279708413108.
Pełny tekst źródła
30
Purnaweni, Hartuti, Irzaldi Yazid, Mutia Nur Arifah i Anis Qomariah. "Community Development in Kemijen Village, East Semarang: A Corporate Social Responsibility in Practice". Jurnal Ilmu Lingkungan 19, nr 1 (28.04.2021): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jil.19.1.83-88.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Companies, either state-owned and private which operates in the field and/or related to natural resources must implement Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), such as by PT Indonesia Power (PT. IP) UBP-Tambaklorok which is located nearby Tanjung Mas Harbor, Tambaklorok Village, North Semarang District. Semarang City. The CSR implementation should benefit for both sides, the company for its image and the local community for the implemented programs. Therefore it is important to analyse perception of the local community as well as their opinions about the company's CSR activities in their village, in this case is the people of Kemijen village which is located adjacent to the PT. IP’s area. This research is descriptive qualitative, done in 2019, describing the phenomenon of CSR implementation by PT. IP, and the perception of the local community of Kemijen village towards the CSR activities implemented by PT. IP. The informants were taken using purposive sampling technique, covering both formal and informal leaders, the local people, as well as community development officer of PT. IP. Primary data was gathered using in-depth interview technique and observation. Secondary data consist of documents. Primary and secondary data was then coded and analysed interactively. PT. IP has formulated and implemented the Company’s strategies into CSR Roadmap 2015-2019, which is the grand strategy and a milestone of CSR implementation to integrate CSR strategy into the Company’s strategy, in the sectors of education, health, economy, and infrastructure. According to the perception of the Kemijen villagers, there have been both benefit and insufficiency of the PT. IP’s CSR implementation. They expect more programs to be implemented, in order to allowing them more opportunities for poverty alleviation.
31
MONDAY, CHRIS. "Family Rule as the Highest Stage of Communism". Asian Survey 51, nr 5 (wrzesień 2011): 812–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.5.812.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article contends that North Korean familism forms part of a broader trend toward family rule in post-socialist countries. Rather than being an outcast, North Korea has become the norm. The notion of “Red Family” as an ideal type is introduced by demonstrating that the selectorate of socialist societies is gradually transforming into a ruling caste. The adoption of the “Red Family” as a mode of governance profoundly impacts diplomacy, the legal system, the economy, technology, and culture.
32
Young, Whan Kihl. "The Cultural Dimension and Context of North Korean Communism". Korean Studies 18, nr 1 (1994): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.1994.0001.
Pełny tekst źródła
33
Kurbanov, Sergei O. "North Korea's juche ideology: indigenous communism or traditional thought?" Critical Asian Studies 51, nr 2 (22.01.2019): 296–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2019.1566750.
Pełny tekst źródła
34
Scobell, Andrew. "Making Sense of North Korea: Pyongyang and Comparative Communism". Asian Security 1, nr 3 (wrzesień 2005): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850500341932.
Pełny tekst źródła
35
Gupta, Charu. "‘Hindu Communism’: Satyabhakta, apocalypses and utopian Ram Rajya". Indian Economic & Social History Review 58, nr 2 (kwiecień 2021): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464621997877.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the north India of 1920s–30s, many first-generation anticolonial communists and Left intellectuals did not see any contradiction in reliance upon religion, ethical traditions and morality in a search for vocabularies of dignity, equality, just polity and social liberation. Through select writings in Hindi of Satyabhakta (1897–85), an almost forgotten figure in histories of communism in India, this article focuses on the entanglement between religion and communism as a way of thinking about the Left in India, and the problems and possibilities of such imaginings. Steeped in a north Indian Hindi literary print public sphere, such figures illuminated a distinctly Hindu and Indian path towards communism, making it more relatable to a Hindi–Hindu audience. The article draws attention to Satyabhakta’s layered engagements with utopian political desires, which, in envisaging an egalitarian future, wove Hindu faith-based ethical morality, apocalyptic predictions and notions of a romantic Ram Rajya, with decolonisation, anti-capitalism and aesthetic communist visions of equality. Even while precarious and problematic, such imaginations underline hidden plural histories of communism and, at the same time, trouble atheist, secular communists as well as the proponents of Hindutva.
36
Mansi, Egla, Eglantina Hysa, Mirela Panait i Marian Catalin Voica. "Poverty—A Challenge for Economic Development? Evidences from Western Balkan Countries and the European Union". Sustainability 12, nr 18 (19.09.2020): 7754. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12187754.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
During the last few decades, economists have tried to find a solution to eradicate poverty, especially since the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals were launched. The target of Goal 1 is to end poverty in all its forms everywhere. While income inequality and unemployment have played a major part in contributing to poor wellbeing in the world, other factors such as political instability, a lack of good investment opportunities, and living conditions have contributed to it as well. Thus, in this work, the authors analyze the factors that impact poverty and compare these results between countries within the European Union and post-communist countries that include the Western Balkan (WB) countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia. The method used consists of both descriptive statistics and multiple regression analysis using the fixed effect model where poverty is taken as the dependent variable. The data used in this study are gathered from the World Bank and Legatum Prosperity, during the period between 2009 and 2018. The results show that income inequality does indeed impact the further progress of poverty for both the EU and WB, while economic development in terms of GDP is shown to have a more significant impact on EU than in WB, where the most significant impact was through income per capita. Other factors such as education, investment environment, and especially unemployment also significantly impacted on decreasing the poverty rate in both economic zones.
37
Kaitukov, Georgy B. "ORGANIZATIONAL WORK OF THE MILITARY DEPARTMENTS OF THE PARTY COMMITTEES OF THE ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE NORTH OSSETIAN ASSR DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR". History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 17, nr 3 (19.10.2021): 606–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch173606-621.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The challenges of the time require the application of new methodological principles in the study of numerous issues. This also applies to the history of the Great Patriotic War, which has become the focus of study since the middle of the last century. However, the introduction of a large number of new sources into the scientific discourse makes it possible to highlight gaps that require further study. These issues include the activities of the military departments of the party structure, which became an instrument for organizing the work of the home front. For the first time in regional historiography, the article raises problems of the role of military departments under the party committees of the North Ossetian ASSR. The attracted archival material makes it possible to reconstruct the activities of these bodies during the Great Patriotic War. After their foundation in 1939, they took charge of the military-political education of the citizens of the republic. At that time, their activities were limited to working with the sections of the Society for the Assistance of Defense, Aircraft and Chemical Construction (Osoaviakhim), and the military departments of the Komsomol. However, during the war, the area of their responsibility expanded significantly, as evidenced by the documents. The main directions of work of military departments are considered from the regional and the rural levels. The range of activities included not only assistance to military registration and enlistment offices during the period of mobilization campaigns, participation in the re-certification of citizens liable for military service, but also assistance to families of soldiers of the Red Army, disabled war veterans, fundraising for the construction of tank columns, air units, training militia fighters, fighter battalions, partisan detachments, and air defense forces. After the liberation of the territory of the NO ASSR from the invaders, the task of demining the territory was added to the existing duties of the military departments. Reconstruction of the entire set of activities of military departments will make it possible to expand our knowledge of the history of the Great Patriotic War. In order to eliminate the identified scientific gaps, the article uses a corpus of documents that were previously in limited access. Much attention is paid to the originality of these documents, their informational content. With the help of content analysis, it has been possible to conduct a socio-demographic analysis of the collected material, to study the mechanism of organizing paramilitary formations on the territory of the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.
38
Oussoren, John. "Ronald J. Manheimer, Denise D. Snodgrass and Diane Moskow-McKenzie (eds.). Older Adult Education: A Guide to Research, Programs and Policies. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1995, pp. 245, $65U.S." Canadian Journal on Aging / La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 16, nr 2 (1997): 390–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0714980800014446.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
RÉSUMÉOlder Adult Education: A Guide to Research, Programs and Policies est un guide complet et très bien fait sur le secteur de l'éducation des aînés aux États-Unis. Les auteurs, Ronald J. Manheimer, directeur exécutif du North Carolina Center for Creative Retirement de l'Université de Caroline du Nord, à Asheville (l'un des principaux centres d'éducation des adultes en Amérique du Nord) et Denise D. Snodgrass, directrice-adjointe du méme centre, avec l' aide de Diane Moskow-McKenzie, apportent une contribution importante à la documentation portant sur l'éducation des aînés. Dans ce volume utile mais coûteux, les auteurs tracent le bilan de 40 années de recherches, de programmes et de politiques dans le secteur de l'éducation des aînés. Les antécédents et l'expertise de Manheimer en philosophie (professeur associé de recherche à l'Université de Caroline du Nord) font également de cet ouvrage bien plus qu'un simple outil de recherche présentant les différents programmes d'éducation des aînés aux États-Unis. C'est également une analyse pertinente des hypothèses idéologiques non-vérifiées qui sous-tendent une grande partie des pratiques nord-américaines en matière d'éducation des aînés. Le lien entre les programmes d'éducation des aînés et l'épanouissement personnel ainsi que l'émancipation de même que les grands thèmes sociaux comme la justice, le racisme et les relations intergénérationnelles sont explorés de façon exemplaire.
39
King, Charles. "Remembering Romanian Communism". Slavic Review 66, nr 4 (2007): 718–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060381.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania, issued in December 2006, is the most serious attempt to understand Romania's communist experience ever produced. Coordinated by the American political scientist Vladimir Tismaneanu, the report covers virtually every aspect of communism as a lived system, from the installation of Communist Party officials during the postwar occupation, through the instruments of coercion, to the fate of religious institutions, the economy, national minorities, and education. The release of the report also contributed to a major political crisis, during which the parliament attempted to unseat the president, Traian Basescu, who had lauded the report and officially condemned communism as an illegitimate system. The question now is whether the commission's report will be used as yet another opportunity to reject history or as a way of helping Romanians learn, at last, how to own it.
40
Mundakir, Mundakir, Idham Choliq, Dede Nasrullah, Islam Syarifurrahman, Firman Firman i Vika Ramadhana Fitriani. "Factors that Influence the Resilience of Muhammadiyah Member's Families during the COVID-19 Pandemic in Surabaya, Indonesia". Jurnal Keperawatan Soedirman 18, nr 2 (3.07.2023): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.jks.2023.18.2.6312.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
COVID-19 has created uncertainty, and its impacts will undoubtedly be severe, long-lasting, and challenging from socioeconomic and psychological perspectives, particularly for families worldwide. This research identified the resilience level of Muhammadiyah members' families in Surabaya during the COVID-19 pandemic and explained the factors related to their family resilience. This research used a cross-sectional method. The samples were 289 respondents, with the inclusion criteria of either the husband or wife being a Muhammadiyah member in Surabaya. The sampling technique used stratified multistage random sampling. The research location was divided intofive5 regions: Central Surabaya, North Surabaya, West Surabaya, South Surabaya, and East Surabaya. Descriptive analysis and Chi-Square statistical test were used. The results of this study indicate that the family resilience of Muhammadiyah members obtained a high score during the pandemic. The factor that influenced family resilience was the location of residence, which obtained a p-value of 0.00, which is less than 0.05. Meanwhile, gender, location of residence, age, occupation, income, and education did not affect the level of family resilience. Further research is needed to develop a family resilience intervention model to improve family resilience.
41
Wnuk-Lipinska, Elzbieta. "Polish Students after the Decline of Communism". European Journal of Education 25, nr 4 (1990): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1502627.
Pełny tekst źródła
42
Popkewitz, Thomas S. "Cartesian Anxiety, Linguistic Communism, and Reading Texts". Educational Researcher 21, nr 5 (czerwiec 1992): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x021005011.
Pełny tekst źródła
43
Gray, John. "Utopian academics and the collapse of communism". Academic Questions 5, nr 1 (marzec 1992): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02734896.
Pełny tekst źródła
44
Edmonds, Daniel, Evan Smith i Oleska Drachewych. "Editorial: Transnational communism and anti-colonialism". Twentieth Century Communism 18, nr 18 (30.03.2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334807.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The relationship between international communism, the national communist parties, and anti-colonial political movements is a subject which has drawn heated debates both amongst activists and historians. This professed anti-imperialism attracted new recruits in the non-European world, enabling the organisation to begin to break out of the European and North American strongholds which had been basis of prior social-democratic internationalism. Within the metropoles, racialised outsiders entered party ranks determined to turn the propounded anti-colonial ideals into a political reality. Connections were forged between labour movement activists and anti-colonialists, and between different colonial nationalist campaigners. This issue of Twentieth Century Communism features a selection of papers presented at a symposium at the University of Manchester, UK in November 2018. The symposium considered considered new trends in the history of communist anti-colonialism and internationalism in the twentieth century. 'Within and Against the Metropole' drew together scholars and activists from the US, Europe and the UK.
45
Cumings, Bruce. "The Kims' Three Bodies: Communism and Dynastic Succession in North Korea". Current History 111, nr 746 (1.09.2012): 216–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.746.216.
Pełny tekst źródła
46
Klehr, Harvey, i John Earl Haynes. "Revising Revisionism: A New Look at American Communism". Academic Questions 22, nr 4 (10.10.2009): 452–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-009-9131-9.
Pełny tekst źródła
47
Coderre-Ball, Angela M., Sania Sahi, Vanessa Anthonio, Madison Roberston i Rylan Egan. "Lyme Disease Training and Knowledge Translation Resources Available to Canadian Healthcare Professionals: A Gray Literature Review". Journal of Primary Care & Community Health 12 (styczeń 2021): 215013272110507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21501327211050744.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Introduction: Lyme Disease (LD) is the most common tick-borne disease in North America. With the number of cases increasing yearly, Canadian healthcare professionals (HCP) rely on up-to-date and evidence-informed guidelines, instruction, and resources to effectively prevent, diagnose, and treat Lyme disease (LD). This review is the first of its kind to examine gray literature and analyze the diversity of recommendations provided to Canadian HCP about the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of Lyme disease. Methods: A gray literature review consisting of 4 search strategies was conducted to retrieve materials targeted to Canadian HCP. Searches within targeted websites, targeted Google searches, and gray literature databases, and consultation with content experts were done to look for continuing medical education (CME) events, clinical flow charts, webinars, videos, and reference documents that discussed the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of Lyme disease. Results: A total of 115 resources were included in this study. Recommendations surrounding prevention strategies were less varied between materials, whereas diagnosis and treatment recommendations were more varied. Our findings suggest that Canadian HCP are met with varying and sometimes contradictory recommendations for diagnosing and treating LD. Conclusions: Due to the increasing incidence of LD in Canada, there is a greater need for resource consistency. Providing this consistency may help mitigate LD burden, standardize approaches to prevention, diagnosis and treatment, and improve patient outcomes.
48
ZAYTSEV, Yurii. "MYKHAILO SOROKA IS A MORAL SYMBOL OF FIGHTERS FOR FREEDOM OF UKRAINE 1940–1980S". Contemporary era 7 (2019): 234–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-234-243.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
A study of the history of the Ukrainian national liberation movement of the 20th century involves explaining not only global processes and milestones, but, crucially, the role of specific figures in this movement in the context of real-time political circumstances and social changes. The proposed article is based on a sufficiently wide source base, first of all, on documents of the Soviet special services, mostly unpublished. The author considers his task to show the spiritual and ideological integrity of the character of Mykhailo Soroka, his high intelligence, thorough education, European thinking, his leadership qualities, firmness in defending his views and ignoring the insidious KGB temptations, a talent of the organizer, tolerance in comradely relations, self-initiation to the majestic prospect of creating an independent democratic Ukrainian state. An important component of M. Soroka's personal life was his marriage to a well-known member and regional leader of OUN Kateryna Zarytska. A brief account of her unique biography fails to outline the multifaceted nature and tragedy of this person's selfless. However, it clearly illustrates the anti-humanity of the Bilshovyk-communist regime. M. Soroka's speech at the trial of 1953 in Syktyvkar deserves special attention. It was an indictment of the Soviet regime. He stressed that every nation has the right to a dignified life with "full freedom of conscience, thought, speech and assembly." Moreover, he can get it only in an independent state. Soroka considered the ancestry of disobedience and a sense of justice as an instrument of achieving this aim. He stated that "if we are not attacked, we certainly do not need to defend ourselves." Keywords: Soroka, Zarytska, arrest, court, detention, OUN-North, uprising, independent Ukraine, rehabilitation.
49
Dubatolov, V. V., i I. I. Lyubechanskii. "TORTRICIDAE (LEPIDOPTERA) FROM DEZHNEV’S BAY (NORTH-EASTERN KORYAKIA)". Amurian Zoological Journal 9, nr 1 (2017): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33910/1999-4079-2017-9-1-24-28.
Pełny tekst źródła
50
Ford, Derek R. "Postmodern communism: An educational constellation". Educational Philosophy and Theory 50, nr 14 (25.11.2018): 1543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131857.2018.1461360.
Pełny tekst źródła