Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Colonialism”

El període 1300-1600 és l’època d’encavalcament entre els processos de conquesta i colonització que van tenir lloc a l’Europa medieval i l’expansió transatlàntica moderna. Al mateix temps que la Cristiandat llatina llançava les darreres croades al continent europeu, les monarquies portuguesa i castellana establien les primeres colònies transoceàniques a l’Atlàntic oriental, a les costes d’Àfrica i a Amèrica. Nombrosos autors han contribuït a l’estudi de les connexions entre les empreses colonitzadores medievals i les modernes, especialment entre les conquestes castellanes a la península Ibèrica i a Amèrica. Però majoritàriament s’han centrat en els aspectes polítics, militars, culturals i jurídics de la colonització. En comparació, poques investigacions han tingut com a interès preferent l’anàlisi de les pràctiques i els espais agraris usats per les poblacions indígenes i pels colons, que ofereix la possibilitat de conèixer com els colonitzadors van alterar els paisatges i els processos de treball locals per construir nous ordres agrícoles. Aquesta tesi doctoral consisteix en un estudi comparatiu de dues viles de senyoriu que van ser colonitzades per Castella entre el segle XIV i el XVI amb l’objectiu d’identificar i acarar la gestió que els colons van fer dels territoris capturats en dos contextos diferents: la presa d’Olvera (Cadis) s’emmarca en la conquesta de l’Emirat de Granada, mentre que l’ocupació d’Agüimes (Gran Canària) fou una de les primeres etapes de l’expansió transatlàntica europea. La recerca ha requerit el maneig simultani del registre escrit i l’arqueològic, en combinació amb l’anàlisi dels paisatges moderns i la realització d’enquestes etnogràfiques als gestors actuals dels espais de treball, i ha demostrat que els dos casos formaven part d’un únic procés de conquesta i despossessió de comunitats pageses que remunta els seus orígens a l’Europa franca medieval. L’estudi ha permès apreciar com els colons van seguir estratègies anàlogues per gestionar els espais agraris capturats a les poblacions locals, que van ser eliminades, i adaptar-los al sistema productiu colonial. Les transformacions van estar preferentment dirigides a ampliar les àrees de conreu, a facilitar-ne la gestió i l’acumulació de producte agrari per part dels senyors i els grans propietaris de terra i a fomentar l’especialització dels camps en la producció en règims de monocultiu de collites prioritàriament destinades a la comercialització. La investigació també ha mostrat una clara connexió entre el ràpid creixement dels espais de treball i els processos d’acumulació per despossessió que van seguir la colonització d’Olvera i Agüimes, els quals també van generar dinàmiques de consum accelerat dels recursos naturals i de deteriorament de les condicions ecològiques locals. La comparació entre els dos casos també ha revelat paral·lelismes en la forma que les pagesies indígenes organitzaven la producció agrícola i construïen i gestionaven els espais de treball. Tant els andalusins com els canaris semblen haver imposat límits estrictes al creixement potencial dels camps i a l’ús dels recursos, els quals van ser trencats pels colons per encetar seqüències ininterrompudes d’expansió de les àrees de conreu. Fa l’efecte que aquesta contradicció fonamental entre els constrenyiments al creixement imposats per les poblacions indígenes i la tendència de la societat colonitzadora a l’expansió i a l’acumulació individual es troba a l’arrel de l’eliminació sistemàtica de les societats colonitzades. L’estudi conjunt d’Olvera i Agüimes suggereix que l’eliminació de les organitzacions pageses indígenes va ser una condició bàsica de la implantació i la reproducció del sistema colonitzador als espais de conquesta.<br>El período 1300-1600 es la época de solapamiento entre los procesos de conquista y colonización que tuvieron lugar en Europa durante la Edad Media y la expansión transatlántica de la Época Moderna. Al mismo tiempo que la Cristiandad Latina lanzaba las últimas cruzadas en el continente europeo, las monarquías portuguesa y castellana establecían las primeras colonias transoceánicas en el Atlántico oriental, en las costas de África y en América. Muchos autores han contribuido al estudio de las conexiones entre las empresas colonizadoras medievales y las modernas, especialmente entre las conquistas castellanas en la Península Ibérica y en América. Pero la mayoría de investigaciones se ha centrado en los aspectos políticos, militares, culturales y jurídicos de la colonización. En comparación, muy pocas han tenido como interés preferente el análisis de las prácticas y los espacios agrarios usados por las poblaciones indígenas y por los colonos, que ofrece la posibilidad de conocer como alteraron los colonizadores los paisajes y los procesos de trabajo locales para construir nuevos órdenes agrarios en los territorios conquistados. Esta tesis doctoral consiste en un estudio comparativo de dos villas de señorío que fueron colonizadas por Castilla entre el siglo XIV y el XVI con el objetivo de identificar y contrastar la gestión que los colonos hicieron de los territorios capturados en dos contextos diferentes: la toma de Olvera (Cádiz) se enmarca en la conquista del Emirato de Granada, mientras que la ocupación de Agüimes (Gran Canaria) constituye una de las primeras etapas de la expansión transatlántica europea. La investigación ha requerido el manejo simultáneo del registro escrito y del arqueológico, en combinación con el análisis de los paisajes modernos y la realización de encuestas etnográficas a los gestores actuales de los espacios de trabajo, y ha demostrado que los dos casos formaban parte de un único proceso de conquista y desposesión de comunidades campesinas que remonta sus orígenes a la Europa franca medieval. El estudio ha permitido apreciar como los colonos siguieron estrategias análogas al gestionar los espacios agrarios capturados a las poblaciones locales, que fueron eliminadas, y adaptarlos al sistema productivo colonial. Las transformaciones estuvieron preferentemente dirigidas a ampliar las áreas de cultivo, a facilitar su gestión y la acumulación de producto agrario por parte de los señores y los grandes propietarios de tierra y a fomentar la especialización de los campos en la producción de cosechas prioritariamente destinadas a la comercialización en regímenes de monocultivo. La investigación también ha mostrado una clara conexión entre el rápido crecimiento de los espacios de trabajo coloniales y los procesos de acumulación por desposesión que siguieron la colonización de Olvera y Agüimes, los cuales también generaron dinámicas de consumo acelerado de los recursos naturales y de deterioro de las condiciones ecológicas locales. La comparación entre los casos de Olvera y Agüimes también ha revelado paralelismos en la forma que los campesinados indígenas organizaban la producción agrícola y construían y gestionaban los espacios de trabajo. Tanto los andalusíes como los canarios parecen haber impuesto límites estrictos al crecimiento potencial de los campos y al uso de los recursos que los colonos rompieron para poner en marcha secuencias ininterrumpidas de expansión de las áreas de cultivo. Esta contradicción fundamental entre los constreñimientos al crecimiento impuestos por las poblaciones indígenas y la tendencia de la sociedad colonizadora a la expansión y a la acumulación individual se halla en la raíz de la eliminación sistemática de las sociedades colonizadas. El estudio conjunto de Olvera y Agüimes sugiere que la eliminación de las organizaciones campesinas indígenas fue una condición básica para la implantación y la reproducción del sistema colonizador en los espacios de conquista.<br>The period 1300-1600 saw an overlap between the processes of conquest and colonisation that took place in Europe during the Middle Ages and the transatlantic expansion of the Modern Age. As Latin Christendom launched the last crusades in the European continent, the Portuguese and Castilians established the first transoceanic colonies in the Eastern Atlantic, the African coast and in America. Many authors have contributed to the study of the connexions between medieval and early modern colonialism, and especially between the Castilian conquests in the Iberian Peninsula and in America. But most research has focused on the political, military, cultural and juridical aspects of the colonisation. In comparison, very few of them have concentrated primarily on the analysis of the agricultural practices and spaces that were used by indigenous peoples and settlers, which offers the possibility of learning how colonists altered the local landscapes and working processes to build a new agricultural system in the conquered regions. This PhD dissertation is a comparative study between two seigneurial towns that were colonised by Castile between the fourteenth and the sixteenth centuries and it aims to identify and juxtapose the strategies settlers implemented to manage the captured landscapes in two different environments: the seizure of Olvera (Cadiz) was part of the conquest of the Emirate of Granada, while the occupation of Agüimes (Gran Canaria) was one of the first steps of the European transatlantic expansion. This research has required dealing simultaneously with the written and the archaeological record, in combination with the analysis of modern landscapes and the carrying out of ethnographical surveys of the current managers of the working areas, and it has demonstrated that both case studies were part of a single process of conquest and dispossession of peasant communities which started in Frankish Europe during the Middle Ages. The study has evinced that colonists followed analogous strategies when managing the agricultural spaces captured to the local populations &#8211;which were eliminated- and adapting them to the colonial system of production. These transformations were primarily aimed at expanding farming areas, facilitating their control and the accumulation of agricultural output by rentier lords and large landowners and promoting the specialisation of fields in the monoculture of cash crops. The investigation has also shown a clear connexion between the rapid growth of the colonial working spaces and the spirals of accumulation by dispossession that followed the colonisation of both towns, which also accelerated the rate at which natural resources were consumed and rapidly deteriorated local ecological conditions. The comparison between the cases of Olvera and Agüimes has also revealed parallelisms between the way in which the indigenous peasantries organised agricultural production and built and managed their working spaces. Both the Andalusi and the Canarians imposed strict limits on the potential growth of farming areas and on the usage of natural resources, which were broken by the colonists to engage in uninterrupted sequences of field construction. It seems that this crucial contradiction between the constraints to growth established by indigenous population and the settlers’ tendency towards expansion and individual accumulation of resources seems lies at the heart of the systematic elimination of colonised societies by the Latin conquerors. The study of Olvera and Agüimes suggests that the elimination of the indigenous peasant organisations was a basic condition of the implementation and the reproduction of the colonising system in the conquered regions.<br>Universitat Autònomad de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Cultures en Contacte a la Mediterrània

This dissertation investigates the nexus between theatre and colonialism in the German empire between 1884 and 1914. It introduces the concept of colonial theatricality, through which it explores to what extent theatre and colonialism have been productive of each other’s orders, knowledge formations, and truth claims. This dissertation thus looks at the empire through its cultural manifestations and its ‘representational machinery’, specifically the theatre. It provides an understanding of the German colonial empire that goes beyond its territorial, administrative and military strategies. In order to do so, the dissertation discusses a broad set of performances that the German empire brought forth at the turn of the century: popular theatre performances that mediated the colonial project to a domestic audience, amateur theatre societies that staged ‘German culture’ in the colonies, colonial ceremonies that included repertoires of the settler as well as of the indigenous population, court-hearings of African individuals residing in Germany claiming their rights, and a petition from the former German colony Kamerun charging the German government with crimes against humanity. Beyond the appearance of the colonial project as a topical issue on stage, this dissertation argues for a deeper-seated interdependence between theatre and colonialism, one that can be detected in the dynamics of ‘seeing’ and ‘showing’. Through the concept of colonial theatricality as a particular mode of perception and representation akin to both the theatre and the colonial enterprise, this dissertation suggests a new framework for looking at the entangled histories of metropole and colony in focusing on the empire’s ordering truth, its formations, effects, and ambivalences.

This project attempts a joint reading of the work of Friedrich Nietzsche and Frantz Fanon. This task, however, is problematic because this body of work is in tension or contradictory. These problems are so acute that a careful reading method is necessary to successfully carry out this reading. In order to facilitate this reading I elaborate and apply a particular philosophical methodology, Mestizaje. The methodology is intended to address works that are contradictory by attempting to read the texts as they are presented while at the same time balancing their positions. The goal is to honestly reflect the thought of each thinker and to illuminate a perspective that incorporates but transcends their respective positions. What the application of Methodological Mestizaje finds is that while Nietzsche and Fanon stand in tension to one another, their respective works share several interesting and important convergences. In particular, they share thoughts on ressentiment, morality and violence. With ressentiment, Nietzsche creates the concept and two manifestations of it, while Fanon works with the concept to develop a third manifestation of this form of moral valuation. Furthermore, their works share the view that morality and violence are fundamental to understanding the origin, development and possible overcoming of a morality. This work contributes to the area of Africana Studies by offering a picture of Nietzsche that addresses concerns of these areas of study. Additionally, Methodological Mestizaje intends to follow in the tradition of non-ideal theory. Finally, while each thinker contributes to the discussion of ressentiment, morality and violence, their positions taken together reveal a broad and thorough perspective on colonialism and its concomitant morality, including their inception, and consequent progression and persistence in the current world.

The author identifies the formation of a Taiwanese identity from representations of landscape painting as introduced by Japanese colonisers and responded to by Taiwanese between 1908 and 1945. The first of two primary findings is that the history of discovering Taiwan can be traced via such visual records as maps, photographs, and landscape paintings from the seventeenth century to the mid-twentieth century. Landscape paintings represented the peak of this course of discovery. From the untamed to the civilised, the Taiwanese landscape was the site of adventure and travel activities, through which the Japanese imperial goals of modernisation for its colony were revealed. The second finding is that visual representations of landscape painting stands as evidence of an uneven relationship within which a European visual model was transported to Taiwan. Furthermore, it was found that representations of Taiwanese landscape paintings reflected a spectacle of modem life. Finally, the formation of Taiwanese local identity was discussed from the perspectives of "local colour," the culturalisation of Taiwanesen ature, and problems of identification. The concept of "local colour" as expressed in Taiwanese landscape paintings reveals a contradictory situation and predicament of local identity. With regards to the culturalisation of nature, the Taiwanese landscape was re-represented by a new aesthetic order and visual layout. Four local configuration stages (1895-1908,1908-1927,1927-1940, and 1940-1945) generalised the visual identification process. According to this analysis, colonial Taiwanese landscape painting emerged in order to fulfill the expectations of an imagined viewer, thus making identification with the environment through landscape paintings problematic. The primary conclusion of this thesis is that the discovery and representation of Taiwanese landscape during the colonial period revealed specific conditions of colonialism and modernity. For local Taiwanese, the predicament of identification was projected and acknowledged in the making of visual art.

This thesis is a study of colonialism and the university, and the relationship between knowledge, imperialism, empire and domination. It is influenced by those who have written on and lived through decolonisation, principally, Sylvia Wynter. The first chapter examines the history of the Westernised university as a Eurocentric narrative. It also considers the evolution of the discipline of the humanities as an imperial science of the human. The second chapter reflects on the effect of an imperial education on an individual’s relationship with their communities. Reading texts written during and after anti-colonial struggle, I consider how writing begins the process of communitarian ethical repair. Chapter 3 explores what it means to be included in the imperial university, and the cost of assimilation. The chapter focuses on texts from ‘outsiders’ to Oxford University who write back to an imperial centre. Chapter 4 revisits Wynter’s analysis of the Westernised institution in the context of 1968 Jamaica to reflect on the Westernised university’s internationalisation agenda. The chapter looks at the history of educational institutions in settler colonial plantations. The fifth chapter examines the evolution of the Westernised university as a site and agent of border control. It reviews the Tier 4 visa regime and Prevent legislation, examining the colonial history of the university as border control. In turning to the work of writer Leila Aboulela, the chapter explores how the creative imagination interprets the university, border control, race and emergent authoritarianism. The conclusion to this thesis is a dystopian short story. The narrative follows the journey of an international student at the University of Glasgow in 2050. Lecturers and books have been abolished. The violent collusion between university and state forces the protagonist into a choice. This thesis is intended as a sustained reflection on participation in Westernised higher education. The decision to conclude with a dilemma is a strategic one.

Teria sido Marx um pensador inescapavelmente eurocêntrico? Como Marx pensou o colonialismo? Qual sua análise a respeito de formações sociais ditas periférias? Esta dissertação pretende propor algumas respostas para estas questões. Para isso, acompanhamos as idas e vindas do autor em textos sobre a colonização britânica na Índia, na China e Irlanda. Como ponto de partida de nossa análise, seguimos o princípio metodológico de observar como as lutas sociais impactaram o filósofo alemão. Mostramos que seu pensamento político está intimamente ligado a seu contexto histórico. Marx é interpelado pelas lutas dos povos periféricos e responde a elas. Sua reflexão se constitui, assim, em um pensamento-luta. Com efeito, a alcunha também serve para descrever outra face do filósofo: seu profundo engajamento com essas mesmas lutas. Se Marx se deixou contaminar por elas foi porque ele se encontrava envolvido, seja diretamente no caso da Irlanda , seja indiretamente no caso de Índia e China, se solidarizando com a luta do povo oprimido. Nessa chave, observar o percurso da análise do filósofo a respeito do colonialismo implica um olhar duplo: por um lado, teremos de percorrer suas inflexões teóricas que se manifestam em suas análises conjunturais; por outro, é preciso observar sua mudança de postura para com os povos outros todos aqueles com os quais Marx não se identifica a princípio, sejam indianos e chineses (orientais), russos (eslavos) ou irlandeses (celtas). Espera-se, com isso, evidenciar algumas mudanças na visão do autor, que irá, progressivamente, se des-europeizar, assumindo uma concepção de história multilinear e estabelecendo uma crítica contumaz do colonialismo. Destacamos no decorrer da pesquisa alguns momentos-chave dessas mudanças: 1857-1858 para a Índia e a China, 1867 para a Irlanda e os textos do fim da vida, sobre a Comuna Russa. Estes, considerados uma espécie de culminação desta nova visão de Marx sobre a história, são analisados em nossa conclusão, de modo a marcar a perspectiva marxiana final. Por fim, procuramos defender, a partir desta nova posição encontrada, a possibilidade de um diálogo mais profundo entre a obra de Marx e o chamado pós-colonialismo. Dado que a posição de Marx com relação ao colonialismo e ao capitalismo irá se modificar no decorrer de sua vida, movendo-se em um sentido mais crítico, indagamos se não haveria a possibilidade profícua de, por meio de um diálogo com a perspectiva marxiana, reconectar a teoria pós-colonial à crítica do capitalismo contemporâneo.<br>Had Marx been an inescapably Eurocentric thinker? How did Marx think colonialism? What is his analysis about so-called peripheral social formations? This dissertation intends to propose some answers to these questions. Thus, we follow the comings and goings of the author in texts on British colonization in India, China and Ireland. As a starting point for our analysis, we follow the methodological principle of observing how social struggles affected the German philosopher. We show that there is a connection between his political thinking and the historical context. When challenged by the struggles of the peripheral peoples, Marx responded to them and thence reelaborated his theories. His reflection thus constitutes a \"thought-struggle\". In fact, the label also serves to describe another face of the philosopher: his deep commitment to these same struggles. If Marx allowed himself to be contaminated by them, it was because he was involved, either directly - in the case of Ireland - or indirectly - in the case of India and China, in solidarity with the struggle of the oppressed people. For this reason, to observe the course of the philosopher\'s analysis of colonialism implies a double look: on the one hand, we will have to go through his theoretical inflections that show themselves in his conjuncture analyzes. On the other hand, it is necessary to observe the change of attitude towards the \"other\" peoples - all those with whom Marx does not identify at first, whether Indian or Chinese (\"oriental\"), Russian (Slavic) or Irish (Celtic). It is hoped, therefore, to point out some changes in the author\'s vision, which will progressively \"de-Europeanize\", assuming a multilinear conception of history and establishing a contumacious critique of colonialism. In the course of our research, we highlight some key moments of these changes: 1857-1858 for India and China, 1867 for Ireland and the texts of the end of his life, on the Russian Commune. These specifically are considered a kind of culmination of this new vision on history, and therefore are analyzed in our conclusion, in order to mark the final Marxian perspective. Finally, we try to defend, from this new perspective, the possibility of a more fruitful dialogue between Marx\'s work and the so-called post-colonialism. Since Marx\'s position on colonialism and capitalism will change over the course of his life, moving in a more critical sense, we ask whether there would be no fruitful possibility of, through a dialogue with the Marxian perspective, reconnecting postcolonial theory with the critique of contemporary capitalism.

Depuis l’Antiquité, l’expérience politique assyrienne (XIVème - VIIème siècles av. J.-C.) a été définie comme un « Empire ». Les sources classiques et bibliques ont créé une image historiographique des Assyriens caractérisée par une violence militariste, par une sexualité excessive et par un urbanisme exagéré. En plus, la théorie de la translatio imperii identifiait dans l’Empire assyrien le premier Empire de l’histoire. À partir du milieu du XIXème siècle la découverte des vestiges des villes royales en Mésopotamie du Nord et surtout des bas-reliefs, qui ornaient les palais royaux, a donné accès à une quantité d’informations directes sur les Assyriens. L’interprétation historiographique de ces données a eu comme modèle l’Empire romain, déjà bien connu par les savants. Le déchiffrement du système cunéiforme et la lecture des sources écrites assyriennes qui en a suivi a certifié l’image impériale puissante et militariste suggérée par les sources anciennes. À partir de cette époque et jusqu’à nos jours, les informations concernant les Assyriens ont augmentées constamment. En même temps, le travail d’interprétation historiographique a été influencé tant par les différentes doctrines économiques et politiques, que par les intérêts des nations qui finançaient les recherches. Pour décrire l’expérience politique assyrienne ont été employées par les Assyriologues des catégories typiquement modernes, telles que l’impérialisme et le colonialisme, ou plus récemment, la globalisation. L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est de reconstruire le cheminement épistémologique du concept d’« Empire assyrien », avec une attention spécifique à l’apport de la recherche archéologique en Mésopotamie du Nord<br>Since the Antiquity the political experience of the Assyrians has been defined as an “Empire”. Biblical and ancient sources have created a historiographical image of the Assyrians, which was characterized by military violence, an excessive sexuality and an exaggerated urbanism. Moreover, following the theory of the translatio imperii, the Assyrian Empire should have been the first empire of history. Starting from the middle of the XIX century the discovering of the vestiges of the royal cities in the north of Mesopotamia, and especially of the bas reliefs which adorned the royal palaces, gave access to an enormous quantity of direct information about the Assyrians. The historiographical model which was employed in order to interpret this data was the roman empire, which was already very well-known by scholars. The deciphering of the cuneiform system and the consequent possibility of accessing to Assyrian written sources certified the powerful and militaristic image suggested by the ancient sources. Since that period and during the next excavations up until today, the information about the Assyrians has constantly increased. At the same time the work of historical interpretation has been influenced not only by the different economic and political theories but also by the interests of the nations which financed the researches. In order to try to understand the Assyrian political experience, typically modern categories have been employed by Assyriologists, such as imperialism and colonialism, or more recently the globalization. The aim of this doctoral thesis consists in reconstructing the epistemological course of the concept of “Assyrian Empire”, with a specific attention to the contribution of archaeological researches in the Northern Mesopotamia

In this study, I examine pre-Hispanic and European beads from a variety of early Spanish colonial archaeological sites throughout the Peruvian Andes. I situate these materials and interactions within the history of Andean and European social networks. I demonstrate that the presence of European beads at specific archaeological sites —or contexts within sites— does not indicate that they directly belonged to European people, but were often incorporated into traditional Andean practices. Moreover, by engaging with theories of value and colonial hybridity, I argue that pre-Hispanic Spondylus shell and European glass beads were similarly valued due to the action invested in their acquisition from distant and unique places of origin. I further illustrate how the contemporaneous use of European and pre-Hispanic beads in forms of exchange, dress, and burial practices contributed to Andean and European beliefs and practices acquiring distinct meanings. These activities, with their changing significances, influenced the formation of new cultural identities and shaped Andean and European social values.<br>En este estudio, examino las cuentas prehispánicas y europeas recuperadas de varios sitios arqueológicos ocupados durante el colonialismo español temprano a lo largo los Andes peruanos. Al hacer esto, sitúo tales materiales e interacciones en la historia extensiva de las redes sociales andinas y europeas. Demuestro que la presencia de las cuentas europeas en sitios arqueológicos o en contextos dentro de dichos sitios no indica que directamente estas les pertenecieran a los europeos. Además, a partir de las varias teorías sobre valor por David Graeber, Mary Helms y Karl Marx, junto con ideas acerca del carácter híbrido de lo colonial, argumento que las cuentas prehispánicas de la concha de Spondylus y cuentas europeas eran similarmente valuadas debido a la acción invertida en su adquisición de tierras lejanas y orígenes únicos. Además, sostengo que el uso contemporáneo de las cuentas prehispánicas y europeas en las formas de intercambio, vestimenta y prácticas funerarias contribuyeron con las creencias y prácticas andinas y europeas al adquirir significados distintos. Estas actividades, con sus significados cambiantes, influían en la formación de nuevas identidades culturales, y conformaba los valores sociales de los andinos y europeos en un entorno español colonial emergente en los Andes.

This study argues for the necessity of a psychoanalytic perspective in the study of colonization, while recognizing the complicity of psychoanalysis in the colonial project. My first chapter situates the Oedipal subject as a historic effect and attempts to trace some of the conditions of its emergence. In this way, I seek to call into question the universal status that Freud attributed to the Oedipal subject. From this historicized perspective, I then read Freud's Totem and Taboo, and its construction of the 'savage', as an effect of displacement, and in so doing, suggest a relation between the Oedipalized subject and the colonizing subject. The following three chapters are comprised of detailed readings of specific events and texts in Australian cultural history. All of these chapters focus on Aboriginal writers, and argue that the texts they have produced can be read as challenging, in a variety of ways, the naturalized construction of the patriarchal nuclear family in the colonial context, and the Oedipalized subject that supports it. The first of these contextualizes the life and work of David Ilnaipon, and argues for a more positive reassessmenot f his work that takes into consideration modes of Oedipalized subjectification operative in the colonial domain. The following chapter focuses on Sally Morgan's My Place, Australia's best-selling, Aboriginal autobiography, and suggests that its overwhelming popularity masks profound anxieties about the intimate and sexualized nature of colonial exploitation as manifest in the settler family home. The final chapter considers recent allegations that Mudrooroo, Australia's most wellknown and prolific Aboriginal writer, is actually an African American. This chapter suggests that a re-reading of his novels, Master of the Ghost Dreaming and Doctor Wooreddy's Prescription for Enduring the Ending of the World, provide possible ways of rethinking simplistic notions of identity and theirgrounding in Oedipalized identifications. All three textual events act as imperatives to remember the legacy of colonialism that continues to pervade contemporary Australian culture.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.<br>Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 23, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-232).

After World War II East and West Germans alike contributed to the maintenance and dismantling of European colonialism, whether by means of direct participation or state policy. At the same time, Germans in both states fashioned a variety of narratives about Germany's own colonial period, selectively including and interpreting facts in order to support sweeping pronouncements on Germany's past, present, and future. In this regard Germans were not unique, as other Europeans after 1945 likewise struggled to find their way in a rapidly decolonizing world and to make sense of the history that had led them to this point. Yet, unlike other Europeans, Germans had been without a colonial empire of their own since World War I. In West and East Germany colonialism permeated political culture. German politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen, and workers dealt with colonialism, its decline, and its aftermath on a regular basis. Colonies were objects of foreign policy-making; decolonization provided an important context for political and economic developments within, between, and beyond both German states; and Germany's colonial past offered redemption and reproach to those willing to find them there. These and other encounters with colonialism dot the historical record, appearing in government archives, political pamphlets, and popular culture ranging from periodicals to film and television. Colonialism's continued relevance for Germans--and indeed the continued relevance of Germans in Europe's waning overseas empires--naturally invites one to compare and contrast the German experience with that in France, or the United Kingdom. However, it also points to the importance such similarities or differences had for Germans. Colonialism certainly helped forge connections between Germans and non-Germans across Europe, Africa, and elsewhere, but more importantly it provided a language for defining Germans' relationships with the rest of the world, not to mention with each other.

Defence date: 26 October 2007<br>Examining Board: Professor Luisa Passerini (EUI and Università di Torino); Professor Bo Strath (EUI); Professor Nicola Labanca (Università di Siena); Professor David Forgacs (University College London)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>no abstract available

The CFA franc - which originally meant "franc of the French colonies of Africa" - was born in 1945, when it became the official currency of the French colonies in Africa, which until then had used the French franc. The CFA franc, in fact, was issued and controlled by the French Ministry of Finance: France could thus decide the external value of the currency - its exchange rate against the French franc - according to its needs. And it immediately proved it, by imposing on the colonies a highly overrated exchange rate. Today France is the only former colonial power that maintains its monetary zone in Africa, called the franc zone. Indeed, 14 countries in sub-Saharan Africa still use the CFA franc (now pegged to the euro since 1 January 1999). This currency is still today subject to the more or less explicit and more or less disinterested protection - depending on the side of the debate that has been chosen to believe - of France. Considering that from my point of view this monetary system is a full-fledged form of neo-colonialism, this thesis article aims to point out the interests of France to remain at the head of this monetary system, by examining not only the advantages granted to the Elysée, but also the benefits that African leaders derive from it. Indeed, one might wonder why the Member States of the franc zone are not abandoning the CFA system which is so damaging to them. Of course, if this system still exists, it not only provides benefits to France, which, in any case, has no qualms about using all the means of pressure at its disposal against those countries which question the CFA system, but also to other actors: the African elites. After all, many African leaders came to power with the support of the French government. The thesis begins by sketching out the colonial origins of the CFA franc before moving on to scrutinize the functioning of the CFA mechanism. I will then analyse the benefits and obstacles created by this system, and how circumstances have changed due to two major events that have marked the history of the CFA franc: the devaluation of 1994 and the transaction from the French franc to the euro. After mentioning certain heads of state who have rebelled against this currency, I will conclude by focusing on the Pan-African movement and on a possible end of the CFA franc with the creation of the ECO.

This re-search explored how trainee educational psychologists (TEPs) enact educational psychology on their fieldwork placements for the Doctorate in Educational and Child Psychology (DECP). This study seeks to reconstruct educational psychology by exploring oppression, power, resistance, subjugation and revolution in relation to identity politics in educational psychology. Applying a postcolonial theoretical lens of ‘psychopolitics’, this re-search examined how psychological explanations of individual pathology ignore social, political, cultural and economic factors. In light of educational psychology’s history of racialisation and colonialism, the ‘hauntings’ of current methodological tools, narratives and assessments are considered. This re-search moves away from Eurocentric forms of knowledge production in educational psychology, towards radical perspectives from black feminism, critical race theory and decolonised methodologies for ‘knowing’ individuals. The methods autoethnography and sharing circles were used with five Year 3 TEPs to collect stories from their placement experiences. The implications of using decolonised methodologies with white participants who occupy spaces of privilege are also discussed. The ‘knowledges’ gathered from TEPs were interpreted into poetic transcriptions and analysed using a psychopolitical framework. The analysis reveals that educational psychology’s history of measurement, comparison, statistical norms and individual differences informs TEPs’ understandings of their work with children, school staff and families. Educational psychology tends to be discussed in relation to individual descriptions of ‘disorder’, largely neglecting socio-political contexts. The emerging themes include: collusion, power, influence and appropriation. Using decolonised methodologies within a Eurocentric context raises the problem of how invested white participants can be in resistance and revolution. This thesis engages with questions around whether educational psychology can be decolonised and imagined anew. I conclude by arguing that, for change to occur, reform at the individual level of the educational psychologist is essential. Finally, I consider implications for future research and the practice of educational psychology.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Antropologia<br>Sendo o período colonial português ainda relativamente recente é possível estudá-lo, não só através dos registos escritos, como através da memória daqueles que são hoje as testemunhas de um determinado passado. Os relatos dessas testemunhas consistem numa multiplicidade de vozes que permitem romper com a ideia de uma história única e institucional. A partir das vivências atuais, os acontecimentos do passado são revisitados e as cicatrizes do tempo ido emergem do olhar lançado retrospetivamente. Através do período histórico abrangido pela memória dos vivos é possível reconstituir, de forma cruzada e através de formas de saturação de informação, não só um determinado segmento temporal, como o contexto que lhe deu forma e sequência. O objetivo da presente investigação é o de, através de uma etnografia histórica, descrever e analisar os quotidianos e as atividades das crianças na sociedade colonial guineense, num contexto de dominação colonial marcado por diversidades culturais, étnicas, sociais, geográficas, económicas e políticas.<br>Considering that the Portuguese colonial period is still relatively recent, it is possible to study it, not only through written records, but also through the memory of those who are witnesses to a particular past. The testimonies of these witnesses consist of a multitude of voices that allow breaking with the idea of a unique and institutional history. From the current experiences, the events of the past are revisited and the scars of a time gone by emerge from the retrospective gaze. Through the historical period covered by the memory of the living, it is possible to reconstruct, in a cross-way and through forms of saturation of information, not only a certain temporal segment, but also the context that gave it form and sequence. The objective of the present research is to describe and analyze the daily activities and activities of children in Guinean colonial society, in a context of colonial domination marked by cultural, ethnic, social, geographical, economic and political diversities.<br>N/A

This study is an attempt to understand the politics of international film festivals and how it translates into local forms of colonialism. Theroretical review of this study focuses around the politics of festivals particularly through Iranian Cinema in the international frame. Inclusionary/exclusionary mechanisms of film festivals, the notion of national geographic effect and how they formed the canonization of Iranian cinema will be discussed. The thesis has also analyzed an Iranian film Kandahar as a case study with the notion of Orientalism to demonstrate how colonizing gaze organized in festival circuit has been internalized by a national filmmaker.

This thesis is in the form of a novel about three work colleagues who, as part of their job, have to drive long distances together. The story is told from the perspective of all of them but mainly from one of the women who tells the story in the first person. The man and two women are so different from each other in personality and outlook on life, and the basis of the novel is their interactions with each other, the frictions within their relationships, and the thoughts that go through their heads while they are driving. These people spend long hours together in the car and in motel rooms yet they never get any closer to each other. The only one of them who seems to get anything from the experience is the woman who is in the first person, as she achieves a greater sense of her own identity. The other two regard the experiences as just another job and of no great importance in their lives.<br>Master of Arts (Hons)

Images of Oceania and Polynesia have traditionally been exoticised and romanticised by Western representations of a "paradise" populated by primitive natives with grass skirts and ukuleles. However, the movement towards political independence in the 1960s and 1970s has seen the emergence of a corpus of indigenous representations that depict and portray the real situation. These indigenous representations speak of subjugation and moreover testify to the debilitating effects colonialism has on cultural identities. The geographical area covered by this thesis is Western Polynesia, specifically the Pacific Island nations of Fiji, Tonga and Western Samoa and is concerned with literary representations. The thesis examines significant developments and trends in the creative writing of indigenous and migrant writers in these three countries of Western Polynesia: Western Samoa, Tonga and Fiji, seeing these literary representations from within as a writing out of multi-faceted aspects of the shifting identities of Pacific peoples in a post-colonial world. The introduction focuses on the historical colonial/post-colonial context of Western Polynesian writing and the socio-political imperatives for change which have had an impact on these writers and the texts they have produced. It also discusses the literary and anthropological representation of these Islanders from the 'outside', from the perspective of a European hegemonic self, forming the 'orientalist' stereotypes against which the initial texts written by the Pacific's colonised 'others' in the early 1970's reacted so strongly. Chapter One sets out the conceptual framework within which these texts will be discussed and analysed, beginning with indigenous and local concepts which indigenous and migrant Pacific Islanders use to connect and accommodate different 'ways of seeing' this representative body of literature, then moving on to other theorists concerned with literary representation and post-coloniality. Chapters Two to Nine explore the writing of these three countries, beginning with the fiction of Albert Wendt, one of the major writers from Western Polynesia who has an established regional and international literary reputation, and then progressing to focus on other selected representative writers of the three countries, including those in the early stages of attempting publication. The thesis concludes by discussing the texts from all three countries and tying them together in the various thematic strands of cultural clash, the widening of borders, the quest for self-definition and national identity in the contemporary Pacific, reiterating major points and examining possible future directions in Western Polynesian writing. The study takes an interdisciplinary approach to the critical analysis of Western Polynesian literature, maintaining the importance of seeing them as important forms of cultural communication in post-colonial contexts, as literary representations from the inside, writing out of a cultural consciousness which values the various 'pasts' of Polynesia as definitive 'maps' which provide the grids and bridges which Pacific Islanders in this part of Oceania can utilise to mediate their experiences and articulate their identities, to fit the widening boundaries of the Pacific into a post-colonial global context.

Representations of Britain's colonial history have predominantly been 'official' ones, which tend to focus on well-documented administrative accounts and imply that one 'true' account of the past exists. More recently, white women's accounts have been incorporated, highlighting their participation in Britain's imperial adventure, particularly during and after the World Wars. East Africa provides the context in which this range of narratives will be explored: Its 'racial' hierarchies; its different designation of land as colonies, protectorates and territories; and its active white settler population in Kenya, which of necessity sought a place for its women, all contribute to its interesting past. This thesis first explores the range of historical representations surrounding Britain's colonial relationship with East Africa, and subsequently focuses on the portrayal of white women. This enables an exploration of the ways these women negotiated their positions in both private spheres, as was more commonly expected; but also in public ways that challenged discourses of femininity at the time. Their challenge became increasingly prevalent as greater numbers of women sought independence, the Empire being one place that enabled white women who went there to realise their 'modern' ambitions to 'civilise' and 'develop' the colonial world. These ambitions however, existed in tension with the oppressive nature of colonialism. If traditional historical accounts have stuck to the 'grand narratives' of colonial history, then turning to white women's oral histories reveals more complex historical narratives. These personal stories emphasise the divisions the women lived within and maintained, as well as demonstrating how myth has come to exist through their memories, now sustaining a colonial image of East Africa. Furthermore, these narratives provide challenging examples of how we can interpret the legacies of 'colonialism' in contemporary, 'postcolonial' realities. The contradictions they reveal hold powerful implications for the way that colonial history is represented in Britain today.

viii, 170 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>This thesis examines the connection between colonialism and violence during the early years of English settlement in North America. I argue that colonization was inherently destructive because the English colonists envisioned a comprehensive transformation of the American landscape that required the elimination ofNative American societies. Two case studies demonstrate the dynamics ofthis process. During the Anglo-Powhatan Wars in Virginia, latent violence within English ideologies of imperialism escalated cont1ict to levels of extreme brutality, but the fracturing ofpower along the frontier limited Virginian war aims to expulsion of the Powhatan Indians and the creation of a segregated society. During the Pequot War in New England, elements of violence in the Puritan worldview became exaggerated by the onset of societal crisis during the Antinomian Controversy. The resulting climate of fear unified the colonies and created an ideological commitment to the genocide of the Pequots.<br>Committee in Charge: Dr. Jack Maddex, Chair; Dr. Matthew Dennis; Dr. Jeffrey Ostler

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Florianópolis, 1981.<br>Made available in DSpace on 2013-12-05T19:28:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 321728.pdf: 3522951 bytes, checksum: e7232afdf1936a14d2a12d5ae304c893 (MD5)

This thesis is composed of three chapters on topics of theoretical economics and applied theory. The first chapter analyzes the existence and implementation of a land division rule, defined through two properties: efficiency and equal opportunity equivalence. It is a joint work with Antonio Nicolò and Andrés Perea, and was published in SERIEs (2011), in the special issue in honor of Salvador Barberà, see Nicolò et al. (2012). The second chapter presents a citizen-candidate voting model with lobbying on a multidimensional policy space, with salient issues. The third chapter investigates the strategic behavior of colonizers in state capacity investment in non settlement colonies, giving an explanation also to civil conflict outcomes after independence. Going more in detail, in the first chapter we look for a normative solution to a land division problem that could be applied to different types of disputes when the arbitrator has a very limited information about the agents’ preferences, and market mechanisms are not available. The solution must be fair and efficient under the constraint of the limited information available to the arbitrator. To this scope, we propose to use the concept of equal-opportunity equivalence defined by Thomson (1994). A land division is equal-opportunity equivalent if each agent receives a parcel of the land who makes her indifferent with respect to her best parcel of a given size µ,where the size of the reference set must be the same for both agents. Existence of the land division rule, uniqueness of utility levels are proved, along with a mechanism to implement it, in which the preferences of the agents do not need to be common knowledge. Moreover there is a unique µ for which the rule exists, therefore µ is not a discretionary choice of the arbitrator. The second chapter is devoted to the analysis of a citizen-candidate model on a multidimensional policy space with lobbying, where citizens regard some issues more salient than others. In equilibrium special interest groups that lobby on less salient topics move the implemented policy closer to their preferred policy, compared to the ones that lobby on more salient issues. After introducing two types of citizens, who differ with respect to the salience assigned to issues, pooling equilibria are found, where voters are not able to offset the effect of lobbying on the implemented policy. This result is in sharp contrast with previous work on unidimensional citizen-candidate models that predict the irrelevance of lobbying on the implemented policy, see Besley and Coate (2001). In an extension of the model citizens are provided with the possibility of giving monetary contributions to lobbies in order to increase their power. With more than one lobby per dimension there are two findings. First, under some conditions only the most extreme lobbies receive contributions. Second, the effectiveness of a lobby is maximized when the salience of an issue is low in the population and high for a small group of citizens. The third chapter investigates the determinants of investment in state capacity in non settlement colonies. The results of this analysis overcome the limitations of the framework provided by Acemoglu et al. (2001), whose theory predicts that extractive institutions were set in non settlement colonies, with no explanation for the wide heterogeneity of institutions in those colonies. Roughly half of the colonies that became independent after 1945 suffered costly civil conflicts thereafter. Empirical evidence suggests that the colonizer’s investment in state capacity is one of the determinants of civil conflict in ex colonies. A good state capacity, in the form of an efficient bureaucracy, a working police force, an independent judiciary enforcing the rule of law, fiscal capacity, prevented state failure and civil conflict, once independence was achieved. A theory is developed to study the strategic behavior of colonizers in choosing investment in state capacity in the colony. High state capacity creates a productive gain in the colonial economy, but as side effect it prevents civil conflict in case of independence, and therefore increases the incentive of the colony to fight for it. Colonizers decide to invest in state capacity comparing its productivity gain with the increased military cost of maintaining power when colonies aim at independence. The equilibrium investment in state capacity depends on the matching between the identity of colonizer (a colonizer with a larger colonial empire will have a lower average military cost) and the identity of the colony (the productivity gain depends on the presence of natural resources, distance from the sea). If the colonizer is forced to leave the colony for exogenous events, the lack of state capacity, and the inefficiency of the decolonization process, determine the civil conflict outcome after independence.<br>Questa tesi è composta di tre capitoli su argomenti di economica teorica e teoria applicata. Il primo capitolo analizza l’esistenza e l’implementazione di una regola per la divisione di terra, definita attraverso due proprietà: efficienza e equivalenza di pari opportunità. E’ un lavoro coautorato con Antonio Nicolò e Andrés Perea, ed è stato pubblicato in SERIEs (2011), in un numero speciale in onore di Salvador Barberà, vedi Nicolò et al. (2012). Il secondo capitolo presenta un modello di voto con citizen-candidate, con lobby su uno spazio politico multidimensionale, con argomenti salienti. Il terzo capitolo studia il comportamento strategico dei colonizzatori nell'investimento in state capacity nelle colonie di non insediamento, dando una spiegazione anche agli effetti sui risultati di conflitto civile dopo l’indipendenza. Andando più in dettaglio, nel primo capitolo cerchiamo una soluzione normativa al problema di divisione di terra, che possa essere applicata a differenti tipi di dispute, quando il negoziatore ha a disposizione informazioni molto limitate sulle preferenze degli agenti, e meccanismi di mercato non sono disponibili. La soluzione deve essere equa ed efficiente, sotto il vincolo dell’informazione limitata disponibile al negoziatore. A questo scopo pro¬poniamo il concetto di equivalenza di pari opportunità, definito da Thomson (1994). Una divisione di terra è equivalente in pari opportunità se ogni agente riceve un pezzo di terra che la rende indifferente rispetto al suo miglior pezzo di una data area µ, dove l’area del pezzo di riferimento deve essere lo stesso per entrambi gli agenti. L’esistenza di una regola per la divisione di terra, l’unicità dei livelli di utilità vengono dimostrate, insieme ad un meccanismo per implementarla, nel quale le preferenze degli agenti non sono informazione comune. Inoltre c’è un unico µ per quale la regola esiste, quindi µ non è una scelta discrezionaria del negoziatore. Il secondo capitolo è dedicato all'analisi di un modello di citizen-candidate su uno spazio politico multidimensionale con lobby, nel quale i cittadini considerano alcuni argomenti più salienti di altri. In equilibrio i gruppi di interesse che fanno lobby sui temi meno salienti riescono a muovere la politica implementata più vicino alla loro politica preferita, rispetto a gruppi che fanno lobby su argomenti più salienti. Dopo aver introdotto due tipi di cittadini, che differiscono per quanto concerne la salienza assegnata agli argomenti, troviamo equilibri pooling, nei quali i votanti non sono in grado di annullare l’effetto dell’attività di lobby sulla politica implementata. Questo è risultato è in forte contrasto con i precedenti lavori su modelli di citizen-candidate unidimensionali che predicono l’irrilevanza dell’attività di lobby sulla politica implementata, vedi Besley and Coate (2001). In una estensione del modello, ai cittadini viene data la possibilità di finanziare le lobby con donazioni monetarie per incrementare il loro potere. Con più di una lobby per argomento ci sono due risultati. Primo, sotto alcune condizioni solo le lobby più estreme ricevono contributi. Secondo, l’effettività di una lobby è massimizzata quando la salienza di un argomento è bassa nella popolazione e alta per un piccolo gruppo di cittadini. Il terzo capitolo si occupa dei determinanti dell’investimento in state capacity nelle colonie di non insediamento. I risultati di questa analisi superano i limiti del framework creato da Acemoglu et al. (2001), la cui teoria afferma solo che istituzioni estrattive sono state promosse nelle colonie di non insediamento, senza dare alcuna spiegazione alla grande eterogeneità di istituzioni in queste colonie. Circa metà delle colonie che diventarono indipendenti dopo il 1945 hanno affrontato costosi conflitti civili successivamente. Evidenze empiriche suggeriscono che l’investimento del colonizzatore in state capacity sia uno dei determinanti del conflitto civile nelle ex colonie. Una buona state capacity, nelle forme di una burocrazia efficiente, una forza di polizia che funziona, un sistema giudiziario indipendente, capacità fiscale, hanno impedito il falli¬mento dello stato e il conflitto civile, una volta che l’indipendenza fu ottenuta. Una teoria è sviluppata per studiare il comportamento strategico dei colonizzatori nello scegliere l’investimento in state capacity nella colonia. Una buona state capacity crea un aumento di produttività nell'economia coloniale, ma come effetto collaterale previene il conflitto civile in caso di indipendenza, e quindi aumenta l’incentivo della colonia di combattere per essa. I colonizza¬tori quindi scelgono il livello di investimento in state capacity comparando l’aumento di produttività con il maggiore costo militare per mantenere il potere quando la colonia punta all’indipendenza. L’investimento in state capacity in equilibrio dipende dal matching tra l’identità del colonizzatore (un colonizzatore con un impero coloniale più vasto avrà un costo militare medio più basso) e l’identità della colonia (l’aumento di produttività dipende dalla presenza di risorse naturali, distanza dal mare). Se il colonizzatore è forzato a lasciare la colonia a causa di eventi esogeni, la mancanza di state capacity, e l’inefficienza del processo di decolonizzazione, determinano la presenza o meno di conflitto civile dopo l’indipendenza.

Au début du vingtième siècle, une rupture radicale et fondatrice de modernité artistique eut lieu au Brésil. Cette modernité se démarque de celle d’Europe par la prise de conscience des distances géographiques, culturelles et politiques vis à vis de l’Europe et surtout de l’ancienne puissance coloniale, le Portugal, par la recherche de son identité à travers la multiplicité des métissages du Nouveau Monde, ses mythes et son histoire réelle décolonisée. L’avant-garde brésilienne émerge autour de 1928, à travers les Manifestes anthropophages d’Oswald de Andrade (1890-1954) qui est donc le fondateur des anthropophagies, que l’on peut définir comme un indianisme à rebours. Le ″mauvais sauvage″ exerce sa critique contre les impostures du monde. « La ″Descente anthropophagique″ n’est pas une révolution littéraire, ni sociale, ni politique, ni religieuse. Elle est tout cela à la fois ! Sa loi est simple : Ne m’intéresse que ce qui n’est pas à moi ! Loi de l’homme, loi de l’anthropophagie ! » . Elle prescrit donc la dévoration des modèles importés et leur digestion dans l’hybridation au nom de l’identité brésilienne, par déplacement de concepts freudiens : « L’anthropophagie c’est la transformation permanente du Tabou (manger de l’homme) en Totem (de l’identité brésilienne) ! » . Ici l’influence notable de la psychanalyse et de l’anthropologie est à resituer : le déplacement du tabou anthropophage demeure une transgression symbolique, une métaphore, mais la référence anthropophagique ne concerne pas que la période précolombienne, car elle se réactualise. Nous nous proposons d’étudier ce phénomène à travers quatre questions : 1°- Quelles relations existent entre l’anthropophagie, l’histoire, l’esthétique et l’idéologie ? 2°- Quelle est la place des femmes artistes brésiliennes dans l’émergence de ce mouvement, compte tenu de leur présence décisive dès l’origine ?3°- Compte tenu de la résurgence rhizomique de l’anthropophagie dans la 2e moitié du XXe siècle, y compris jusqu’à aujourd’hui, quelle est la place des femmes artistes dans ce phénomène ? Y a-t-il continuité avec l’époque fondatrice ?4°- Etant donné ce qui précède, peut-on déduire qu’il existe un courant spécifiquement féminin dans l’anthropophagie d’hier et d’aujourd’hui ? Quelle est son importance réelle ? Quelles sont ses relations et postures par rapport à la postmodernité et à la mondialisation de l’art contemporain ?<br>At the beginning of the twentieth century, in Brazil, a radical artistic rupture took place, which marked the beginning of a new era. The resulting modernity differed from its European counterpart by the awareness of geographical, cultural and political distances that alienated Brazil from Europe and more specifically from its former colonial owner, Portugal. Brazilian modernity sought to define its identity through important basic elements that constitute the stuff that the New World is made of: cross-breeding, mythology and post-colonialism. The Brazilian avant-garde emerged around 1928 with the publication of The Anthropophagy Manifesto by Oswald de Andrade (1890-1954), who is thus the founder of the Anthropophagy, that we can define as a backward step into a reinvented form of ″Amerindianness″. The ″bad savage″ voices his criticism against impostures of the world. « Anthropophagy art is not a literary revolution, nor is it a social plea, nor a political pamphlet, nor a religious tract. It is all these things at the same time. Its law is simple: everything that is not me is of interest to me. The law of men is the law of Anthropophagy ». It thus prescribes eating up imported models and digesting them through the process of hybridization in the name of Brazilian identity. By displacing Freudian concepts, «Anthropophagy is the permanent transformation of the Taboo (man-eating) into a Totem (Brazilian identity) ». The permeating influences of psychoanalysis and anthropology need to be put in perspective: the displacement of the anthropophagous taboo remains a symbolic act of transgression, a metaphor, but the anthropophagic reference does not concern the pre-Columbian period, because it is updated. We propose to study this phenomenon through four questions: 1°- What are the relations between Anthropophagy, history, esthetics and ideology? 2°- What is the place of women Brazilian artists in the emergence of this movement, taking into account their decisive presence right from the start? 3°- Taking into account the resurgence of Anthropophagy from the second half of the 20th century onwards, what is the place of women artists in this phenomenon? Are they pursuing the same interests as the founders of the movement?4°- Can we deduce that there exists a specifically female genre within the anthropophagic movement of yesterday and of today? If so, what is its relevance? Where does it stand with respect to the contemporary concepts of post-modernity and globalization in the present-day art world?

This thesis explores the significance of Samoan cultural values in teacher education practices. The study examines the coexistence of traditional Samoan cultural values alongside values that have resulted through the influence of missionaries, colonisation, post-colonialism and globalisation.

This dissertation focuses on the occlusion of 'other' voices within the discourse of colonialism and slavery. The work juxtaposes four texts from the seventeenth and twentiethcenturies, respectively, as a way of examining the continued weight of past history on our postcolonial present. The theoretical framework is drawn from postcolonial and postmodern literary theory with an emphasis on the problematics of speaking for the 'other' in twentiethcentury literary revisions.

A presente tese define-se como uma reflexão acerca das políticas de identidade promovidas pelo estado colonial português e pela Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, com ênfase nos cem anos que antecederam a independência, proclamada em junho de 1975. Procurando uma perspectiva multidisciplinar, a análise é orientada por conceitos que procuram destacar fatores determinantes da concepção de dualismo inerente à situação colonial. A abordagem das várias estratégias culturais a que recorreu a metrópole para sustentar sua \"vocação\" imperial constitui um dado significativo do trabalho que procurou compreender algumas particularidades do projeto lusitano, com a preocupação de enquadrá-lo num processo mais amplo que não poderia desconsiderar os passos da História no ocidente. Partindo do estudo das duas concepções de assimilação e sua continuidade no luso-tropicalismo (e sua instrumentalização pelo Estado Novo português), a análise focaliza a gênese do nacionalismo e a nova dinâmica que a tática de guerrilha, implementada pela luta de libertação nacional, introduz no território de Moçambique. No que se refere à política de identidade nacional proposta pela FRELIMO, foi privilegiada pela pesquisa a dialética que ela estabelece com as sociedades tradicionais.<br>The present thesis deals with the identity policies promoted by the Portuguese colonial State and the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), with emphasis on the last hundred years before independence, proclaimed in June 1975. Aiming at a multidisciplinary approach, the analysis is oriented by concepts that put in evidence determinant factors of the dualistic nature of colonial situation. The approach to the various cultural strategies used by Portugal to support its imperial \"vocation\" represents a significative part of this study. It tries to understand some details of the Portuguese project, by framing it within a wider perspective that could not neglect Western History. Starting from the study of the two conceptions of assimilation and its luso-tropicalistic development (the use of the theory carried out by the Portuguese \"New State\" regime) the analysis focus on the origins of nationalism as well as on the new dynamics introduced in the territory by the guerrilla tactics used during national liberation struggle. Concerning FRELIMO\'s national identity policy, this research privileges the dialectics it establishes with traditional societies of Mozambique.

A presente dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar nos romances O outro pé da sereia (COUTO, 2006) e Yaka (PEPETELA, 2006) a representação da situação colonial e os resultados da dicotomia colonizador e colonizado nas sociedades moçambicana e angolana, ficcionalizadas por Mia Couto e Pepetela nessas obras. Objetiva-se, ainda, verificar a forma como os romances mergulham no passado colonial de seus países de origem para problematizar questões acerca das sociedades citadas, avaliando as perspectivas que figuram no tempo presente. Estabeleceu-se, então, uma leitura a partir de um processo histórico comum, a colonização portuguesa, para explicitar as contradições resultantes desse período. Para tanto, nos apoiamos no diálogo entre literatura e história, presente nos romances estudados, para identificar e destacar as contradições coloniais, sobretudo em relação às representações da violência e do racismo nas duas obras.<br>This study aims to analyze the representation of the colonial situation and which are the results of the dichotomy colonizer and colonized in Mozambican and Angolan societies through the novels O outro pé da sereia (COUTO, 2006) and Yaka (PEPETELA, 2006). In addition, it aims to examine how the novels rely on colonial past of its countries to discuss issues about the societies mentioned, evaluating the prospects contained in the present. It was established an analysis of the novels from an historical process in common, which is the Lusitanian colonization, to explain the contradictions resulting from this situation. For that, we rely on a dialogue between literature and history, present in the reading of O outro pé da sereia and Yaka, to identify and highlight the colonial contradictions, especially the ones related to the representations of violence and racism in both novels.

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a relevância do conceito de hibridismo cultural para a compreensão dos fenômenos de mudança social e cultural. Pretendo me concentrar nos autores que questionam a homogeneidade das culturas e das identidades, e que em vez disso acreditam que todas as culturas são inerentementes híbridas, sendo a interação entre elas capaz de intensificar essa mistura de formas imprevisíveis. Ao mesmo tempo, analiso o modo como o filme Minha Adorável Lavanderia trata do hibridismo, procurando relacioná-lo com os autores investigados.<br>The aim of this dissertation is to investigate the relevance of the concept of cultural hydbridity to an understanding of the phenomena of social and cultural change. It is my intention to focus on those theorists who question the purity and homogeneity of cultures, and believe instead that all cultures are inherently hybrid, and that intercultural exchange helps to intensify the mixture in unpredictable ways. At the same time, I examine the concept of hybridity underlying My Beautiful Laundrette, trying to relate it to the theories above

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-09-29T12:33:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Mestre Passini.pdf: 995279 bytes, checksum: 17acf27fbf630e60823d017571468906 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-29T12:33:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Mestre Passini.pdf: 995279 bytes, checksum: 17acf27fbf630e60823d017571468906 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-22<br>This research reaches to draw some reflective lines about coloniality in Brazilian reality, aiming to find where your reproducibility anchors and where the resistance movements in the social sphere are. Starting from concepts such as the Subjectivity Production, the Governmentality and the Unconscious Colonial-Capitalistic, reach to debate coloniality as a model of subjectivation, where governmental, elitist and oligarchical acts promote social maintenance of this subjective trait. In order to explain some governmental and subjective coloniality traits, was made a brief historical study based on work Raízes do Brasil, by Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, in addition to articles that report the performances of Brazilian politicians post-impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. By referencing and connecting the colonial policies practices described in the Holanda book, with the performances of politicians presented in the reports, it searches to explain the complexity of constant update of colonial values in socio-political scenario. In this, apparently crystallized by forms of existence that match the hierarchy of the current cultural grid, we introduce the cinema as a resistance point by its ritualistic capability on rearrenge the forces compositions made presents in this context. To explore this complexity, the film "The Second Mother?", by Anna Muylaert, was chosen because represent parts of the social and affectively movements placed on action in the period undertaken in this research. These are movements that encompass both the maintenance practices of socio-political order, as their contestation and destabilization practices. Recounting the film narrative, expose the layers of perception of the forces placed on clash in filmic plot. As we approach the characters through their experiences, we inhabit positions that our bodies potentially assume, whether in the arraignment of hierarchical maintenance, or in the management of other ways of living. The film, therefore, act as a device capable of assembling the rupture forces of the colonial-capitalistic model updated by social and governmental practices and, in this way, enables fertile space for the proliferation of existential territories that are not allowed to exist by the same modelling<br>A presente pesquisa busca traçar algumas linhas reflexivas acerca da colonialidade na realidade brasileira, objetivando encontrar onde se ancora sua reprodutibilidade e onde se fazem seus movimentos de resistência na esfera social. Partindo de conceitos como Produção de Subjetividade, Governamentalidade e Inconsciente Colonial-Capitalístico, procura-se pensar a colonialidade como um modelo de subjetivação, em que atos governamentais, elitistas e oligárquicos promovem a manutenção social desse traço subjetivo. Com o intuito de explanar sobre alguns traços da colonialidade governamental e subjetiva, é feito um breve estudo histórico embasado na obra Raízes do Brasil, de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, e em reportagens que relatam as atuações dos políticos brasileiros pós-impeachment de Dilma Rousseff. Ao referenciar e conectar as práticas políticas coloniais descritas no livro de Holanda com as atuações dos políticos apresentadas pelas reportagens, busca-se explicitar a complexidade da atualização constante dos valores coloniais no cenário político-social. Nesse cenário, aparentemente cristalizado por formas de existir que correspondem à hierarquia da grade cultural vigente, buscou-se o cinema como ponto de resistência, por esse apresentar certa potencialidade ritualística na recomposição das forças que se presentificam em tal contexto. Para explorar essa complexidade, o filme Que Horas Ela Volta?, de Anna Muylaert, foi escolhido por representar social e afetivamente parte dos movimentos colocados em ação no período de realização desta pesquisa. Trata-se de movimentos que englobam tanto as práticas de manutenção da ordem político-social vigente quanto as práticas de contestação e desestabilização. Recontando a narrativa do filme, expõem-se as camadas de percepção das forças colocadas em embate na trama fílmica. Ao nos aproximarmos dos personagens, habitamos, através de suas vivências, posicionamentos que assumimos potencialmente em nossos corpos, seja na denúncia da manutenção hierárquica, seja no agenciamento de outros modos de viver. O filme passa, portanto, a atuar como um dispositivo capaz de agenciar forças de ruptura à modelação colonial-capitalística atualizada pelas práticas sociais e governamentais e, desta maneira, possibilita espaço fértil para a proliferação de territórios existenciais que se encontram impedidos de existir por essa mesma modelação

Aquesta obra recull els escrits que, al llarg de la història, des de les primeres referències europees del segle XIV fins al naixement de Guinea Equatorial com a estat independent, han parlat de l’illa de Fernando Poo (actual Bioko) i dels territoris del golf de Guinea que van estar sota sobirania espanyola fins al 1968; recull el discurs literari (novel·la, relat de viatges, memòries...) sobre aquest lloc com a espai colonial, escriu una història cultural; no és una història de la literatura de la Guinea espanyola, sinó una història de la literatura sobre la Guinea Espanyola. Escriure la història de la literatura escrita sobre un territori no és escriure la història de la literatura produïda en aquest territori (que és l’aproximació clàssica a les literatures nacionals, sovint mediada per la llengua en què es produeix l’obra literària, fet que provoca sovint conflictes i discussions), sinó recollir les obres que tenen com a objecte aquest territori, sense discriminar-ne cap per raó d’autoria, llengua o origen geogràfic. En fer-ho, la tesi revela un mosaic d’autors, documents i llengües que demostren que la Guinea espanyola mai no va ser realment espanyola i posa de relleu la connexió atlàntica del territori, de manera que ajuda a construir la noció de Global Hispanòfon i incorpora les cultures i experiències històriques de Guinea Equatorial a les del nord d’Àfrica i les Filipines, entre altres entitats geogràfiques, tots els territoris que van estar units sota l’imperi espanyol, particularment segons existia més enllà d’Amèrica Llatina, el Carib i la Península Ibèrica. Cada capítol inclou un resum històric del moment estudiat, una cronologia dels fets més rellevants ocorreguts a la colònia i a la metròpoli, la llista de totes les edicions i traduccions de les obres publicades en aquell moment, una lectura distant [distant reading] de les obres, una prosopografia dels seus autors i l’anàlisi en profunditat d’una selecció de textos, imatges i esdeveniments històrics que serveix per conformar l’arxiu colonial sobre la Guinea espanyola. Els annexos contenen la llista ordenada alfabèticament de tot el corpus treballat i les obres completes de tres autors pràcticament desconeguts dins de la crítica literària hispànica (José de Gardoqui, Celestino Testore i Ugo Mione). Finalment, la bibliografia inclou més de 2000 referències que es presenten com una eina de treball per a futures recerques.<br>Este trabajo recoge los escritos que, a lo largo de la historia, desde las primeras referencias europeas del siglo XIV hasta el nacimiento de Guinea Ecuatorial como estado independiente, se han ocupado de la isla de Fernando Poo (actual Bioko) y de los territorios del golfo de Guinea que estuvieron bajo soberanía española hasta 1968; recopila el discurso literario (novela, relato de viajes, memorias&#8230;) sobre ese lugar como espacio colonial, escribe una historia cultural; no una historia de la literatura de la Guinea española sino una historia de la literatura sobre la Guinea española. Escribir la historia de la literatura escrita sobre un territorio no es escribir la historia de la literatura producida en ese territorio (que es la aproximación clásica a las literaturas nacionales, a menudo mediada por la lengua en la que se produce la obra literaria, hecho que provoca no pocos conflictos y discusiones), sino recopilar las obras que tienen como objeto ese territorio, sin discriminar ninguna por razón de autoría, lengua u origen geográfico. Al hacerlo, la tesis revela un mosaico de autores, documentos e idiomas que prueban que la Guinea española en realidad nunca fue española del todo y pone de relieve la conexión atlántica del territorio, con lo que ayuda a construir la noción de Global Hispanophone e incorpora las culturas y experiencias históricas de Guinea Ecuatorial a las del norte de África y Filipinas, entre otras entidades geográficas, todos los territorios que alguna vez estuvieron unidos bajo el imperio español, particularmente como existía más allá de América Latina, el Caribe y la propia Península Ibérica. Cada capítulo incluye un resumen histórico del momento estudiado, una cronología de los acontecimientos más relevantes ocurridos en la colonia y en la metrópolis, la lista de todas las ediciones y traducciones de las obras publicadas en ese momento, una lectura distante [distant reading] de las obras, una prosopografía de los autores de las mismas y el análisis en profundidad de una selección de textos, imágenes y acontecimientos históricos que sirve para conformar el archivo colonial sobre la Guinea española. Los anexos recogen la lista ordenada alfabéticamente de todo el corpus trabajado y las obras completas de tres autores prácticamente desconocidos dentro de la crítica literaria hispánica (José de Gardoqui, Celestino Testore y Ugo Mione). Finalmente, la bibliografía incluye más de 2000 referencias que se presentan como herramienta de trabajo para futuras investigaciones.<br>This dissertation collects the writings that, throughout history, from the 14th century first European references to the birth of Equatorial Guinea as an independent state, have discussed the island of Fernando Poo (present-day Bioko) and the territories of the Gulf of Guinea which were under Spanish sovereignty until 1968; it collects literary discourse (novel, travel narratives, memoirs...) about that place as a colonial space, writes a cultural history; not a history of Spanish Guinean literature but a history of literature about Spanish Guinea. Writing the history of the literature written about a territory is not the same as writing the history of the literature produced in that territory (which is the classical approach to national literatures, often mediated by the language in which literary work are written, a fact that provokes quite a few conflicts and discussions), but to collect the works that have that territory as their object, without leaving anything out because of its authorship, its language or its geographical origin. In doing so, the thesis reveals a mosaic of authors, documents and languages that prove that Spanish Guinea was never completely Spanish and highlights the Atlantic connection of the territory, helping to build the notion of Global Hispanophone and incorporating the cultures and historical experiences of Equatorial Guinea into those of North Africa and the Philippines, among other geographical entities, all the territories that were once united under the Spanish empire, particularly as it existed beyond Latin America, the Caribbean and the Iberian Peninsula itself. Each chapter includes a historical summary of the time studied, a chronology of the most relevant events in the colony and metropolis, the list of all editions and translations of the works published at that time, a distant reading of the works, a prosopography of the authors of the works and the in-depth analysis of a selection of texts, images and historical events that serves to form the colonial archive about Spanish Guinea. The annexes contain the alphabetically ordered list of the entire working corpus and the complete works of three authors virtually unknown within Hispanic literary critique (José de Gardoqui, Celestino Testore and Ugo Mione). Finally, the bibliography includes more than 2000 references that are presented as a working tool for future research.<br>Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Teoria de la Literatura i Literatura Comparada

Caryl Phillips’s novel Crossing the River deals with European colonialism and the consequences of it. Crossing the River is a novel which embraces characters from colonized cultures as well as characters from colonizing cultures. Following a timeline that begins in 1752 and ends in 1963, the novel shows slavery in progress as well as what transpires in the aftermath of slavery        In this essay I will argue that Caryl Phillips demonstrates the complexity of colonialism and slavery in his novel Crossing the River; he approaches the two concepts from different perspectives and shows us that colonialism and slavery are complicated concepts. Caryl Phillips uses narrative to demonstrate the negative sides of colonialism and slavery, to show that the negative aspects of the two concepts can affect not only the colonized people but also the colonizing people.        Colonialism, in its traditional sense, is present in some of the novel’s episodes but slavery, in different forms, appears in all episodes. Nevertheless, all episodes in Crossing the River have a common origin; which Phillips reminds us about by using the relationship between plot and story. Diversity is an important theme in the novel. From a narrative perspective, Crossing the River has a diversity of narrators who tell their stories as well as other persons’ stories. There are female narrators as well as male ones; some narrators are known while other narrators are unknown. The ways the episodes are told are diversified. Some of the episodes follow a chronological line (“The Pagan Coast” and “Crossing the River”) while other episodes jump back and forth in time (“West” and “Somewhere in England”). The forms of narration are diversified, not only between the individual episodes but also within some of the episodes. Crossing the River plays with diversity in several layers. The structure of the novel is as diversified as the number of narrators, a diversity of ways of dealing with the main themes results in a diversity of fates for Phillips’s characters. Caryl Phillips combines structure with content to demonstrate that colonialism and slavery are problematic concepts: the negative consequences of the two concepts can, in different ways and in different degrees, affect colonized people as well as those responsible for colonialism.

In this thesis, I investigate the silenced histories of Indigenous peoples who have been written out of collective memory, official documents and, in some cases, their own family histories. I show how the actions of colonists can be explained through a colonial-Marxist lens of historical materialism and how this methodologically creates space for colonialism which, consequently, strategically silences and erases Indigenous lives. I focus my research on a family who has searched for answers for over sixty years, the Beier family, to aid them in the search for the life story of George Ralph McKenzie, an Indigenous man who served in the Canadian military and who was erased from his family’s history. I gathered data, including but not limited to, birth and death certificates, photographs and documents to compile a probable or possible record of McKenzie’s existence. I exhausted available archival, historical, religious, genealogical, public, private, professional and governmental databases and resources. Knowledge and interactions of Indigenous presences in areas coveted by European governments, during first-contact, provoked a need to design strategies to be used during interactions with Indigenous peoples. The Church has also been an integral part of many European governments and the alterations of interpretations and editing of religious texts have been used as a tool for maintaining public control for millenniums. Silencing Indigenous peoples through education was a deliberate and methodical form of colonization used to dominate Indigenous societies. During the wars in which Canada participated Indigenous peoples were, often, not accurately recorded. This is due to a systemic and structural type of diversion and Indigenous peoples were still considered to be dispensable at the time. Erasure cultivates within families, due to systemic and systematic racism and oppression of cultures and heritages. In 2017, Canada is oppressing and silencing Indigenous voices. Canada is using terms such as multiculturalism and diversity to boast about its acceptance and compassion for others while ignoring the needs of Indigenous peoples. Reconciliation will involve the decolonization or dismantling of an entire system of colonialism that is entrenched in the relationships, personal lives, politics, laws, and governments in Canada.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Anthropology, Department of<br>Graduate

This essay explored the possibilities of Nineteen Eighty-Four being read as a critique of British colonialism in Kenya. The questions I have tried to answer are: What are the significant aspects found in Nineteen Eighty-Four that correlate to postcolonial literature? What are the significant parallels drawn between Orwell’s Airstrip One and the British colonial state in Kenya? In regards to similarities between Oceania and colonial Kenya, do they shed a new light on Nineteen Eighty-Four in terms of themes? I have tried to answer these questions by using the theory of postcolonialism, and reference literature from colonial Kenya. This ultimately led to many similarities made apparent between Nineteen Eighty-Four and colonial Kenya.

In the Constitutional Court case of Mazibuko and Others v The City of Johannesburg and Others CCT 39/09 [2009], a case dealing with the question of access to water, the presiding judge, Kate O'Regan CJ, makes the following opening remarks to the judgment: 'Water is life. Without it, nothing organic grows. Human beings need water to drink, to cook, to wash and to grow our food. Without it, we will die. It is not surprising then that our Constitution entrenches the right of access to water'. My aim in this dissertation is to investigate the couplet of law-life and the political in the Constitutional Court case of Mazibuko and Others v The City of Johannesburg and Others. The case stands as an exemplar of the intersection of life and the political by virtue of its focus on socio-economic rights, specifically the right of access to water enshrined in the Constitution. The history of the case, the jurisprudence employed by the courts, and the responses and critiques to the Mazibuko case add to the problematics to be investigated here. What would it entail if the couplet of law-life would be brought to the concept of the political? It would mean interrogating how life and law is constructed by the political and not merely how the political manages and regulates life through law. If life is considered to be a matter of bare necessities, or mere biological life, there would not be a need to consider the question of the political relation to life; it could be delegated, as it has practically been, to technocratic governmental policy. Bringing the political to questions of life would reveal how the political implicates life in its constituting moment. In this dissertation, I will explore how the political could be brought to the couplet of law-life, focusing particularly focus on socio-economic rights, international law, colonialism, and constitution making.<br>Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2017.<br>Philosophy<br>MA<br>Unrestricted

Includes bibliographical references.<br>This thesis is the first book-length study of the history of Sarah Bartmann. Its aim is to contribute to the writing of an Africanist history of an African. The thesis grapples with the question of identity. It approaches the study of Sarah Bartmann unconventionally, by investigating the triple identity African/native/slave.