Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Commonwealth Government enquiries”

The proportion of funds received by the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Organisation (CSIRO) from sources other than Treasury, referred to as external earnings, has been used by the Australian government as an indicator of CSIRO's engagement with industry and contribution to the economy. Two periods of decline in external earnings in the 1940s and the 1980s were followed by enquiries into the organisation's purpose and operation, amendments to CSIRO's enabling legislation and introduction of measures to improve industry engagement. After 1988 these measures included a 30% external earnings target. External earnings subsequently rose from 24% of total revenue in 1988/89 to average 36% over the period to 2014/15, peaking at 51% in 2011. Following a review in 2002 the target was removed due to its unintended consequences that included encouraging competition with private industry, placing emphasis on earning capacity over public good, and acting as a disincentive to innovation and collaboration.

The conduct of regular elections at pre-determined time is a hallmark of liberal democracy. Most African countries now conduct regular elections. However, it is generally agreed that liberal democracy is not measured only by the conduct of elections but by a consistent commitment to certain democratic and constitutional ethos. The practice of liberal democracy is a commitment to the rule of law, free, fair and credible elections, transparency and good governance among others. In Africa today, it is generally agreed that despite majority of the countries achieving democracies, bad governance, lack of development, inequalities, exacerbation of internal conflicts, and human suffering are pervasive. Scholars have argued that African countries have generally not enjoyed complete freedom despite the periodic conduct of seeming elections in many African countries. The practice of democracy in Africa has been characterized by hooliganism, banditry and citizen frustrations, leading some commentators and scholars to question the suitability of liberal democratic norms within the African space, while some other scholars advance arguments for the justification of hybrid regimes as a variant of democracy suited for the African space. This research therefore seeks to interrogate the factors exacerbating hybrid regimes in Africa, examines the suitability or otherwise of hybrid governments in Africa, the implications of hybrid regimes for constitutional development, inclusive development and further seek the reconciliation of formal democratic practices with substantive democratic practices in Africa. Enquires will be made on how democratic institutions can synergize with democratic government to deliver the dividends of democracy to the people, how democracy can impact the people and how democracy can deliver good governance and create commonwealth for the citizenry. This paper acknowledges the difficulties of seeking a uniform constitutional template that promotes liberal democracies across African states. However, this paper suggests basic constitutional democratic baseline that has the potential of meeting the fundamental aspirations of the African people.

This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the extent and use of public inquiries appointed by the Commonwealth government since federation. Given the increased incidence in public inquiries since the 1970s, particular attention is given to assessing inquiries during this period. The thesis develops a clear definition of public inquiries to better identify the number established and to distinguish them from other advisory institutions and to allow more accurate comparison of their use by different governments over extended timeframes. The thesis addresses a number of key issues concerning public inquiries such as the reasons for their appointment, their roles and functions in the political system, their powers of investigation, processes of operation, their different organisational forms and their impact on policy development. In addition, the thesis seeks to explain both the long term use of public inquiries in Australia, and in particular their increased incidence since the 1970s. Supported by new data, and a more rigorous definition of public inquiries, the thesis identifies trends in the number and type of public inquiries appointed, their use by different governments, the range of issues investigated, the processes employed and the changing composition of their memberships. The thesis proposes that an important means of explaining the continuing appointment of inquiries is their intrinsic 'publicness' - their public appointment, external membership, temporary nature, open processes, and public reporting arrangements. This 'publicness' has given public inquiries a particular standing and legitimacy in the political system that for a variety of reasons, other institutions are increasingly unable to provide. Other issues concerning public inquiry appointment such as the effect of government partisanship, the impact of the electoral cycle, and the political motivations of governments are also assessed. A number of theories such as public choice are examined in relation to explaining inquiry appointment and found to have limited application in providing an overall explanation of inquiry use and their functions. These different issues are analysed by examination of many individual inquiries and supplemented by in depth assessment of three clusters of case studies. The case studies cover seven inquiries of different types and powers appointed over a twenty year period by both Labor and Coalition governments into a range of different fields including public sector reform, allegations of corruption and maladministration and financial deregulation. Each set of case studies examines why the inquiries were appointed, their classification and type, the processes employed, the form and content of their reports, and their policy impact. The thesis concludes that in examining why public inquiries are appointed and their roles in the political system, they need to be assessed not just by the effectiveness of their processes or the quality of their advice. These are important, but alone are not sufficient in explaining the persistent use of inquiries by all governments and their proliferation since the 1970s. The thesis contends that it is the 'publicness' of inquiries which distinguishes them from other advisory bodies and gives inquiries particular standing in the Australian political system to be perceived to be able to legitimately investigate and advise on a wide of issues. Despite the growth of other advisory bodies in recent times, public inquiries have continued to be appointed in increasing numbers since the early 1970s regardless of the government in power and therefore need to be seen less as an aberration of the Australian political system and more as an important, if often understudied, component. Future research areas recommended include the need for greater comparative analysis of their use with other Westminster democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand.

This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the extent and use of public inquiries appointed by the Commonwealth government since federation. Given the increased incidence in public inquiries since the 1970s, particular attention is given to assessing inquiries during this period. The thesis develops a clear definition of public inquiries to better identify the number established and to distinguish them from other advisory institutions and to allow more accurate comparison of their use by different governments over extended timeframes. The thesis addresses a number of key issues concerning public inquiries such as the reasons for their appointment, their roles and functions in the political system, their powers of investigation, processes of operation, their different organisational forms and their impact on policy development. In addition, the thesis seeks to explain both the long term use of public inquiries in Australia, and in particular their increased incidence since the 1970s. Supported by new data, and a more rigorous definition of public inquiries, the thesis identifies trends in the number and type of public inquiries appointed, their use by different governments, the range of issues investigated, the processes employed and the changing composition of their memberships. The thesis proposes that an important means of explaining the continuing appointment of inquiries is their intrinsic 'publicness' - their public appointment, external membership, temporary nature, open processes, and public reporting arrangements. This 'publicness' has given public inquiries a particular standing and legitimacy in the political system that for a variety of reasons, other institutions are increasingly unable to provide. Other issues concerning public inquiry appointment such as the effect of government partisanship, the impact of the electoral cycle, and the political motivations of governments are also assessed. A number of theories such as public choice are examined in relation to explaining inquiry appointment and found to have limited application in providing an overall explanation of inquiry use and their functions. These different issues are analysed by examination of many individual inquiries and supplemented by in depth assessment of three clusters of case studies. The case studies cover seven inquiries of different types and powers appointed over a twenty year period by both Labor and Coalition governments into a range of different fields including public sector reform, allegations of corruption and maladministration and financial deregulation. Each set of case studies examines why the inquiries were appointed, their classification and type, the processes employed, the form and content of their reports, and their policy impact. The thesis concludes that in examining why public inquiries are appointed and their roles in the political system, they need to be assessed not just by the effectiveness of their processes or the quality of their advice. These are important, but alone are not sufficient in explaining the persistent use of inquiries by all governments and their proliferation since the 1970s. The thesis contends that it is the 'publicness' of inquiries which distinguishes them from other advisory bodies and gives inquiries particular standing in the Australian political system to be perceived to be able to legitimately investigate and advise on a wide of issues. Despite the growth of other advisory bodies in recent times, public inquiries have continued to be appointed in increasing numbers since the early 1970s regardless of the government in power and therefore need to be seen less as an aberration of the Australian political system and more as an important, if often understudied, component. Future research areas recommended include the need for greater comparative analysis of their use with other Westminster democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand.<br>Thesis (PhD Doctorate)<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>School of Politics and Public Policy<br>Full Text

In early modern England, democracy was seen as something more than one of the three classical forms of government. It was identified with a way of life that had catastrophic consequences on State and Church. Democracy’s deleterious effects on the public and private spheres of a commonweal had political, religious, moral, economic, and epistemic repercussions. The main reason for this series of very negative considerations is that the anti-democratic literature presented in this book drew a fundamental distinction—nowadays lost—between ‘the many-headed multitude’ and ‘the people’. It was thus assumed that in a democratic polity the former, not the latter, ruled. Anti-democratic criticism was not only the result of aristocratic ‘revulsion for democracy’ widespread from ancient Greece onwards. Nor was it simply empty abuse or a shorthand for the overturning of the social order. It was the establishment’s response to what it viewed as both internal and external agents of democratic subversion, and to actual democratizing aspirations in theory and in practice. The Introduction elucidates that in early modern England popular government was associated with different things, and with various mouthpieces. It then explains how scholars have not asked what democracy stood for, nor have they enquired into why democracy was unceasingly criticized. They have not examined how criticism of popular government was articulated, nor have they addressed the ways in which different authors depicted the people and their leaders. They have also failed to investigate which political concerns and social prejudices informed anti-democracy. In order to tackle these questions, this book looks at how democratic ideas and practices were challenged and construed in public discourse during a historically decisive seventy-year period.