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Lopes, João Marques. "O colonialismo interno em O outro pé da sereia, de Mia Couto". Letras de Hoje 51, nr 4 (31.12.2016): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7726.2016.4.26174.
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Neste artigo, sustentarei que, no romance O outro pé da sereia (2006), Mia Coutoestá preocupado com os efeitos do“colonialismo interno” (Walter Mignolo). Nos começos do século XXI, no Moçambique pós-colonial, o empresárioCasuarino e outras personagens do romance são agentes da “colonialidade do poder” transnacional e neo-liberal. Utilizam o “pós-colonialismo” e a “raça” para perpetuar hierarquias, desigualdades e injustiças à escala local, nacional e global. Pelo contrário, Mwadia, que é uma personagem de “fronteira”, desafia simultaneamente o “colonialismo interno” e a “colonialidade do poder” independentemente das limitações raciais.********************************************************************Internal colonialism in Mia Couto’s O outro pé da sereiaAbstract: In this article, I shall argue that Mia Couto’s novel O outro pé da sereia (2006) deals with the effects of the so-called “internal colonialism” (Walter Mignolo). At the beginning of 21th century, in post-colonial Mozambique, businessman Casuarino and other characters of the novel are agents of the transnational and neo-liberal “coloniality of power”. They utilize “post-colonialism” and “race” to perpetuate hierarchies, inequalities and injustices at local, national and global scales. On the contrary, Mwadia, which is a character that feels herself in a “in-between situation”, challenges altogether the “internal colonialism” and the “coloniality of power” regardless of racial boundaries. Keywords: Mia Couto; Internal colonialism; Coloniality of power; Post-colonialism
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Ilyas, Mohammed. "Terrorism Industry and Data Coloniality in Southeast Asia". Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy 3, nr 1 (17.04.2022): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46507/jcgpp.v3i1.65.
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Decolonisation of academia has become a 'vogue' among scholars, students and activists, which has resulted in many publications on decolonisation. Unlike the social sciences, the online world and digital data have not received much attention from decolonial scholars. Digital data colonialism combines historical colonialism's predatory aspect and computer science ability to quantify and commodify online relations. The organisations responsible for digital data colonialism are big tech companies and powerful Western countries' intelligence agencies. Tech companies gather digital data and sell it for profit to big businesses. While, intelligence agencies of powerful Western gather digital data and use it for national interest and securitisation of populations under the banner of fighting terrorism, which reproduces non-Western countries' coloniality. This paper discusses the coloniality of non-Western countries by powerful Western countries through the use of digital data colonialism, which is carried out by their inelegance agencies and Western tech companies.
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Freixo, Adriano De. "A crise do último império: a Guerra Fria e as décadas finais do colonialismo português (1945-1975)". Diálogos 22, nr 1 (7.07.2018): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/dialogos.v22i1.43636.
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A partir dos anos 1950, no auge do processo de descolonização afro-asiática, Portugal sofreu diversas pressões internacionais devido à sua política colonial. Marcado historicamente por sua debilidade econômica, o país havia implementado um modelo colonialista baseado na abertura de seus domínios ultramarinos à atuação do capital internacional, em um modelo de colonialismo dependente. Este fato, aliado aos interesses estratégicos dos EUA e da OTAN, no contexto da Guerra Fria, fez com que as grandes potências acabassem esvaziando as pressões contrárias ao colonialismo português. Assim, apesar da política isolacionista implementada pelo regime salazarista e da condenação da opinião pública internacional, os interesses econômicos e financeiros das grandes potências e as determinações político-estratégicas da conjuntura internacional acabaram por garantir alguma sobrevida ao Império Colonial Luso até meados da década de 1970.
Abstract
The crisis of the last empire: the Cold War and the final decades of Portuguese colonialism (1945-1975)
From the 1950s onwards, at the height of the process of Afro-Asian decolonization, Portugal underwent various international pressures due to its colonial policy. Historically marked by its economic weakness, the country had implemented a dependent colonialist model based on the opening of its overseas domains to the international capital. In addition, the strategic interests of the United States and NATO within the context of the Cold War resulted in a deflation of the pressures against Portuguese colonialism by the great powers. Hence, despite the isolationist policy implemented by the Salazar regime and the condemnation of colonialism by international public opinion, the economic and financial interests of the great powers, as well the political and strategic constraints of the international conjuncture, granted the survival to the Portuguese Colonial Empire until the mid-1970s.
Resumen
La crisis del último imperio: la Guerra Fría y las últimas décadas del colonialismo portugués (1945-1975)
Desde la década de 1950, en el apogeo del proceso de descolonización africano-asiática, Portugal sufrió varias presiones internacionales debido a su política colonial. Marcado históricamente por su debilidad económica, el país había implementado un modelo colonialista basado en la apertura de sus dominios de ultramar a la actuación del capital internacional, en un modelo de colonialismo dependiente. Este hecho, junto con los intereses estratégicos de los EE.UU. y la OTAN en el contexto de la Guerra Fría, hizo que las grandes potencias acabaran por vaciar las presiones contra el colonialismo portugués. Así, a pesar de la política aislacionista implementada por el régimen salazarista y la condena por la opinión pública internacional, los intereses económicos y financieros de las grandes potencias y las determinaciones político-estratégicas de la coyuntura internacional acabaron por garantizar alguna sobrevida al Imperio Colonial Luso hasta mediados de la década de 1970
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Greendorfe, Marc. "THE TRUE HISTORY AND LEGAL MEANING OF COLONIALISM IN THE HOLY LAND: THE 2042 B.C.E. PROJECT". International Journal of Law, Ethics, and Technology 2022, nr 2 (28.10.2022): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.55574/nvoa3005.
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One of the most inexplicable uses of certain Marxist terms, such as colonialism, imperialism and settler-colonialism is with regard to the State of Israel, a frequent target of Marxists, and ethnic Jews, the descendants of the indigenous people of the modern State of Israel, who are often referred to as Zionists. Though there are no logical connections between the policies and acts of the State of Israel or Israeli citizens, on the one hand, and the complaints of Marxists regarding domestic American strife and discrimination, on the other hand, that has not stopped Israel from being a prominent target of Marxist groups like Black Lives Matter. In fact, anti-Israel activism, and castigating Israel as a settler-colonialist entity, have become central planks of the Black Lives Matter movement and even radical American politicians such as Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Because Marxist terms are now being weaponized in ways that are utterly at odds with the history and meanings of these terms, and those weaponizing the terms allege that they have legal import in questions as to the legitimacy of the State of Israel, this article will explore the most frequently used terms and how such terms have been historically applied in various situations. After providing definitions for the terms, this article will apply these terms to the history of the Jewish claim to Israel to determine whether there is any basis for theories of colonialism, imperialism and settler-colonialism being applicable to Israel and Zionism. Finally, the history of those who make competing claims to the land, including Palestinian Arabs and Muslims generally, will be reviewed to determine whether these parties are more properly characterized as colonialists, imperialists, or settler-colonialists. The purpose of this article is not to present a Marxist point of view about the three terms, colonialism, imperialism, and settler-colonialism; rather, this article intends to take a legal view of these non-legal terms to determine whether the terms should have any legal effect vis a vis the rights of people to self-determination and also to examine the internal consistency of the use of these terms by Marxist activists and Marxist scholars across different peoples and states.
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Poesche, Jurgen. "A poisoned Chalice: homophobia and codes of conduct". International Journal of Law and Management 62, nr 6 (23.06.2020): 557–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlma-12-2019-0281.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to develop an understanding of requirements for firms’ codes of conduct when addressing homophobia in the context of continued colonialism and coloniality. Design/methodology/approach This paper is a literature study. Findings First, occidental firms’ codes of conduct are shown to endanger indigenous homosexual individuals by endangering the protection offered by their indigenous ethics and society. Second, it is shown that tackling homophobia in firms’ codes of conduct on the foundation of occidental ethics forces homosexual individuals to conform to occidental homosexual identities in a world of a multitude of indigenous and hybrid homosexualities and identities render firms’ codes of conduct expressions of continued colonialism and coloniality. Third, a sole reliance on occidental conceptualizations of homophobia is shown to potentially camouflage unethical nationalistic and xenophobic intents. Research limitations/implications Additional research is needed on the dynamics of coexisting multiple indigenous homosexual identities, and reliable ways to determine the substance of indigenous homosexual identities need to be developed in the context of continued colonialism and coloniality. Practical implications Firms need to be cognizant of conflicting identities, hybrid identities and changing identities over time while avoiding to use purported protection against homophobia as a camouflage for nationalistic and xenophobic purposes. Social implications The paper ways to address the protection against homophobia in firms' codes of conduct in the context of continued colonialism and coloniality. Originality/value This paper closes a gap in the literature by considering firms’ codes of conduct as favouring homophobia as a result of continued colonialism and coloniality.
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Corral-Broto, Pablo, i Antonio Ortega Santos. "simple overflow?" Perspectivas - Journal of Political Science 25 (17.12.2021): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/perspectivas.3564.
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This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain’s Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state’s violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state.
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Meriño Guzmán, Rodolfo. "Colonialismo, racismo y cuerpo: apuntes críticos desde Frantz Fanon". Hermenéutica Intercultural, nr 29 (26.06.2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196504.29.1299.
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ResumenEl siguiente ensayo explora las propuestas y análisis de Frantz Fanon en torno a la relación que se produce entre el colonialismo, el racismo y el cuerpo. Con este objetivo asumimos que la principal estrategia de dominación con la que cuenta el colonialismo es por medio de la racialización de los cuerpos. En tal sentido asumimos la crítica fanoniana que reconoce la existencia de una diferencia jerárquica entre colonizadores y colonizados, que se justifica por medio de una serie de prácticas y discursos centrados principalmente en el desmedro de la cultura colonizada.Palabras clave: Frantz Fanon – colonialismo – mistificación – cuerpo – racialización.AbstractThe following essay explores proposals and analysis of Frantz Fanon regarding the relationship among colonialism, racism and body. With this objective, we assume that the Colonialism’s main strategy for domination is through the racialization of bodies. In this sense, we take the fanonian criticism recognizing the existence of a hierarchical difference between colonizers and the colonized ones, justified by a series of practices and discourses focused on the detriment of the colonized culture.Keywords: Frantz Fanon – Colonialism – mystification – body – racia- lizationResumo:O seguinte ensaio explora as propostas e análises de Frantz Fanon em torno da relação que se produz entre o colonialismo, o racismo e o corpo. Com este objetivo assumimos que a principal estratégia de dominação com a que conta o colonialismo é por meio da racialização dos corpos. Em tal sentido assumimos a crítica fanoniana que reconhece a existência de uma diferença hierárquica entre colonizadores e colonizados, que se justifica por meio de uma série de práticas e discursos centrados principalmente no detrimento da cultura colonizada. Palavras-chave: Frantz Fanon – colonialismo – mistificação – corpo – racialização.
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Bruschi, Fabio. "Racist Subjectivation, Capitalism, and Colonialism". Symposium 23, nr 1 (2019): 138–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposium20192317.
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This article highlights the impasses of anti-racist struggles that understand racism as an opinion or a prejudice and use education as their only means for addressing it. Racism should rather be understood as a socio-historical subjective structure rooted in the process of constitution of the division of labour on a global scale through colonialism, a process that was crucial to the institution of capitalism. This is why we will put forth the importance of rejecting the narrations that camouflage colonization with the idea of civilization, and the necessity to produce decolonial counter-histories. We will thus claim that such an endeavor should start from the struggles of racialized peoples against the different forms of coloniality—that is, from the refusal by racialized peoples of the representations that are imposed on them, and from their repositioning on the basis of their alterity. Only the position of a powerful alterity can in fact make possible a real equality.Cet article met en évidence les impasses des luttes antiracistes qui conçoivent le racisme comme une opinion ou un préjugé et utilisent l’éducation comme le seul moyen d’y remédier. Le racisme devrait plutôt être compris comme une structure socio-historique subjective qui s’enracine dans le procès de constitution de la division mondiale du travail par le colonialisme, un procès qui a été décisif pour l’institution du capitalisme. C’est pourquoi nous mettrons en avant le caractère problématique des récits qui recouvrent la colonisation de l’idée de civilisation et la nécessité de produire des contre-histoires décoloniales. Il s’agira alors de montrer que, pour ce faire, il faut partir des luttes des racisés contre les différentes formes de colonialité—c’est-à-dire du refus par les racisés des représentations qui leur sont adressées et de leur repositionnement à partir de leur altérité. Seule la position d’une altérité puissante peut, en effet, rendre possible une égalité réelle.
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Malakhov, Vladimir. "Retroactive Categorizations, or Post-Coloniality as Condition". Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 22, nr 3 (2023): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-53-74.
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The rise of the post-colonial and de-colonial narrative that is being experienced nowadays in post-Soviet countries stands in contrast with the rejection of this narrative by the Russian academic and sociocultural mainstream. The paper analyzes the opportunities and constrains of the “post-colonialism” conceptual framework. As well, the arguments of researchers who were skeptical about this framework are reconstructed. The author separates “post-colonialism” as a research strategy and “de-colonialism” (“de-colonial thought”) as a form of activism. According to the author, the paradigm of post-colonial studies, despite its inherent theoretical shortcomings, contains a serious analytical potential, while de-colonialism is an internally contradictory ideological program. In addition, the article makes a distinction between post-colonialism as a situation and post-colonialism as a reflection on this situation. Post-coloniality is possible without colonialism. It denotes the comprehension and rethinking of a certain historical experience, regardless of whether the past condition qualifies as colonial.
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Holst, Joshua. "Colonial Histories and Decolonial Dreams in the Ecuadorean Amazon". Latin American Perspectives 43, nr 1 (5.03.2015): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15570837.
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The political changes sweeping Latin America have inspired scholars to declare a “post-neoliberal” era, some even suggesting a potential reversal of colonialism. Despite progressive political discourse in Ecuador, the indigenous movement continues to resist the state. Underlying the conflict between the indigenous and the state is a long-standing conflict between economic growth and the environment. Since Ecuador’s economy relies on Amazonian natural resources, the post-neoliberal Ecuadorean state requires colonial advances into indigenous territory to fund its progressive social programs. The opposite of colonialism is autonomy, which in the right hands can represent a true development alternative. Los cambios políticos arrasando América Latina han inspirado a los académicos a declarar una era “posneoliberal,” algunos incluso sugiriendo una inversión potencial de colonialismo. A pesar del discurso político progresista en el Ecuador, el movimiento indígena continúa resistiendo el Estado. Detrás del conflicto entre los indígenas y el Estado es un conflicto antiguo entre el crecimiento económico y el medio ambiente. Como la economía de Ecuador se basa en los recursos naturales de la Amazonía, el Estado ecuatoriano posneoliberal requiere avances coloniales en territorio indígena para financiar sus programas sociales progresistas. Lo contrario del colonialismo es la autonomía, que en las manos adecuadas puede representar una verdadera alternativa de desarrollo.
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del Valle, Javier de Pablo. "La Dimensión Social del Colonialismo Interno. El caso gallego." Anduli, nr 20 (2021): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/anduli.2021.i20.07.
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The thesis of internal colonialism reveals the realities that different populations face, and posits that even populations that are within the core central regions of the capitalist world-system are victims of certain exploitation models more typical of the colonial periphery. This article reviews this thesis about internal colonialism with the aim of freeing it from its rigid structuralism and bringing it closer to other perspectives, such as the post-colonialist and decolonialist views, which could ultimately enhance its usefulness as a theoretical tool. Furthermore, this paper addresses the need for an exploration of the social dimension that accompanies internal colonialism, somewhat neglected by the traditional thesis, in light of a conceptual proposition that emphasizes the genesis and transformation of different colonial identities and highlights internal colonialism as an identityfixing dispositive. Finally, this paper briefly examines the Galician case of internal colonialism to demonstrate the potential offered by this new theoretical approach.
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Riveros Vera, Axel. "Del colonialismo a la Primera Guerra Mundial Desestructuración de los pueblos de África". Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 11, nr 2 (15.07.2014): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.520.
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ResumenEl presente avance de investigación ofrece una aproximación teórica al origen y expansión del colonialismo de finales de siglo XIX por parte de Europa en África, dentro de un enfoque intercultural que se viene construyendo en grupos académicos y comunidades sociales que han vivido un proceso de silenciamiento histórico en nuestro medio y en la mayoría de los países de América Latina. Se da un acercamiento teórico al imperialismo y al colonialismo, para luego estudiar la configuración del espacio geográfico y social de África. Se termina con unas conclusiones provisionales derivadas del trabajo en curso. Palabras clave: Interculturalidad, imperialismo, colonialismo, supremacía racial, nacionalismo, cultura, liberación.*********************************************************From Colonialism to the First World War. Deconstruction of African townsAbstractThe present research assessment offers a theoretical approach to the origin and expansion of colonialism at the end of 19th century of Europe in Africa, within an intercultural approach, which has been built by academic groups and social communities which have lived a process of historical silence in our region and in most of the countries of Latin America. There’s a theoretical approach to Imperialism and Colonialism in order to study the configuration to the geographical and social space in Africa. It ends with some provisional conclusions derivated from the current work. Key words: Interculturality, Imperialism, colonialism, racial supremacy, nationalism, culture, liberation.**********************************************************Do colonialismo à Primeira Guerra Mundial Desestruturação dos povos de África.ResumoO presente relatório de pesquisa oferece uma abordagem teórica sobre a origem e expansão do Colonialismo de finais do século XIX por parte da Europa na África, dentro de um enfoque intercultural. Tal enfoque vem se construindo em grupos acadêmicos e comunidades sociais que tem vivido um processo de silenciamento histórico em nosso meio e na maior parte dos países de América Latina. Há uma aproximação teórica ao Imperialismo e ao Colonialismo, para posteriormente discutirmos a configuração do espaço geográfico e social da África. Termina-se com algumas conclusões provisórias derivadas do trabalho em andamento. Palavras chave: Interculturalidade, imperialismo, colonialismo, supremacia racial, nacionalismo, cultura, liberação.
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Ștefănescu, Bogdan. "The Postcommunist Supplement: The Revision of Postcolonial Theory from the East European Quarter". American, British and Canadian Studies 38, nr 1 (1.06.2022): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/abcsj-2022-0008.
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Abstract Postcolonial criticism appears today as the sole champion of the study of colonialism and its aftermath. However, viewed from post-Soviet Europe, it displays a number of flaws and lacunae: an amputated atlas of modern colonialism which ignores the experience of Eastern Europe under Soviet colonial occupation, a binarism that fails to explain the more complicated mechanisms of cultural colonization, and an in-built ideological bent that blinds it to the trans-ideological nature of colonialism whereby mutually incompatible ideologies have functioned as both the hegemonic and the counter-discourses of colonialism. While it has found the general framework of postcolonialism useful, postcommunist cultural studies has worked inside these theoretical interstices to supplement the orthodoxy of postcolonialism with equally sophisticated analytical tools that seem more adapted to deal with trans-colonialism in the global age. This article explains the added value of the cultural critique of (post)communist coloniality: how it has complemented the routine charts of colonialism during and after the Cold War by more accurately mapping the complex colonial relationships between all “Three Worlds”; how it by-passed the simple binary imagination of radical postcolonialism in order to address the political ambivalence and the ethical dilemmas of global (post)coloniality where there are no fixed hero/villain positions; and how it replaced Manichean anti-capitalist discourses with a more flexible and open perspective on the convoluted ideological rapports during the Cold-War and after the collapse of the Soviet empire.
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Rassendren, Etienne. "Imperial Desire and Implications for Contemporary Representation of Colony". Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, nr 3 (1.07.2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.38.1.
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There has been much rigorous questioning about the idea and practice of colonialism in current reflections on colonialism and post/coloniality. Except for some serious intellectual examination over the inter-relations between gender and colonisation in Spivak‟s work on subalternity and gender, not much has been articulated about imperial desire and colonial sexualities. Moreover, there has been no signifying exploration of the distinction between imperialism and colonialism particularly as the difference is situated in desire. This paper attempts to locate the difference between imperial and colonial as they overlap in imperial desire. I also wish to expose its continuity in contemporary representations of colony, particularly in film and conclude by making comments on pedagogic practices in the current English studies classroom. In so doing, I intend to situate the politics, both cultural and sexual, within the current representational politics of post/coloniality.
Keywords: Imperial, Colonial, Desire, Post/coloniality, Film, Pedagogic
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Mabasa, Xiletelo, i Priscilla Boshoff. "Liberatory violence or the gift: paths to decoloniality in Black Panther". Image & Text, nr 36 (21.06.2022): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2617-3255/2022/n36a7.
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Black Panther's (Coogler 2018) popularity amongst its black audiences in part stems from its foregrounding of the persistent social injustices engendered by colonialism and slavery (what Aníbal Quijano (2000:533) terms 'coloniality') and black people's struggles to overcome them. As a representational tactic in approaching this theme, the Hollywood blockbuster draws on the imaginings of Afrofuturism, which variously endorses radical or more conciliatory approaches to decoloniality. This southern theoretical approach and the critique of coloniality offered by Afrofuturism frame our exploration of how the film positions the hero, T'Challa and the villain, Erik Killmonger, as embodiments of contrasting approaches to emancipation from colonialism's entrenched legacy. Using a structuralist approach that draws on the narrative models of Tsvetan Todorov, Vladimir Propp and Claude Levi-Strauss, we analyse the film's approach to decoloniality by examining the relationship between T'Challa and Killmonger as the protagonist and antagonist respectively. The analysis reveals the limitations of the film's construction of the hero's and villain's understandings of the path to liberation. Rather than offering a revolutionary remedy for the injustices of colonialism and its aftermath, the film embraces a liberal standpoint that remains palatable to the white establishment, both within Hollywood and the broader socio-political milieu.
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Pappe, Ilan. "The Framing of the Question of Palestine by the Early Palestinian Press: Zionist Settler-Colonialism and the newspaper Filastin, 1912–1922". Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 14, nr 1 (maj 2015): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2015.0104.
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This article uses a new conceptual approach to the question of Palestine, namely the settler-colonialism paradigm. This paradigm enabled scholars to develop the depiction of Zionism as a settler-colonialist project. However new approaches which have focused on Zionism as a settler-colonialist movement have, in fact, neglected indigenous Palestinian perspectives. The article advocates further refinement to the discourse of anti-colonialism by revisiting early Palestinian perceptions of Zionism. The article also shows that in the early stages of Zionism the movement was clearly depicted as a settler-colonialist project by Palestinian journalists and press commentators of the newspaper Filastin. However the existential implications of such an analysis were ignored by the Palestinian political elite, an oversight which also contributed to the 1948 Palestinian Nakba (catastrophe).
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Zhao, Chenxi. "Post-Colonialism in Chinese Film". Art and Society 2, nr 3 (czerwiec 2023): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/as.2023.06.01.
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This essay references the notion of post-colonialism and the consequential effects of referencing colonialism on the evolution of China’s four levels (culture, politics, humanity, and civilisation). In addition, the embodiment of postcolonialism in Chinese film is concisely summarised, with specific case studies for each. It can be observed that post-colonialism has had a profound impact on the development of Chinese cinema. This has led to a heightened focus on showcasing the unique and distinct aspects of Chinese culture and a greater emphasis on promoting national unity. Additionally, there has been a willingness to shed light on the negative effects of colonialist aggression while incorporating more global perspectives into Chinese film.
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Lu, Wei. "Post--colonialism of Robinson Crusoe". Learning & Education 10, nr 3 (7.11.2021): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/l-e.v10i3.2470.
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Robinson Crusoe is a realistic fiction. From the perspective of realism, Robinson’s perseverance, courage and never give up spirit on the desert island inspired generations of colonists and explorers. From the point of view of post-colonialism, Daniel Defoe reflected the imperialism and colonialism of that time through this work. Robinson’s occupation, development and rule of the desert island is exactly the process of colonizers creating colonies, which is a true portrayal of colonizers’ overseas expansion and occupation. This paper makes a deeper interpretation of Robinson Crusoe and analyzes the colonialist thoughts in it.
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Murdocca, Carmela. "“Let’s help our own”: Humanitarian compassion as racial governance in settler colonialism". Oñati Socio-Legal Series 10, nr 6 (1.12.2020): 1270–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1067.
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This article explores narratives of humanitarian compassion as rendered intelligible through the relational intersecting concerns about Syrian refugees and the suicide crisis in the Indigenous community of Attawapiskat, Ontario. Fuelled by a combination of anti-refugee rhetoric, racism and ongoing colonialism experienced by Indigenous people and communities, public and media discourse reveals how humanitarian governance is constitutive of the genealogy of settler colonialism. I suggest that examining the political genealogy of humanitarian governance in white settler colonialism assists in revealing the centrality of racial colonial violence in producing public and media discourse that is contingent upon the relational currencies of anti-refugee rhetoric, racism and humanitarian compassion. As expressions of a grammar of racial difference in liberal settler colonialism, these discourses ultimately reveal how racial colonial violence is constituted through the genealogy of humanitarianism. Este artículo examina las narrativas de compasión humanitaria entendidas a través de las preocupaciones interseccionales de relación sobre los refugiados sirios y la crisis de suicidios en la comunidad indígena de Attawapiskat, Ontario. Alimentado por una combinación de retórica antirrefugiados, racismo y colonialismo persistente experimentado por los pueblos indígenas, el discurso público y mediático revela que la gobernanza humanitaria es constitutiva de la genealogía del colonialismo de asentamiento. Propongo que un examen de la genealogía política de la gobernanza humanitaria en el colonialismo de asentamiento blanco ayuda a revelar la centralidad de la violencia colonial racial en la producción de un discurso público y mediático que es contingente a la moneda de cambio relacional de la retórica racista y antirrefugiados y de la compasión humanitaria. Como expresiones de la gramática de la diferencia racial en el colonialismo liberal del asentamiento, estos discursos finalmente revelan cómo la violencia colonial racial se constituye a través de la genealogía del humanitarismo.
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Unangst, Matthew. "Men of Science and Action: The Celebrity of Explorers and German National Identity, 1870–1895". Central European History 50, nr 3 (wrzesień 2017): 305–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000620.
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Before the commercialization of colonialism, Germans primarily engaged with the possibility of a German colonial empire through German explorers of Africa. This article examines the discourse about such men with an eye to the ways in which Germans formulated identities around them as celebrities in the earlyKaiserreich. A shift in the discourse is observable around the time of the beginning of formal German colonialism in the mid-1880s. To that point, observers had placed German explorers within an international scientific community defined by its cosmopolitanism. From the mid-1880s, explorers more often appeared as embodiments of a chauvinistic national identity that defined German colonialism as superior to other variants. This discursive shift was indicative, on the one hand, of the erosion of theBildungsbürgertum'scontrol of the meaning of German colonialism and, on the other, of the emergence of alternative colonialist identities through public engagement with the exploration of Africa.
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Byrne, Deirdre C., i Josephine Olofunmilayo Alexander. "Special section editorial". Image & Text, nr 37 (1.11.2023): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2617-3255/2023/n37a28.
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Decolonisation is a group of critical theories aimed at negating colonialism by eradicating its multifaceted effects on the life of the colonised. According to Olufemi Táíwò (2022:xvi), it is an all-encompassing theory that has become a catch-all idea to tackle anything with any, even minor, association with the 'West'. Decolonial scholars such as Quijano, Walter Mignolo, Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Achille Mbembe, NgügT wa Thiong'o, and Sabelo J Ndlovu-Gatsheni argue that colonialism did not end with the political independence of colonised nations as the effects have extended beyond independence and have continued to permeate all aspects of the lives of the colonised. The continuing power of colonialism, according to these scholars, is manifested in the coloniality of power, coloniality of being and coloniality of knowledge (Mignolo & Walsh 2018:10). They advocate for a decolonial turn from the dominant hierarchical, white, male, and Christian supremacy of Western hegemony and universalism to a dynamic pluriversal recognition and acceptance of knowledges from the Global South.
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Ferreira, Andrey Cordeiro. "Statism, colonialism, and imperialism: towards an autonomous theory of the multipolar world and territorialized/ethnicized/gendered reproduction of powers". Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura 32, nr 1 (27.06.2024): e2432106. http://dx.doi.org/10.36920/esa32-1_06.
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This article attempts to conduct a critical theoretical review of the concepts of imperialism and colonialism (as well as related concepts such as internal colonialism, colonial situation, neocolonialism, coloniality, and post-colonialism) and proposes some insights for social science analysis. Although the concepts of colonialism and imperialism are widely cited in the political lexicon and social sciences, their use remains controversial; some authors still utilize the concept of imperialism while others refute its validity. We understand that these definitions are necessary, since the concepts of imperialism and colonialism are indispensable for thinking about the complex reality of the global system in the twenty-first century. Their validity, however, requires a critique of the economistic and Eurocentric aspects that guided many formulations on this topic. Varied and complex forms of colonialism and imperialism continue to shape world history, and we consequently need to be able to perceive their existence and analyze their dynamics. Here we lay the groundwork for a new theory of imperialism and colonialism as a global relationship of heteronomy and accumulation founded on structural discrimination based on ethnicity, gender, and territory that is capable of going beyond the limits of ethnocentric and developmentalist/modernist paradigms of historical knowledge.
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Sambo, Usman, Babayo Sule, Muhammad A. Bello i Misbahu Sa’idu. "Colonialism and Emasculation of Political and Religious Institutions in Northern Nigeria". Review of Politics and Public Policy in Emerging Economies 3, nr 1 (30.06.2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/rope.v3i1.1737.
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Purpose: Colonialism, a phenomenon which has long gone remains an interesting subject of debates especially among the African scholars. This is perhaps, due to the aggressive nature in which colonialism violently altered the evolutionary destiny of the African states. Any study that carefully dig deeply can easily come up with an area of contribution regarding the subject matter of colonialism in Africa. This study specifically explored how colonialism emasculated the political and religious institutions of Northern Nigeria with a view to ascertain the current crisis of identity that the region is facing.
Design/Methodology/Approach: Descriptive analytical design was adopted, thematic analysis and a qualitative content analysis method was used in this study which analyzed critically the various views and dimensions on the role played by colonialism in the emasculation of political and religious institutions in Northern Nigeria.
Findings: The results revealed that Northern Nigeria had a well-articulated and functioning political and religious institutions prior to the emergence of the exploitative colonialism. The British colonialist supervised the destruction of these heritages and replaced them with the alien ones that failed to function well leading to crisis of identity.
Implications/Originality/Value: So it is concluded that colonialism succeeded in damaging the Northern Nigerian heritage and that there must be a reversal towards that indigenous culture and social settings for Northern Nigeria to record a meaningful progress in the 21st century.
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van Eeden, Elize S., i Sulevi Riukulehto. "Recognizing Traces of Colonialism and Coloniality in a South African Mining Region: Surfacing the Past in Regional, Ethnographic and Well-Being Research". Cultural History 12, nr 2 (październik 2023): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2023.0287.
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Recent discussions on colonialism and coloniality in academic and community contexts have not been fully informed, only understanding the past from a present-day context. This article provides a deeper, more experiential understanding of this culturally complex phenomenon by combining three research methodologies: structured regional research, ethnography informed research and multidisciplinary wellbeing research. The article examines traces of colonialism in the Far West Rand area of South Africa, at a time of expanding mining operations when it was rare for people to think of themselves as ‘colonists’ with a colonial vision. Yet, structured regional research points to a history of immense urbanisation, linked to immigration and strong, almost dominant, features of colonialism. Two other, totally different, research methods have also observed the same phenomenon, adopting a more experiential angle to communities in the Far West Rand. These community experiences relate more closely to a coloniality imagery manifested primarily in ideas and opinions about contemporary service delivery, poverty and land use issues.
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Sharp, Sabine Ruth. "Salt Fish Girl and “Hopeful Monsters”: Using Monstrous Reproduction to Disrupt Science Fiction’s Colonial Fantasies". Contemporary Women's Writing 13, nr 2 (lipiec 2019): 222–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cww/vpz022.
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Abstract The revival of the Frankenstein origin myth has left science fiction’s relationship to colonialism undertheorized. More recent creative interventions have, however, challenged the genre’s colonialist legacy: two works that achieve this are Larissa Lai’s novel Salt Fish Girl (2002) and Hiromi Goto’s short story “Hopeful Monsters” (2004). Using different forms of unruly reproduction—strange births, recurring histories, and eclectic intertextuality—these texts unravel the tangled histories of science fiction and colonialism. Using tropes of repetition and mutation, Lai and Goto trace not a myth of origins but the texture of interwoven histories of gendered and racialized oppression. Monstrous patchworks of texts, these works interrogate the boundaries between science fiction, myth, folklore, and fantasy, showing these generic distinctions to have been buttressed by colonialist discourses.
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Mulcahy, Kevin V. "Combating Coloniality: the cultural policy of post-colonialism". Políticas Culturais em Revista 12, nr 1 (1.10.2019): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/pcr.v12i1.30433.
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<p>The distinguishing characteristic of cultural policy in countries characterized by a legacy of coloniality is the importance of the identity formation and the politics that are involved in formulating its definition. At root, coloniality is an experience involving dominating influence by a stronger power over a subject state. However, this is not just a matter of external governance or economic dependency, but of a cultural dominance that creates an asymmetrical relationship between the ‘center’ and the ‘periphery,’ between the ruling ‘hegemon’ and the marginalized ‘other.’ In these circumstances, what constitutes an “authentic” culture, and how this informs national identity, is a central political and social concern.</p>
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Mulcahy, Kevin V. "Combating coloniality: the cultural policy of post-colonialism". International Journal of Cultural Policy 23, nr 3 (26.05.2015): 237–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286632.2015.1043292.
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Bento, Mayane. "Internal colonialism and neoliberal coloniality in the Amazon". Concilium 23, nr 15 (21.08.2023): 704–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53660/clm-1769-23m10.
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the objective of this paper is to analyze how the economic policies of the Brazilian Business-Military Dictatorship imposed in the Amazon were responsible for consolidating a dynamic of internal colonialism whose legacies are expressed in the perpetuation of social conflicts, environmental degradation and socioeconomic and regional inequality. As a result, I propose to reflect on the characteristics of the contemporary relationship of the Brazilian State with the Amazon as a relationship of internal coloniality, linked to neoliberal coloniality.
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Krebs, Andreas. "Reproducing Colonialism: Subject Formation and Talk Radio in English Canada". Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, nr 2 (czerwiec 2011): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000163.
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Abstract.This paper examines how two talk radio programs—CBC'sSounds Like Canadaand Corus Radio Network'sAdler Online—work to reproduce colonialism in Canada through formation of colonial subjectivity. It proceeds through analysis of listener experience informed by postcolonial theory, and the work of Deleuze and Guattari. The mobilization of affective states by these programs, specifically sympathy and outrage, has important implications for how colonialism continues to dictate many of the terms of Canadian political discourse. If colonialism continues to be reproduced in our daily interactions with the media, this poses serious threats to Canadian multiculturalism and to the potential for realizing Aboriginal political goals.Résumé.Cet article explore la manière dont deux émissions-débats radiophoniques (Sounds Like Canadade CBC ainsi queAdler Onlinedu réseau Corus Radio) participent à la reproduction du colonialisme au Canada en renforçant la formation d'une subjectivité coloniale. Cette recherche propose une analyse de l'expérience d'un auditeur développée conjointement avec les théories postcoloniales et les oeuvres de Deleuze et Guattari. La mobilisation d'états affectifs, plus précisément la sympathie ou l'indignation, qu'engendre l'écoute de ces émissions-débats a de nombreuses implications sur la façon dont le colonialisme continue de dicter plusieurs éléments clés du discours politique canadien. La perpétuation du colonialisme au cours de nos interactions quotidiennes avec les médias pose un risque non négligeable pour le multiculturalisme canadien et pour l'atteinte éventuelle des objectifs politiques des communautés autochtones.
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Park, Pae Keun. "Korea and TWAIL: Does She Fit into the Picture?" Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 1, nr 1 (2013): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340009.
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Abstract The historical experiences of Korea around the 19th century do not seem to fit well into the theoretical perspective of TWAIL. It was not Europeans who colonized Korea. Cultural differences cannot explain the Korean experience of exclusion and marginalization as they were brought about by Japan and China who belong to the same cultural sphere as Korea. The cause of imperialism and colonialism may not be confined only to cultural differences. It is not only Europeans who were imperialist and colonialist. Even though it is an undeniable fact that imperialism and colonialism were largely exerted by Westerners, imperialism and colonialism are not solely racial problems. These facts, together with many other facts about Korea, suggest the necessity of a revision of some of the assertions of TWAIL.
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Ayaz, Sammar, Saiqa Sidique Khan i Qazi Haroon Ahmed. "ANALYZING KAMILA SHAMSIE’S A GOD IN EVERY STONE: COLONIALISM AND RESISTANCE". Pakistan Journal of Social Research 05, nr 01 (31.03.2023): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v5i01.1000.
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Colonialism has been in practice from the ancient times and the suffrage of the people on the part of being colonised is a frequently disscussed notion. Colonialism is the settlement and political control over the other nation or country, in which the colonised are “defeated and conquered, exploited and humiliated” by the colonizers (Cahen, 2012). Colonialism was not the same phenomenon in different times of the world but everywhere it brought the natives and the settlers into most complicated and traumatic relationships leading to the massacres and extinction of certain races. The colonisers try to eradicate the native culture, but it seems that the culture of the colonised society is “frozen” in time because it contains the same culture as it was before colonisation (Liz, 2013). If there is Colonialism consequently there will be a response against those colonial exploitations in the form of anti-Colonialism. Anti-Colonialism is the framework of the oppressed, it is a theory that appears from the very beginning in the understanding of local people and their experiences in the context of colonial oppressions (Simmons, & Dei, 2012). The colonised have to fight for them in order to save their traditions, culture and social norms. Anti-Colonialism is the response given to colonial subjugations and victimisations. It is the movement which empowered the colonised people to gain independence from the colonial masters. Anti-Colonialism heightens the necessity to throw out colonial control and re-establish the native governments. In the second half of the 20th century anti-Colonialism was expressed in terms of liberty. Kwame Nkrumah said that “Never before in history has such a sweeping fervorfor freedom expressed itself in great mass movements which are driving down the bastions of empire” (Nkrumah, 1970). This qualitative study discusses colonial practices regarding the control of colonised and the machinery of colonised i.e. social, political, religious, economical and others. Colonialism comes with its reaction that is Anti-colonialism that questions the hegemonies of colonials against colonised. This study specifically focuses on A God in Every Stone by Kamila Shamsie.
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Mpofu, William Jethro. "Coloniality in the Scramble for African Knowledge: A Decolonial Political Perspective". Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 43, nr 2 (10.03.2017): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/2305.
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The scramble to describe Africa, and to name the African condition in the global information and knowledge economy is a colossal enterprise whose stampede is as suffocating as the Berlin Conference of 1884 that saw Africa being sliced up into convenient pieces of colonies, to be shared among the self-appointed masters of the universe. A bold assumption of this paper is that all powers, be they dominating or liberating, are accompanied by complementing knowledges. The resistance to Eurocentric knowledge of Africa by scholars and intellectuals in the African academy is as sweaty and as bloody as the nationalist and pan-Africanist battles that dethroned judicial colonialism in Africa and liquidated administrative apartheid in South Africa. Colonialism was accompanied by colonial knowledge of Africa, consequently Afrocentric activists and scholars are generating decolonial African knowledge in resistance and negation to coloniality, which is a power that is the oxygen of colonialism and which lives after colonialism has died. Combative Afrocentric schools of thought such as Afrikology, Afrocentricism, negritude, bolekaja criticism and decolonial thought have been generated by thinkers and philosophers in the global South to contest the Eurocentric domineering epistemologies on Africa. Decolonial thought and its view on ‘unthinking’ Eurocentric epistemologies on Africa is used to unpack the hidden elements of coloniality in the scramble for African knowledge.
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Segell, Glen. "Neo-colonialism in Africa and the Cases of Turkey and Iran". Insight on Africa 11, nr 2 (lipiec 2019): 184–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087819845197.
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Africa is suffering from neo-colonialism for the same reasons that it suffered from colonialism. Neo-colonialism is the regressive impact of unregulated forms of aid, trade and foreign direct investment; and the collaboration of African leaders with foreign leaders to ensure that the interests of both are met with little concern for the development, sustainability and poverty reduction and wellbeing in African countries. The relationship is asymmetrical or at the cost of African states and their people, who are dependent rather that inter-dependent and do not profit through development or sustainability. They face destruction of their culture, religion and education through continued advancement of foreign culture, religion and language to supplant the African and growing radicalisation of the population. This is elaborated thematically under four headings: Africa the colonial dream, the emergence of neo-colonialism, the proponents of neo-colonialism and the element of religion. Evidence of Middle East states are shown as neo-colonialists in Africa discussed under the cases of Turkey and Iran. The motivation of the former is for the purposes of economics and the latter is for the purposes of religion. Both benefit also through status by projecting their influence as growing global actors. The breakdown of African nations rather than their positive construction and development is increasingly visible. The conclusions are that neo-colonialism is active.
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Strawson. "Colonialism". Israel Studies 24, nr 2 (2019): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.24.2.03.
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Edwards, R. W. Dudley, Steven G. Ellis i Raymond Gillespie. "Colonialism". Books Ireland, nr 102 (1986): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20625728.
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Scott, David. "Colonialism". International Social Science Journal 49, nr 154 (2.09.2010): 517–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2451.1997.tb00041.x.
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Nugroho, Fajar Aditya, Dhyana Hanifianti Handizar i Alhilal Furqan. "Tracing the Remains of the Dutch Colonialism Period and Its Influence on Heritage Tourism Resources in Bandung City, Indonesia". Archives of Business Research 11, nr 5 (27.05.2023): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.115.14704.
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Relics of the past are the main attractions of heritage tourism, these past relics are not spared from the legacy of colonialism because of the implications that are still visible today. Such as in Bandung, where remnants of the colonialism period are still visible in urban elements that have been sustainable to this day. Therefore, this study aims to examine the legacy of Dutch colonialism in Bandung City and its influence on heritage tourism resources in Bandung in a descriptive qualitative manner through data collected through literature study. The results of this study indicate that the existence of colonialist values left behind in Bandung City has a major influence on the elements of tourism resources in Bandung City from the five dimensions, namely historical buildings and monuments; historical event sites; cultural sites and/or natural landscapes; language, literature, and music; and traditional Lifestyle.
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Majid, M. Kharis, i Salamah Noorhidayati. "Kolonialisme Vis a Vis Nasionalisme Perspektif Hadis". Kalimah: Jurnal Studi Agama dan Pemikiran Islam 21, nr 2 (25.09.2023): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21111/klm.v21i2.12252.
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The words colonialism, imperialism and feudalism are conditioned by nature and attitude rather than tyranny. This is in stark contrast to Islam as a religion that strongly rejects actions that afflict others. This paper aims to find out, how the anticolonialism movement in Islam through nationalism is instilled with a ḥadīts perspective. In this article, the author uses an analytical descriptive method, namely by exposing ḥadīts related to colonialism and nationalism as a counterpoint, then explaining them by analyzing existing ḥadīts. So it can find nationalism in Islam as an anti-colonialism movement. The result of this paper is that in Islam there are two interesting concepts in the rejection of this movement, namely the concept of nationalism and the concept of jihad. Nationalism as a reinforcement of the nation's self-identity will give rise to a fanatical attitude towards the country which will certainly reject colonialism. Meanwhile, jihad in Islam is related to Muslim attitudes towards tyranny carried out by the colonials.
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Jang, Soyun. "Why Make Atlas Dance? Colonial Utopia that Persists in Contemporary Robotics". Junctions: Graduate Journal of the Humanities 8, nr 1 (21.02.2024): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33391/jgjh.183.
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This paper addresses the colonialist values at the foundation of Boston Dynamics’ humanoid robot Atlas and contemporary robotics, generally, through an analysis of its dance video ‘Do You Love Me?’. This paper focuses on the concepts of ‘extractivism’ and ‘recognition’ to reveal how colonialist logic guides the human-robot relationship. I argue that Atlas is a new, posthuman colonial subject that has emerged in contemporary society and that, despite not having a sense of self and thus dodging ethical criticisms, robots such as Atlas display the succession and replication of colonial logic and practices. In other words, the desire for a colonial utopia—where we humans construct and rule the world based on the oppression and extraction of less-than-human others—haunts the robot that dances for your love. This paper thus problematizes the prevalence of colonialism in robotics and calls for reflection on the development of today’s robotics deeper than the symptoms of racism, sexism, and capitalism. Furthermore, I demonstrate how extraction as a dispossessing, dehumanizing force, and recognition as framing of false identity are two major mechanisms of colonialism that work closely together. Through the two tactics, colonialism not only serves capitalism but also deceptively obscures its existence.
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Iqbal, Muhammad. "Orientalism in Joseph Conrad’s novel Almayer’s Folly (1895): a post-colonial approach". COMMICAST 1, nr 2 (2.11.2020): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12928/commicast.v1i2.2728.
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He represents the false critic toward colonialism which depicted him as the author in the neutral side in the history of colonialism. In this undergraduate thesis, the writer attempts to reveal the pattern of Joseph Conrad’s Orientalism by find the image and stereotype of the Orient and Occident, the Fantasy of Western colonialism, the hegemony that legitimate the colonial authorities toward the Malay Archipelago and finds the evidence that proves him as the part of author who supports colonialism. The writer uses Edward’s Said Orientalism theory as the major post-colonial theory in this study to investigate the pattern of Orientalism and the evidence of Joseph Conrad as the colonialist author. The writer uses the technique of writing this undergraduate thesis by dividing the extrinsic and intrinsic element of the novel Almayer’s Folly (1895). In the finding and discussion of this undergraduate thesis, the writer reveals the pattern of Orientalism and the evidence of Joseph Conrad as the pro-colonialism author through the binary division in the novel which creates the stereotype of the Orient and compares to the ideal Victorian character depicted in his white characters in the novel. Then, Conrad creates the Western Fantasy toward the Oriental Malay Archipelago as the object for the Westerner in search of adventure, career and positioning the imaginary narrative of European territory as the happy land for the major characters.
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Durão, Gustavo De Andrade. "Separação, Colonização e Contestação: Por Uma Busca de Uma Historiografia Africanista". REVISTA PLURI 1, nr 3 (13.08.2020): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.26843/rpv132020p29-40.
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No presente artigo, vamos desenvolver algumas das etapas do processo que levaram à divisão do continente africano para uma estruturação do colonialismo e dos processos de contestação de suas lideranças, visando compreender de que modo autores como Joseph Ki-zerbo, Terence Ranger, Vicent Khapoya, entre outros, elaboraram um material historiográfico objetivando as respectivas respostas à sua colonização.Os processos de resistência ao colonialismo na época contemporânea foram atuações políticas encabeçadas por Samory Touré, Omar Tall e Mohamed Ahmad. Vistos como processos de resistência, essas análises podem incentivar novas pesquisas as quais retomem e aprofundem ainda mais temáticas importantes na desconstrução das ideias de uma (suposta) aceitação e da passividade do negro-africano.Palavras-chave: contestação, estudos africanos, História da África, colonialismo.
AbstractIn this article we will develop some of the stages of the process that led to the division of the African continent, aiming at the formation of the colonialism basis and the processes’ development of leaderships, whose resistances show us how to understand authors such as Joseph Ki-Zerbo, Terence Ranger, Vicent Khapoya, among others. They produced historiographical material to account for the respective responses to colonization within the African continent. The processes of resistance to colonialism in the contemporary era were political actions led by Samory Touré, Omar Tall and Mohamed Ahmad. Seen as processes of resistance these analyzes may encourage new research which will take up and further deepen these important themes in deconstructing the ideas of a supposed acceptance and passivity of black Africans.Keywords: contestation, African studies, African History, colonialism.
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Islam, Faisal Bin, Lindsay Naylor, James Edward Bryan i Dennis J. Coker. "Climate coloniality and settler colonialism: Adaptation and indigenous futurities". Political Geography 114 (październik 2024): 103164. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103164.
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Makarova, Veronika. "Doukhobors (Spirit Wrestlers) and Colonialism in Canada". Canadian Ethnic Studies 56, nr 1 (2024): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ces.2024.a921082.
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Abstract: Colonialism can be seen as a historical process, or an ideology. As this article demonstrates, for Canadian Doukhobors, it is also a lived experience. Canadian Doukhobors, or Spirit Wrestlers, are a group of pacifist religious dissenters of mixed ethnic origins who immigrated to Canada from the Russian Empire in 1899. The worldview of the Doukhobors was radically different from the principles on which the colonial government was founded. The goal of this article is to describe the colonial policies directed towards the Doukhobors, their anticolonial struggles, and to consider the implications of the Doukhobor history for contemporary anti-colonial thought in Canada and worldwide. The government subjected Doukhobors to a range of discriminatory actions including cancellation of earlier granted land registries in Saskatchewan, incarcerations for refusal of military service (despite an existing legal exemption), taking away children of some Doukhobors and placing them in a juvenile detention center to force the assimilation. While considering the significance of the Doukhobor struggles against colonialism, the article proposes a new term, 'colonial privilege.' This article is reflexive and sheds a new light on the earlier recorded facts. Résumé: Le colonialisme peut être considéré comme un processus historique ou une idéologie. Comme le démontre cet article, pour les Doukhobors canadiens, il s'agit également d'une expérience vécue. Les Doukhobors canadiens, ou lutteurs spirituels, sont un groupe de dissidents religieux pacifistes d'origines ethniques diverses qui ont immigré au Canada en provenance de l'Empire russe en 1899. La vision du monde des Doukhobors était radicalement différente des principes sur lesquels le gouvernement colonial était fondé. L'objectif de cet article est de décrire les politiques coloniales menées à l'encontre des Doukhobors, leurs luttes anticoloniales et d'examiner les implications de l'histoire des Doukhobors pour la pensée anticoloniale contemporaine au Canada et dans le monde. Le gouvernement a soumis les Doukhobors à toute une série d'actions discriminatoires, notamment l'annulation de l'enregistrement des terres octroyées antérieurement en Saskatchewan, l'incarcération pour refus du service militaire (malgré une exemption légale existante), l'enlèvement des enfants de certains Doukhobors et leur placement dans un centre de détention pour mineurs afin de les forcer à s'assimiler. Tout en considérant l'importance des luttes des Doukhobors contre le colonialisme, l'article propose un nouveau terme, celui de "privilège colonial" . Cet article est réflexif et jette une nouvelle lumière sur les faits précédemment répertoriés.
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Mpofu, William Jethro. "Thabo Mbeki’s Decolonial Idea of an African in the African Renaissance". Thinker 93, nr 4 (25.11.2022): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v93i4.2204.
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In this essay, I deploy a liberation philosophical perspective in order to understand Thabo Mbeki’s decolonial imagining of an African in the African Renaissance. It is my understanding that the African of the African Renaissance is one who has awakened to the task of undoing coloniality in the African postcolony. For instance, that an African has to declare that ‘I am an African’ in Africa, as Mbeki does, reflects the troubled and also troubling idea of being African in the African postcolony. It might seem that being human, and African in Africa, is an idea under question that must still be declared or defended. Whether one is an African or not in the postcolony is not a given, as colonialism succeeded in changing the being and belonging of Africans in Africa. Through colonialism, settlers became local in Africa and Africans became aliens in their own native territories. Colonialism, especially in its apartheid expression in South Africa,questioned the humanity of Black Africans, displaced them, and dispossessed them of their land. It is the uprooted, displaced, and dispossessed African represented in Mbeki who makes the remark that: ‘At times, and in fear, I have wondered whether I shouldconcede equal citizenship of our country to the leopard and the lion, the elephant and the springbok, the hyena, the black mamba and the pestilential mosquito.’ This dehumanised African is the subject who travels from the dystopia of colonialism to the utopia of reconciliation and a renaissance of Africa. This is the African who was caught in the tragic optimism of the liberation ‘dreamer’, but was later to concede that after the end of juridical colonialism, South Africa remained ‘two nations’ racially and socially. Even a globally celebrated democratic Constitution did not come close to solving the political and social equation, the paradox, where South Africaremains the ‘most unequal country in the world’. For the African of Mbeki’s representation and observation, the dream of liberation from colonialism collapsed into a nightmare of coloniality, and the starting point of an African renaissance is the decolonial effort todare dream and imagine another Africa and other Africans built from the ashes of the colonisers and the colonised. This essay is also an observation of the dilemma of a philosopher of liberation who was torn in between the necessity of justice for the victims of colonialism and the importance of reconciliation with the colonisers in the African postcolony.
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Mukherji, Arpita. "Politics and Social Consciousness in Bankim Literature in the context of Lokrahasya: A Post-Colonial Reading of a ‘Colonial’ Text". Studies in Indian Politics 8, nr 1 (26.04.2020): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023020918066.
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The very title of the article suggests a journey back in not only time but politico-socio-cultural situation as well. The ‘Text’ taken for consideration is a piece of colonial literature in terms of the period of its creation; the ideas within it, however, can be seen from a ‘postcolonial’ perspective, in a period which is again ‘post-colonial’. The author Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay continuously juxtaposes the ‘colonialist’ and the ‘colonized’ in a series of metaphors, comparing one with the other. In the context, at one level creates a critique of colonialism; at a deeper level he shows how the processes of colonialism have been appropriated by the ‘colonized’ through both acceptance of, and, resistance to colonialism. Subversion of the ‘superior’ by the ‘inferior’ is a recurrent theme. Finally, his project was cultural regeneration of a colonized society—his own—by imbibing the best elements of both the Orient and the Occident.
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Silva, João Paulo da. "A 13ª Emenda enquanto projeto político de denegação de direitos à população negra". Século XXI – Revista de Ciências Sociais 12, nr 2 (18.01.2024): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5902/2236672586443.
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O artigo busca discutir as questões atinentes ao encarceramento em massa da população negra a partir da análise do documentário a 13ª Emenda (Netflix, 2016), ao fazer correlações entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos na condução de suas políticas estatais travestidas de “segurança pública”. Como justificativa, apresenta-se a necessidade constante de propagação de estudos que esclareçam a complexidade das questões raciais em países estruturados pelo colonialismo, tendo a pesquisa como questão: a comunhão de semelhanças entre os países quanto ao exercício do poder estatal punitivo contra os corpos racializados pelo colonialismo. Seus objetivos congregam esforços para discutir como o racismo opera a eleger pessoas pretas e pardas como inimigas do Estado e da sociedade, a partir dos estereótipos raciais construídos e difundidos sobre elas pela mídia hegemônica. A argumentação crítica fará reflexões sobre racismo, colonialismo e sistema de justiça, sendo Foucault (2014), Angela Davis (2016) e Silvio de Almeida (2019) alguns expoentes bibliográficos do estudo de natureza técnica qualitativa. Como resultado, sai o autor em defesa da linguagem fílmica como ferramenta para ilustração de problema central para a redução de disparidades sociais no Brasil: o racismo nosso de cada dia.
Palavras-chave: encarceramento em massa, documentário, a 13ª emenda, colonialismo, racismo.
Abstract: The article seeks to discus the issues related to the mass incarceration of the black population from the analysis of the documentary the 13th Amendment (Netflix, 2016), by making correlations between Brazil and the United States in the conduct of their state policies travestidas "public security". As justification, it is presented the constant need for the propagation of studies that clarify the complexity of racial issues in countries structured by colonialism, with research as a question: the communion of similarities between countries regarding the exercise of punitive state power against bodies racialized by colonialism. Its objectives combine efforts to discuss how racism operates to elect black and brown people as enemies of the state and society, from the racial stereotypes built and disseminated on them by the hegemonic media. The critical argumentation will reflect on racism, colonialism and the justice system, being Foucault (2015), Angela Davis (2016) and Silvio de Almeida (2019) some bibliographic exponents of the qualitative technical study. As a result, the author comes out in defense of filmic language as a tool for illustrating a central problem for reducing social disparities in Brazil: our daily racism.
Keywords: mass incarceration, documentar, the 13th amendment, colonialismo, racism.
Résumé: L’article vise à discuter des questions liées à l’incarcération massive de la population noire à partir de l’analyse du documentaire du 13ème amendement (Netflix, 2016), en faisant des corrélations entre le Brésil et les États-Unis dans la conduite de leurs politiques d’État travestis "sécurité publique". Comme justification, il est nécessaire de diffuser constamment des études qui clarifient la complexité des questions raciales dans les pays structurés par le colonialisme, avec la recherche comme question : la communion de similitudes entre les pays quant à l’exercice du pouvoir étatique punitif contre les corps racialisés par le colonialisme. Ses objectifs rassemblent les efforts pour discuter de la façon dont le racisme opère pour élire les noirs et les moines comme ennemis de l’État et de la société, à partir des stéréotypes raciaux construits et diffusés sur eux par les médias hégémoniques. L’argumentation critique fera des réflexions sur le racisme, le colonialisme et le système de justice, Foucault (2015), Angela Davis (2016) et Silvio de Almeida (2019) étant quelques exposants bibliographiques de l’étude de nature technique qualitative. En conséquence, l’auteur plaide pour le langage filmique comme outil d’illustration de problème central pour la réduction des disparités sociales au Brésil : notre racisme quotidien.
Mots clés: incarcération de masse, documentaire, le 13ème amendement, le colonialisme, le racisme.
Resumen: El artículo busca discutir las cuestiones relativas al encarcelamiento masivo de la población negra a partir del análisis del documental la 13ª Enmienda (Netflix, 2016), al hacer correlaciones entre Brasil y Estados Unidos en la conducción de sus políticas estatales travestidas de "seguridad pública". Como justificación, se presenta la necesidad constante de propagación de estudios que esclarezcan la complejidad de las cuestiones raciales en países estructurados por el colonialismo, teniendo la investigación como cuestión: la comunión de similitudes entre los países en cuanto al ejercicio del poder estatal punitivo contra los cuerpos racializados por el colonialismo. Sus objetivos congregan esfuerzos para discutir cómo el racismo opera a elegir personas negras y pardas como enemigas del Estado y de la sociedad, a partir de los estereotipos raciales construidos y difundidos sobre ellas por los medios hegemónicos. La argumentación crítica hará reflexiones sobre racismo, colonialismo y sistema de justicia, siendo Foucault (2015), Angela Davis (2016) y Silvio de Almeida (2019) algunos exponentes bibliográficos del estudio de naturaleza técnica cualitativa. Como resultado, sale el autor en defensa del lenguaje fílmico como herramienta para ilustración de problema central para la reducción de disparidades sociales en Brasil: el racismo nuestro de cada día.
Palabras-clave: encarcelamiento massivo, documental, la 13ª enmienda, colonialismo, racismo.
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Alkan, Halit. "A Transnational Approach to Salman Rushdie's "Midnight's Children"". International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, nr 3 (3.09.2020): 601–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss3pp601-607.
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Colonialism and post-colonialism have led to the development of transnationalism that is the interconnectivity between people and the economic and social significance of boundaries among nation states. When transnational approach is applied to Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children (1981), it allows researchers to analyse how transnationalism impacts on gender, class, culture and race both in host and home countries. The traditional cultural heritage of India and British imperialism’s impact on Indian society are told through dual identities of the narrator Saleem Sinai who has double parents. Saleem’s grandfather, Aadam Aziz, a Western-trained physician, scorns his wife Naseem who could not notice the difference between mercurochrome and blood stains. As a traditional Indian wife Naseem’s response to the immoral sexual desires of her husband who has adopted the Western culture is a reaction to British cultural environment in India. Saleem’s mother Amina’s cultural conflict caused by colonialism is emphasized because she has to carry on her traditional culture-specific daily habits in her new house bought from a colonialist without changing the order established by Methwold. Despite gaining their independence, Indians cannot get rid of the impact of British colonialism. In terms of transnationalism, Indians are considered as undeveloped, ignorant and wild by British.
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Riyal, A. L. M. "Post-colonialism and Feminism". Asian Social Science 15, nr 11 (24.10.2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v15n11p83.
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Since the 1980s, feminism and post-colonialism began to exchange and dialogue, forming a new interpretation space, that is, post-colonial feminist cultural theory. There is a very complicated relationship between post-colonialism and feminism, both in practice and theory. It was obvious that they have always been consistent as both cultural theories focus on the marginalization of the "other" that is marginalized by the ruling structure, consciously defending their interests. Post-structuralism is used to deny the common foundation of patriarchy and colonialism—the thinking mode of binary opposition. However, only in the most recent period, Postcolonialism and feminism "Running" is more "near", it is almost like an alliance. (The factor contributing to this alliance is that both parties recognize their limitations.) Furthermore, for quite some time there have been serious conflicts between these two equally famous critical theories. They have been deeply divided on issues, such as how to evaluate the third world women’s liberation, how to view the relationship between imperialism and feminism, and how to understand that colonialists use the standards of feminism to support their "civilization mission." This article has greatly benefited from the perspectives and materials of Leela Gandhi's Postcolonial Theory; A Critical Introduction.
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Montgomery, Lindsay Martel. "The Archaeology of Settler Colonialism in North America". Annual Review of Anthropology 51, nr 1 (24.10.2022): 475–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-041320-123953.
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Beginning in earnest in the 1990s, archaeologists have used the material record as an alternative window into the experiences and practices of Black and Indigenous peoples in North America from the sixteenth century onward. This now robust body of scholarship on settler colonialism has been shaped by postcolonial theories of power and broad-based calls to diversify Western history. While archaeologists have long recognized the political, cultural, biological, and economic entanglements produced by settler colonialism, the lives of Indigenous peoples have largely been studied in isolation from peoples of African descent. In addition to reinforcing static ethnic divisions, until recently, most archaeological studies of settler colonialism have focused on early periods of interethnic interaction, ending abruptly in the nineteenth century. These intellectual silos gloss over the intimate relationships that formed between diverse communities and hinder a deeper understanding of settler colonialism's continued impact on archaeological praxis.
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Stone, Alison. "Hegel and Colonialism". Hegel Bulletin 41, nr 2 (27.06.2017): 247–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hgl.2017.17.
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AbstractThis article explores the implications of Hegel’s Philosophy of World History with respect to colonialism. For Hegel, freedom can be recognized and practised only in classical, Christian and modern Europe; therefore, the world’s other peoples can acquire freedom only if Europeans impose their civilization upon them. Although this imposition denies freedom to colonized peoples, this denial is legitimate for Hegel because it is the sole condition on which these peoples can gain freedom in the longer term. The article then considers whether Hegel’s basic account of freedom can be extricated from his Eurocentric and pro-colonialist interpretation of the course of history. The article argues that matters are more complicated because that interpretation has significant connections with Hegel’s conception of freedom as self-determination.