Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Colonialism”

Neste artigo, sustentarei que, no romance O outro pé da sereia (2006), Mia Coutoestá preocupado com os efeitos do“colonialismo interno” (Walter Mignolo). Nos começos do século XXI, no Moçambique pós-colonial, o empresárioCasuarino e outras personagens do romance são agentes da “colonialidade do poder” transnacional e neo-liberal. Utilizam o “pós-colonialismo” e a “raça” para perpetuar hierarquias, desigualdades e injustiças à escala local, nacional e global. Pelo contrário, Mwadia, que é uma personagem de “fronteira”, desafia simultaneamente o “colonialismo interno” e a “colonialidade do poder” independentemente das limitações raciais.********************************************************************Internal colonialism in Mia Couto’s O outro pé da sereiaAbstract: In this article, I shall argue that Mia Couto’s novel O outro pé da sereia (2006) deals with the effects of the so-called “internal colonialism” (Walter Mignolo). At the beginning of 21th century, in post-colonial Mozambique, businessman Casuarino and other characters of the novel are agents of the transnational and neo-liberal “coloniality of power”. They utilize “post-colonialism” and “race” to perpetuate hierarchies, inequalities and injustices at local, national and global scales. On the contrary, Mwadia, which is a character that feels herself in a “in-between situation”, challenges altogether the “internal colonialism” and the “coloniality of power” regardless of racial boundaries. Keywords: Mia Couto; Internal colonialism; Coloniality of power; Post-colonialism

Decolonisation of academia has become a 'vogue' among scholars, students and activists, which has resulted in many publications on decolonisation. Unlike the social sciences, the online world and digital data have not received much attention from decolonial scholars. Digital data colonialism combines historical colonialism's predatory aspect and computer science ability to quantify and commodify online relations. The organisations responsible for digital data colonialism are big tech companies and powerful Western countries' intelligence agencies. Tech companies gather digital data and sell it for profit to big businesses. While, intelligence agencies of powerful Western gather digital data and use it for national interest and securitisation of populations under the banner of fighting terrorism, which reproduces non-Western countries' coloniality. This paper discusses the coloniality of non-Western countries by powerful Western countries through the use of digital data colonialism, which is carried out by their inelegance agencies and Western tech companies.

A partir dos anos 1950, no auge do processo de descolonização afro-asiática, Portugal sofreu diversas pressões internacionais devido à sua política colonial. Marcado historicamente por sua debilidade econômica, o país havia implementado um modelo colonialista baseado na abertura de seus domínios ultramarinos à atuação do capital internacional, em um modelo de colonialismo dependente. Este fato, aliado aos interesses estratégicos dos EUA e da OTAN, no contexto da Guerra Fria, fez com que as grandes potências acabassem esvaziando as pressões contrárias ao colonialismo português. Assim, apesar da política isolacionista implementada pelo regime salazarista e da condenação da opinião pública internacional, os interesses econômicos e financeiros das grandes potências e as determinações político-estratégicas da conjuntura internacional acabaram por garantir alguma sobrevida ao Império Colonial Luso até meados da década de 1970. Abstract The crisis of the last empire: the Cold War and the final decades of Portuguese colonialism (1945-1975) From the 1950s onwards, at the height of the process of Afro-Asian decolonization, Portugal underwent various international pressures due to its colonial policy. Historically marked by its economic weakness, the country had implemented a dependent colonialist model based on the opening of its overseas domains to the international capital. In addition, the strategic interests of the United States and NATO within the context of the Cold War resulted in a deflation of the pressures against Portuguese colonialism by the great powers. Hence, despite the isolationist policy implemented by the Salazar regime and the condemnation of colonialism by international public opinion, the economic and financial interests of the great powers, as well the political and strategic constraints of the international conjuncture, granted the survival to the Portuguese Colonial Empire until the mid-1970s. Resumen La crisis del último imperio: la Guerra Fría y las últimas décadas del colonialismo portugués (1945-1975) Desde la década de 1950, en el apogeo del proceso de descolonización africano-asiática, Portugal sufrió varias presiones internacionales debido a su política colonial. Marcado históricamente por su debilidad económica, el país había implementado un modelo colonialista basado en la apertura de sus dominios de ultramar a la actuación del capital internacional, en un modelo de colonialismo dependiente. Este hecho, junto con los intereses estratégicos de los EE.UU. y la OTAN en el contexto de la Guerra Fría, hizo que las grandes potencias acabaran por vaciar las presiones contra el colonialismo portugués. Así, a pesar de la política aislacionista implementada por el régimen salazarista y la condena por la opinión pública internacional, los intereses económicos y financieros de las grandes potencias y las determinaciones político-estratégicas de la coyuntura internacional acabaron por garantizar alguna sobrevida al Imperio Colonial Luso hasta mediados de la década de 1970

One of the most inexplicable uses of certain Marxist terms, such as colonialism, imperialism and settler-colonialism is with regard to the State of Israel, a frequent target of Marxists, and ethnic Jews, the descendants of the indigenous people of the modern State of Israel, who are often referred to as Zionists. Though there are no logical connections between the policies and acts of the State of Israel or Israeli citizens, on the one hand, and the complaints of Marxists regarding domestic American strife and discrimination, on the other hand, that has not stopped Israel from being a prominent target of Marxist groups like Black Lives Matter. In fact, anti-Israel activism, and castigating Israel as a settler-colonialist entity, have become central planks of the Black Lives Matter movement and even radical American politicians such as Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Because Marxist terms are now being weaponized in ways that are utterly at odds with the history and meanings of these terms, and those weaponizing the terms allege that they have legal import in questions as to the legitimacy of the State of Israel, this article will explore the most frequently used terms and how such terms have been historically applied in various situations. After providing definitions for the terms, this article will apply these terms to the history of the Jewish claim to Israel to determine whether there is any basis for theories of colonialism, imperialism and settler-colonialism being applicable to Israel and Zionism. Finally, the history of those who make competing claims to the land, including Palestinian Arabs and Muslims generally, will be reviewed to determine whether these parties are more properly characterized as colonialists, imperialists, or settler-colonialists. The purpose of this article is not to present a Marxist point of view about the three terms, colonialism, imperialism, and settler-colonialism; rather, this article intends to take a legal view of these non-legal terms to determine whether the terms should have any legal effect vis a vis the rights of people to self-determination and also to examine the internal consistency of the use of these terms by Marxist activists and Marxist scholars across different peoples and states.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to develop an understanding of requirements for firms’ codes of conduct when addressing homophobia in the context of continued colonialism and coloniality. Design/methodology/approach This paper is a literature study. Findings First, occidental firms’ codes of conduct are shown to endanger indigenous homosexual individuals by endangering the protection offered by their indigenous ethics and society. Second, it is shown that tackling homophobia in firms’ codes of conduct on the foundation of occidental ethics forces homosexual individuals to conform to occidental homosexual identities in a world of a multitude of indigenous and hybrid homosexualities and identities render firms’ codes of conduct expressions of continued colonialism and coloniality. Third, a sole reliance on occidental conceptualizations of homophobia is shown to potentially camouflage unethical nationalistic and xenophobic intents. Research limitations/implications Additional research is needed on the dynamics of coexisting multiple indigenous homosexual identities, and reliable ways to determine the substance of indigenous homosexual identities need to be developed in the context of continued colonialism and coloniality. Practical implications Firms need to be cognizant of conflicting identities, hybrid identities and changing identities over time while avoiding to use purported protection against homophobia as a camouflage for nationalistic and xenophobic purposes. Social implications The paper ways to address the protection against homophobia in firms' codes of conduct in the context of continued colonialism and coloniality. Originality/value This paper closes a gap in the literature by considering firms’ codes of conduct as favouring homophobia as a result of continued colonialism and coloniality.

This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain’s Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state’s violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state.

ResumenEl siguiente ensayo explora las propuestas y análisis de Frantz Fanon en torno a la relación que se produce entre el colonialismo, el racismo y el cuerpo. Con este objetivo asumimos que la principal estrategia de dominación con la que cuenta el colonialismo es por medio de la racialización de los cuerpos. En tal sentido asumimos la crítica fanoniana que reconoce la existencia de una diferencia jerárquica entre colonizadores y colonizados, que se justifica por medio de una serie de prácticas y discursos centrados principalmente en el desmedro de la cultura colonizada.Palabras clave: Frantz Fanon – colonialismo – mistificación – cuerpo – racialización.AbstractThe following essay explores proposals and analysis of Frantz Fanon regarding the relationship among colonialism, racism and body. With this objective, we assume that the Colonialism’s main strategy for domination is through the racialization of bodies. In this sense, we take the fanonian criticism recognizing the existence of a hierarchical difference between colonizers and the colonized ones, justified by a series of practices and discourses focused on the detriment of the colonized culture.Keywords: Frantz Fanon – Colonialism – mystification – body – racia- lizationResumo:O seguinte ensaio explora as propostas e análises de Frantz Fanon em torno da relação que se produz entre o colonialismo, o racismo e o corpo. Com este objetivo assumimos que a principal estratégia de dominação com a que conta o colonialismo é por meio da racialização dos corpos. Em tal sentido assumimos a crítica fanoniana que reconhece a existência de uma diferença hierárquica entre colonizadores e colonizados, que se justifica por meio de uma série de práticas e discursos centrados principalmente no detrimento da cultura colonizada. Palavras-chave: Frantz Fanon – colonialismo – mistificação – corpo – racialização.

This article highlights the impasses of anti-racist struggles that understand racism as an opinion or a prejudice and use education as their only means for addressing it. Racism should rather be understood as a socio-historical subjective structure rooted in the process of constitution of the division of labour on a global scale through colonialism, a process that was crucial to the institution of capitalism. This is why we will put forth the importance of rejecting the narrations that camouflage colonization with the idea of civilization, and the necessity to produce decolonial counter-histories. We will thus claim that such an endeavor should start from the struggles of racialized peoples against the different forms of coloniality—that is, from the refusal by racialized peoples of the representations that are imposed on them, and from their repositioning on the basis of their alterity. Only the position of a powerful alterity can in fact make possible a real equality.Cet article met en évidence les impasses des luttes antiracistes qui conçoivent le racisme comme une opinion ou un préjugé et utilisent l’éducation comme le seul moyen d’y remédier. Le racisme devrait plutôt être compris comme une structure socio-historique subjective qui s’enracine dans le procès de constitution de la division mondiale du travail par le colonialisme, un procès qui a été décisif pour l’institution du capitalisme. C’est pourquoi nous mettrons en avant le caractère problématique des récits qui recouvrent la colonisation de l’idée de civilisation et la nécessité de produire des contre-histoires décoloniales. Il s’agira alors de montrer que, pour ce faire, il faut partir des luttes des racisés contre les différentes formes de colonialité—c’est-à-dire du refus par les racisés des représentations qui leur sont adressées et de leur repositionnement à partir de leur altérité. Seule la position d’une altérité puissante peut, en effet, rendre possible une égalité réelle.

The rise of the post-colonial and de-colonial narrative that is being experienced nowadays in post-Soviet countries stands in contrast with the rejection of this narrative by the Russian academic and sociocultural mainstream. The paper analyzes the opportunities and constrains of the “post-colonialism” conceptual framework. As well, the arguments of researchers who were skeptical about this framework are reconstructed. The author separates “post-colonialism” as a research strategy and “de-colonialism” (“de-colonial thought”) as a form of activism. According to the author, the paradigm of post-colonial studies, despite its inherent theoretical shortcomings, contains a serious analytical potential, while de-colonialism is an internally contradictory ideological program. In addition, the article makes a distinction between post-colonialism as a situation and post-colonialism as a reflection on this situation. Post-coloniality is possible without colonialism. It denotes the comprehension and rethinking of a certain historical experience, regardless of whether the past condition qualifies as colonial.

The political changes sweeping Latin America have inspired scholars to declare a “post-neoliberal” era, some even suggesting a potential reversal of colonialism. Despite progressive political discourse in Ecuador, the indigenous movement continues to resist the state. Underlying the conflict between the indigenous and the state is a long-standing conflict between economic growth and the environment. Since Ecuador’s economy relies on Amazonian natural resources, the post-neoliberal Ecuadorean state requires colonial advances into indigenous territory to fund its progressive social programs. The opposite of colonialism is autonomy, which in the right hands can represent a true development alternative. Los cambios políticos arrasando América Latina han inspirado a los académicos a declarar una era “posneoliberal,” algunos incluso sugiriendo una inversión potencial de colonialismo. A pesar del discurso político progresista en el Ecuador, el movimiento indígena continúa resistiendo el Estado. Detrás del conflicto entre los indígenas y el Estado es un conflicto antiguo entre el crecimiento económico y el medio ambiente. Como la economía de Ecuador se basa en los recursos naturales de la Amazonía, el Estado ecuatoriano posneoliberal requiere avances coloniales en territorio indígena para financiar sus programas sociales progresistas. Lo contrario del colonialismo es la autonomía, que en las manos adecuadas puede representar una verdadera alternativa de desarrollo.

El període 1300-1600 és l’època d’encavalcament entre els processos de conquesta i colonització que van tenir lloc a l’Europa medieval i l’expansió transatlàntica moderna. Al mateix temps que la Cristiandat llatina llançava les darreres croades al continent europeu, les monarquies portuguesa i castellana establien les primeres colònies transoceàniques a l’Atlàntic oriental, a les costes d’Àfrica i a Amèrica. Nombrosos autors han contribuït a l’estudi de les connexions entre les empreses colonitzadores medievals i les modernes, especialment entre les conquestes castellanes a la península Ibèrica i a Amèrica. Però majoritàriament s’han centrat en els aspectes polítics, militars, culturals i jurídics de la colonització. En comparació, poques investigacions han tingut com a interès preferent l’anàlisi de les pràctiques i els espais agraris usats per les poblacions indígenes i pels colons, que ofereix la possibilitat de conèixer com els colonitzadors van alterar els paisatges i els processos de treball locals per construir nous ordres agrícoles. Aquesta tesi doctoral consisteix en un estudi comparatiu de dues viles de senyoriu que van ser colonitzades per Castella entre el segle XIV i el XVI amb l’objectiu d’identificar i acarar la gestió que els colons van fer dels territoris capturats en dos contextos diferents: la presa d’Olvera (Cadis) s’emmarca en la conquesta de l’Emirat de Granada, mentre que l’ocupació d’Agüimes (Gran Canària) fou una de les primeres etapes de l’expansió transatlàntica europea. La recerca ha requerit el maneig simultani del registre escrit i l’arqueològic, en combinació amb l’anàlisi dels paisatges moderns i la realització d’enquestes etnogràfiques als gestors actuals dels espais de treball, i ha demostrat que els dos casos formaven part d’un únic procés de conquesta i despossessió de comunitats pageses que remunta els seus orígens a l’Europa franca medieval. L’estudi ha permès apreciar com els colons van seguir estratègies anàlogues per gestionar els espais agraris capturats a les poblacions locals, que van ser eliminades, i adaptar-los al sistema productiu colonial. Les transformacions van estar preferentment dirigides a ampliar les àrees de conreu, a facilitar-ne la gestió i l’acumulació de producte agrari per part dels senyors i els grans propietaris de terra i a fomentar l’especialització dels camps en la producció en règims de monocultiu de collites prioritàriament destinades a la comercialització. La investigació també ha mostrat una clara connexió entre el ràpid creixement dels espais de treball i els processos d’acumulació per despossessió que van seguir la colonització d’Olvera i Agüimes, els quals també van generar dinàmiques de consum accelerat dels recursos naturals i de deteriorament de les condicions ecològiques locals. La comparació entre els dos casos també ha revelat paral·lelismes en la forma que les pagesies indígenes organitzaven la producció agrícola i construïen i gestionaven els espais de treball. Tant els andalusins com els canaris semblen haver imposat límits estrictes al creixement potencial dels camps i a l’ús dels recursos, els quals van ser trencats pels colons per encetar seqüències ininterrompudes d’expansió de les àrees de conreu. Fa l’efecte que aquesta contradicció fonamental entre els constrenyiments al creixement imposats per les poblacions indígenes i la tendència de la societat colonitzadora a l’expansió i a l’acumulació individual es troba a l’arrel de l’eliminació sistemàtica de les societats colonitzades. L’estudi conjunt d’Olvera i Agüimes suggereix que l’eliminació de les organitzacions pageses indígenes va ser una condició bàsica de la implantació i la reproducció del sistema colonitzador als espais de conquesta.
El período 1300-1600 es la época de solapamiento entre los procesos de conquista y colonización que tuvieron lugar en Europa durante la Edad Media y la expansión transatlántica de la Época Moderna. Al mismo tiempo que la Cristiandad Latina lanzaba las últimas cruzadas en el continente europeo, las monarquías portuguesa y castellana establecían las primeras colonias transoceánicas en el Atlántico oriental, en las costas de África y en América. Muchos autores han contribuido al estudio de las conexiones entre las empresas colonizadoras medievales y las modernas, especialmente entre las conquistas castellanas en la Península Ibérica y en América. Pero la mayoría de investigaciones se ha centrado en los aspectos políticos, militares, culturales y jurídicos de la colonización. En comparación, muy pocas han tenido como interés preferente el análisis de las prácticas y los espacios agrarios usados por las poblaciones indígenas y por los colonos, que ofrece la posibilidad de conocer como alteraron los colonizadores los paisajes y los procesos de trabajo locales para construir nuevos órdenes agrarios en los territorios conquistados. Esta tesis doctoral consiste en un estudio comparativo de dos villas de señorío que fueron colonizadas por Castilla entre el siglo XIV y el XVI con el objetivo de identificar y contrastar la gestión que los colonos hicieron de los territorios capturados en dos contextos diferentes: la toma de Olvera (Cádiz) se enmarca en la conquista del Emirato de Granada, mientras que la ocupación de Agüimes (Gran Canaria) constituye una de las primeras etapas de la expansión transatlántica europea. La investigación ha requerido el manejo simultáneo del registro escrito y del arqueológico, en combinación con el análisis de los paisajes modernos y la realización de encuestas etnográficas a los gestores actuales de los espacios de trabajo, y ha demostrado que los dos casos formaban parte de un único proceso de conquista y desposesión de comunidades campesinas que remonta sus orígenes a la Europa franca medieval. El estudio ha permitido apreciar como los colonos siguieron estrategias análogas al gestionar los espacios agrarios capturados a las poblaciones locales, que fueron eliminadas, y adaptarlos al sistema productivo colonial. Las transformaciones estuvieron preferentemente dirigidas a ampliar las áreas de cultivo, a facilitar su gestión y la acumulación de producto agrario por parte de los señores y los grandes propietarios de tierra y a fomentar la especialización de los campos en la producción de cosechas prioritariamente destinadas a la comercialización en regímenes de monocultivo. La investigación también ha mostrado una clara conexión entre el rápido crecimiento de los espacios de trabajo coloniales y los procesos de acumulación por desposesión que siguieron la colonización de Olvera y Agüimes, los cuales también generaron dinámicas de consumo acelerado de los recursos naturales y de deterioro de las condiciones ecológicas locales. La comparación entre los casos de Olvera y Agüimes también ha revelado paralelismos en la forma que los campesinados indígenas organizaban la producción agrícola y construían y gestionaban los espacios de trabajo. Tanto los andalusíes como los canarios parecen haber impuesto límites estrictos al crecimiento potencial de los campos y al uso de los recursos que los colonos rompieron para poner en marcha secuencias ininterrumpidas de expansión de las áreas de cultivo. Esta contradicción fundamental entre los constreñimientos al crecimiento impuestos por las poblaciones indígenas y la tendencia de la sociedad colonizadora a la expansión y a la acumulación individual se halla en la raíz de la eliminación sistemática de las sociedades colonizadas. El estudio conjunto de Olvera y Agüimes sugiere que la eliminación de las organizaciones campesinas indígenas fue una condición básica para la implantación y la reproducción del sistema colonizador en los espacios de conquista.
The period 1300-1600 saw an overlap between the processes of conquest and colonisation that took place in Europe during the Middle Ages and the transatlantic expansion of the Modern Age. As Latin Christendom launched the last crusades in the European continent, the Portuguese and Castilians established the first transoceanic colonies in the Eastern Atlantic, the African coast and in America. Many authors have contributed to the study of the connexions between medieval and early modern colonialism, and especially between the Castilian conquests in the Iberian Peninsula and in America. But most research has focused on the political, military, cultural and juridical aspects of the colonisation. In comparison, very few of them have concentrated primarily on the analysis of the agricultural practices and spaces that were used by indigenous peoples and settlers, which offers the possibility of learning how colonists altered the local landscapes and working processes to build a new agricultural system in the conquered regions. This PhD dissertation is a comparative study between two seigneurial towns that were colonised by Castile between the fourteenth and the sixteenth centuries and it aims to identify and juxtapose the strategies settlers implemented to manage the captured landscapes in two different environments: the seizure of Olvera (Cadiz) was part of the conquest of the Emirate of Granada, while the occupation of Agüimes (Gran Canaria) was one of the first steps of the European transatlantic expansion. This research has required dealing simultaneously with the written and the archaeological record, in combination with the analysis of modern landscapes and the carrying out of ethnographical surveys of the current managers of the working areas, and it has demonstrated that both case studies were part of a single process of conquest and dispossession of peasant communities which started in Frankish Europe during the Middle Ages. The study has evinced that colonists followed analogous strategies when managing the agricultural spaces captured to the local populations –which were eliminated- and adapting them to the colonial system of production. These transformations were primarily aimed at expanding farming areas, facilitating their control and the accumulation of agricultural output by rentier lords and large landowners and promoting the specialisation of fields in the monoculture of cash crops. The investigation has also shown a clear connexion between the rapid growth of the colonial working spaces and the spirals of accumulation by dispossession that followed the colonisation of both towns, which also accelerated the rate at which natural resources were consumed and rapidly deteriorated local ecological conditions. The comparison between the cases of Olvera and Agüimes has also revealed parallelisms between the way in which the indigenous peasantries organised agricultural production and built and managed their working spaces. Both the Andalusi and the Canarians imposed strict limits on the potential growth of farming areas and on the usage of natural resources, which were broken by the colonists to engage in uninterrupted sequences of field construction. It seems that this crucial contradiction between the constraints to growth established by indigenous population and the settlers’ tendency towards expansion and individual accumulation of resources seems lies at the heart of the systematic elimination of colonised societies by the Latin conquerors. The study of Olvera and Agüimes suggests that the elimination of the indigenous peasant organisations was a basic condition of the implementation and the reproduction of the colonising system in the conquered regions.
Universitat Autònomad de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Cultures en Contacte a la Mediterrània

This dissertation investigates the nexus between theatre and colonialism in the German empire between 1884 and 1914. It introduces the concept of colonial theatricality, through which it explores to what extent theatre and colonialism have been productive of each other’s orders, knowledge formations, and truth claims. This dissertation thus looks at the empire through its cultural manifestations and its ‘representational machinery’, specifically the theatre. It provides an understanding of the German colonial empire that goes beyond its territorial, administrative and military strategies. In order to do so, the dissertation discusses a broad set of performances that the German empire brought forth at the turn of the century: popular theatre performances that mediated the colonial project to a domestic audience, amateur theatre societies that staged ‘German culture’ in the colonies, colonial ceremonies that included repertoires of the settler as well as of the indigenous population, court-hearings of African individuals residing in Germany claiming their rights, and a petition from the former German colony Kamerun charging the German government with crimes against humanity. Beyond the appearance of the colonial project as a topical issue on stage, this dissertation argues for a deeper-seated interdependence between theatre and colonialism, one that can be detected in the dynamics of ‘seeing’ and ‘showing’. Through the concept of colonial theatricality as a particular mode of perception and representation akin to both the theatre and the colonial enterprise, this dissertation suggests a new framework for looking at the entangled histories of metropole and colony in focusing on the empire’s ordering truth, its formations, effects, and ambivalences.

This project attempts a joint reading of the work of Friedrich Nietzsche and Frantz Fanon. This task, however, is problematic because this body of work is in tension or contradictory. These problems are so acute that a careful reading method is necessary to successfully carry out this reading. In order to facilitate this reading I elaborate and apply a particular philosophical methodology, Mestizaje. The methodology is intended to address works that are contradictory by attempting to read the texts as they are presented while at the same time balancing their positions. The goal is to honestly reflect the thought of each thinker and to illuminate a perspective that incorporates but transcends their respective positions. What the application of Methodological Mestizaje finds is that while Nietzsche and Fanon stand in tension to one another, their respective works share several interesting and important convergences. In particular, they share thoughts on ressentiment, morality and violence. With ressentiment, Nietzsche creates the concept and two manifestations of it, while Fanon works with the concept to develop a third manifestation of this form of moral valuation. Furthermore, their works share the view that morality and violence are fundamental to understanding the origin, development and possible overcoming of a morality. This work contributes to the area of Africana Studies by offering a picture of Nietzsche that addresses concerns of these areas of study. Additionally, Methodological Mestizaje intends to follow in the tradition of non-ideal theory. Finally, while each thinker contributes to the discussion of ressentiment, morality and violence, their positions taken together reveal a broad and thorough perspective on colonialism and its concomitant morality, including their inception, and consequent progression and persistence in the current world.

The author identifies the formation of a Taiwanese identity from representations of landscape painting as introduced by Japanese colonisers and responded to by Taiwanese between 1908 and 1945. The first of two primary findings is that the history of discovering Taiwan can be traced via such visual records as maps, photographs, and landscape paintings from the seventeenth century to the mid-twentieth century. Landscape paintings represented the peak of this course of discovery. From the untamed to the civilised, the Taiwanese landscape was the site of adventure and travel activities, through which the Japanese imperial goals of modernisation for its colony were revealed. The second finding is that visual representations of landscape painting stands as evidence of an uneven relationship within which a European visual model was transported to Taiwan. Furthermore, it was found that representations of Taiwanese landscape paintings reflected a spectacle of modem life. Finally, the formation of Taiwanese local identity was discussed from the perspectives of "local colour," the culturalisation of Taiwanesen ature, and problems of identification. The concept of "local colour" as expressed in Taiwanese landscape paintings reveals a contradictory situation and predicament of local identity. With regards to the culturalisation of nature, the Taiwanese landscape was re-represented by a new aesthetic order and visual layout. Four local configuration stages (1895-1908,1908-1927,1927-1940, and 1940-1945) generalised the visual identification process. According to this analysis, colonial Taiwanese landscape painting emerged in order to fulfill the expectations of an imagined viewer, thus making identification with the environment through landscape paintings problematic. The primary conclusion of this thesis is that the discovery and representation of Taiwanese landscape during the colonial period revealed specific conditions of colonialism and modernity. For local Taiwanese, the predicament of identification was projected and acknowledged in the making of visual art.

This thesis is a study of colonialism and the university, and the relationship between knowledge, imperialism, empire and domination. It is influenced by those who have written on and lived through decolonisation, principally, Sylvia Wynter. The first chapter examines the history of the Westernised university as a Eurocentric narrative. It also considers the evolution of the discipline of the humanities as an imperial science of the human. The second chapter reflects on the effect of an imperial education on an individual’s relationship with their communities. Reading texts written during and after anti-colonial struggle, I consider how writing begins the process of communitarian ethical repair. Chapter 3 explores what it means to be included in the imperial university, and the cost of assimilation. The chapter focuses on texts from ‘outsiders’ to Oxford University who write back to an imperial centre. Chapter 4 revisits Wynter’s analysis of the Westernised institution in the context of 1968 Jamaica to reflect on the Westernised university’s internationalisation agenda. The chapter looks at the history of educational institutions in settler colonial plantations. The fifth chapter examines the evolution of the Westernised university as a site and agent of border control. It reviews the Tier 4 visa regime and Prevent legislation, examining the colonial history of the university as border control. In turning to the work of writer Leila Aboulela, the chapter explores how the creative imagination interprets the university, border control, race and emergent authoritarianism. The conclusion to this thesis is a dystopian short story. The narrative follows the journey of an international student at the University of Glasgow in 2050. Lecturers and books have been abolished. The violent collusion between university and state forces the protagonist into a choice. This thesis is intended as a sustained reflection on participation in Westernised higher education. The decision to conclude with a dilemma is a strategic one.

Teria sido Marx um pensador inescapavelmente eurocêntrico? Como Marx pensou o colonialismo? Qual sua análise a respeito de formações sociais ditas periférias? Esta dissertação pretende propor algumas respostas para estas questões. Para isso, acompanhamos as idas e vindas do autor em textos sobre a colonização britânica na Índia, na China e Irlanda. Como ponto de partida de nossa análise, seguimos o princípio metodológico de observar como as lutas sociais impactaram o filósofo alemão. Mostramos que seu pensamento político está intimamente ligado a seu contexto histórico. Marx é interpelado pelas lutas dos povos periféricos e responde a elas. Sua reflexão se constitui, assim, em um pensamento-luta. Com efeito, a alcunha também serve para descrever outra face do filósofo: seu profundo engajamento com essas mesmas lutas. Se Marx se deixou contaminar por elas foi porque ele se encontrava envolvido, seja diretamente no caso da Irlanda , seja indiretamente no caso de Índia e China, se solidarizando com a luta do povo oprimido. Nessa chave, observar o percurso da análise do filósofo a respeito do colonialismo implica um olhar duplo: por um lado, teremos de percorrer suas inflexões teóricas que se manifestam em suas análises conjunturais; por outro, é preciso observar sua mudança de postura para com os povos outros todos aqueles com os quais Marx não se identifica a princípio, sejam indianos e chineses (orientais), russos (eslavos) ou irlandeses (celtas). Espera-se, com isso, evidenciar algumas mudanças na visão do autor, que irá, progressivamente, se des-europeizar, assumindo uma concepção de história multilinear e estabelecendo uma crítica contumaz do colonialismo. Destacamos no decorrer da pesquisa alguns momentos-chave dessas mudanças: 1857-1858 para a Índia e a China, 1867 para a Irlanda e os textos do fim da vida, sobre a Comuna Russa. Estes, considerados uma espécie de culminação desta nova visão de Marx sobre a história, são analisados em nossa conclusão, de modo a marcar a perspectiva marxiana final. Por fim, procuramos defender, a partir desta nova posição encontrada, a possibilidade de um diálogo mais profundo entre a obra de Marx e o chamado pós-colonialismo. Dado que a posição de Marx com relação ao colonialismo e ao capitalismo irá se modificar no decorrer de sua vida, movendo-se em um sentido mais crítico, indagamos se não haveria a possibilidade profícua de, por meio de um diálogo com a perspectiva marxiana, reconectar a teoria pós-colonial à crítica do capitalismo contemporâneo.
Had Marx been an inescapably Eurocentric thinker? How did Marx think colonialism? What is his analysis about so-called peripheral social formations? This dissertation intends to propose some answers to these questions. Thus, we follow the comings and goings of the author in texts on British colonization in India, China and Ireland. As a starting point for our analysis, we follow the methodological principle of observing how social struggles affected the German philosopher. We show that there is a connection between his political thinking and the historical context. When challenged by the struggles of the peripheral peoples, Marx responded to them and thence reelaborated his theories. His reflection thus constitutes a \"thought-struggle\". In fact, the label also serves to describe another face of the philosopher: his deep commitment to these same struggles. If Marx allowed himself to be contaminated by them, it was because he was involved, either directly - in the case of Ireland - or indirectly - in the case of India and China, in solidarity with the struggle of the oppressed people. For this reason, to observe the course of the philosopher\'s analysis of colonialism implies a double look: on the one hand, we will have to go through his theoretical inflections that show themselves in his conjuncture analyzes. On the other hand, it is necessary to observe the change of attitude towards the \"other\" peoples - all those with whom Marx does not identify at first, whether Indian or Chinese (\"oriental\"), Russian (Slavic) or Irish (Celtic). It is hoped, therefore, to point out some changes in the author\'s vision, which will progressively \"de-Europeanize\", assuming a multilinear conception of history and establishing a contumacious critique of colonialism. In the course of our research, we highlight some key moments of these changes: 1857-1858 for India and China, 1867 for Ireland and the texts of the end of his life, on the Russian Commune. These specifically are considered a kind of culmination of this new vision on history, and therefore are analyzed in our conclusion, in order to mark the final Marxian perspective. Finally, we try to defend, from this new perspective, the possibility of a more fruitful dialogue between Marx\'s work and the so-called post-colonialism. Since Marx\'s position on colonialism and capitalism will change over the course of his life, moving in a more critical sense, we ask whether there would be no fruitful possibility of, through a dialogue with the Marxian perspective, reconnecting postcolonial theory with the critique of contemporary capitalism.

Depuis l’Antiquité, l’expérience politique assyrienne (XIVème - VIIème siècles av. J.-C.) a été définie comme un « Empire ». Les sources classiques et bibliques ont créé une image historiographique des Assyriens caractérisée par une violence militariste, par une sexualité excessive et par un urbanisme exagéré. En plus, la théorie de la translatio imperii identifiait dans l’Empire assyrien le premier Empire de l’histoire. À partir du milieu du XIXème siècle la découverte des vestiges des villes royales en Mésopotamie du Nord et surtout des bas-reliefs, qui ornaient les palais royaux, a donné accès à une quantité d’informations directes sur les Assyriens. L’interprétation historiographique de ces données a eu comme modèle l’Empire romain, déjà bien connu par les savants. Le déchiffrement du système cunéiforme et la lecture des sources écrites assyriennes qui en a suivi a certifié l’image impériale puissante et militariste suggérée par les sources anciennes. À partir de cette époque et jusqu’à nos jours, les informations concernant les Assyriens ont augmentées constamment. En même temps, le travail d’interprétation historiographique a été influencé tant par les différentes doctrines économiques et politiques, que par les intérêts des nations qui finançaient les recherches. Pour décrire l’expérience politique assyrienne ont été employées par les Assyriologues des catégories typiquement modernes, telles que l’impérialisme et le colonialisme, ou plus récemment, la globalisation. L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est de reconstruire le cheminement épistémologique du concept d’« Empire assyrien », avec une attention spécifique à l’apport de la recherche archéologique en Mésopotamie du Nord
Since the Antiquity the political experience of the Assyrians has been defined as an “Empire”. Biblical and ancient sources have created a historiographical image of the Assyrians, which was characterized by military violence, an excessive sexuality and an exaggerated urbanism. Moreover, following the theory of the translatio imperii, the Assyrian Empire should have been the first empire of history. Starting from the middle of the XIX century the discovering of the vestiges of the royal cities in the north of Mesopotamia, and especially of the bas reliefs which adorned the royal palaces, gave access to an enormous quantity of direct information about the Assyrians. The historiographical model which was employed in order to interpret this data was the roman empire, which was already very well-known by scholars. The deciphering of the cuneiform system and the consequent possibility of accessing to Assyrian written sources certified the powerful and militaristic image suggested by the ancient sources. Since that period and during the next excavations up until today, the information about the Assyrians has constantly increased. At the same time the work of historical interpretation has been influenced not only by the different economic and political theories but also by the interests of the nations which financed the researches. In order to try to understand the Assyrian political experience, typically modern categories have been employed by Assyriologists, such as imperialism and colonialism, or more recently the globalization. The aim of this doctoral thesis consists in reconstructing the epistemological course of the concept of “Assyrian Empire”, with a specific attention to the contribution of archaeological researches in the Northern Mesopotamia

Traditional Linguistic and Cultural Anthropology has been predicated on traditional systems of thought, such as colonialism and that the west has been a purveyor of intellectual work and its traditions. Consequently, the shaping of Asian and non-Asian academic and industrial sector have emerged to separate these two regions, though dynamically. This paper seeks to provide a new framework for Anthropologically describing Asian Linguistic and Cultural contexts, which show great contradiction. The paper builds on colonialism and post colonialism, and then draws on a comparative ethnography of Asian and non-Asian regions, to present that the symbolic typologies of each of these regions show contradiction. The paper then presents that these contradictions speak against both traditional notions of Asia and nonAsia, and that traditional Linguistic and Cultural Anthropology can become modal, and can be realigned to incorporate complex perspectives in the symbolic analysis of language and culture.