Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Coalition for the Advancement of Jewish Education”

The act of providing fund for political candidate by wealthy private individual and group has become a recurrent phenomenon in the United State electoral system. It is a pervasive campaign practice that cannot be isolated from the US politics. Individual and group donate huge sum of money to support political candidate or political parties of their choices. Of greater concern is the ease with which interest group adopts the strategy of campaign finance to influence state apparatus to achieve interest based policy concession. The Jewish lobby group is a loosed coalition of interest group whose primary objective is the advancement of the US- Israel relation for favourable foreign policy toward Israel. It is a prominent interest group with members who are often the richest and highest campaign donor in any election circle in the United States. The group over the years capitalised on the strategy of campaign financing to stronghold the United States Congress and the executive in order to shape the country Middle East foreign policy in favour of Israel. The study seeks to examine the dynamic role of interest group, the link between campaign financing and interest group using the Powerful Jewish lobby group as the basis of analysis. The theoretical foundation for the work is the elite theory postulated by Gaetano Mosca and the Italian school of elitism. Secondary source of data collection was adopted to extrapolate fact that are relevant to the study. The article find out that campaign fiancé is an integral part of the United States politics and cannot be divorced. Interest group such as the Jewish lobby group adopts the instrumentality of campaign financing to advance private interest

At sixty-four Israel is still a comparatively young nation state, just passing from the 'developing' to the 'developed' phase. It has had five different history curricula for the Jewish 'Mamlakhti' (public non-religious) and the Arab sectors, which account for the majority of the students. For the first five decades the history curriculum did not ignite much controversy. The first curriculum was a rallying curriculum centered on the Jewish national movement and the establishment of Israel. In 1975 an 'academized' curriculum incorporated historical thinking goals – a move away from just an identification stance and towards an analytic stance. The mandatory baccalaureate examination, however, pushed for memorization and coverage. The fourth curriculum in 1993 integrated Jewish and world history with a slightly greater emphasis on world history, covered Israel's first three wars, and historical Jewish Diasporas and ethnicities. One textbook in the late nineties included cases of the deportation of Palestinian civilians during Israel's independence war. The decade since the turn of the millennia has been turbulent and inconsistent. New 'heritage' projects sponsored by right-wing Ministers of Education have alternated with curriculum emphasizing critical thinking, interpretation and multiple sources. The pendulum swung from expressive populist ethnocentricity to critical inquiry and diversity and back. New policies are haphazardly and partially enforced until a rival coalition reaches power and 'debates' curricula by publicizing the attempts to undo or alter them. Little attention was given to the ways teachers or students actually enacted and perceived the curriculum.

Abstract This article examines the case of Karla Galarza v. Washington, DC Board of Education. On April 3, 1947, Karla Galarza refused to accept the board's directive to withdraw from the Black segregated Margaret Murray Washington Vocational School. Her father, Dr. Ernesto Galarza, supported her decision and worked to challenge the expulsion, and the system of segregation, as unconstitutional. The authors analyze materials from regional and national archives, oral accounts, legal documents, and personal collections, focusing on Dr. Galarza's voice in over one hundred pages of correspondence. Dr. Galarza brought together an interracial legal team, including Charles Hamilton Houston, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the American Civil Liberties Union, the American Jewish Congress, and the National Lawyers Guild. Dr. Galarza lauded the pedagogy of a Black teacher and the pluralism cultivated in a Black school community as evidence of democracy in action. The legal team proposed that Karla's expulsion constituted a violation of the Fifth Amendment, naming education as a property right. However, after extensive research and discussion across ten months, the organizations determined they should not pursue the case in court. The authors assert that this attempted legal intervention is an unnamed forerunner in the attack on Plessy v. Ferguson and complicates previous narratives of the long struggle to end school segregation.

Prompts for "reading" actually existed since when the revelation of God was revealed for the first time received by the prophet Muhammad SAW. In Holly Bible the book of Christians reveals that in the tradition of the Jewish command "Reading" after there is a book and reading to understand history and law. So before "reading" must do writing first. Thus, according to them, that the word of God "read" contained in his book is meaning "writing", which this thing is written directly in the book of output 17: 14 who was ordered to write history, and the book of Deuteronomy 4: 13-14 where God write 10 commands and teach commands. This research was conducted to find out and reveal the different meanings of the word "read" in Christian-Islamic Education. "Read-write" Text correlation in learning. The research method used is a theoretically oriented qualitative approach is a way of looking at the world, the assumptions that people embrace about something important, and what makes people work. So that the meaning of the word "read" in Islamic education means "reading" based on the word of God which first came down to the Prophet Muhammad, namely 'Iqra' in the letter Al-Alaq. Whereas in Christian education means "writing". Based on the word of God to the Prophet Moses in the book EXPLANATION 17: 14 in the Torah or the old agreement. The difference, the author tries to combine that reading and writing is a unity that cannot be separated in an education and learning. Therefore read-write that was not respected and preserved in learning must be rebuilt for the advancement of students as the nation's successor.

The genesis of changes in Polish historical scholarship, for which the events of March 1968 became a catalyst, is rooted in the first half of the 1960s. It was then that the ever clearer generational splits became marked among Polish historians, related to the academic advancement of historians belonging to the younger generations, who had already obtained their education in the People’s Poland. It was some of the scholars who had made their careers in the 1950s who took a standpoint which was increasingly clearly opposed to the PUWP’s policy, the latter being tinted with nationalism. On the eve of the events of March, the Polish historians’ milieux were thus split, with the intra-community conflicts reinforced by the restrictive censorship policies of the PUWP authorities and their striving to make scholars conform to the current policy. The events of March 1968 became a catalyst of both the processes occurring in Polish historical scholarship in the 60s and the PUWP policy aimed at strengthening political control over scholarship. The brutal dispersal, by the ‘Citizens Militia’, of the students’ rally in the courtyard of Warsaw University on 8th March resulted in protests not only on the part of the students, but also on that of the professors of Warsaw University and the Polish Academy of Sciences. Among their numbers were the historians Juliusz Bardach, Bogusław Leśnodorski, Tadeusz Manteuffel, Henryk Samsonowicz. The attitudes of the scholarly staff of Warsaw University’s Department of History were strongly influenced by the prestige of the ‘old’ professors. To a limited degree, the historians’ milieu was affected by the repressions on the part of the authorities after the March events. The institutions which suffered most were the Jewish Historical Institute and the Institute of History at the University of Łódź. The number of appointments of so-called ‘March docents’ among the historians was relatively small and most of them have later written and defended their post-doctoral dissertations. As a result of the anti-Semitic campaign, more than a dozen historians of Jewish extraction probably left Poland. Another effect that the March events had on scholarship was the re-organisation of scholarly structures and numerous personal changes in institutions and to the editorial committees of scholarly journals, as well as the acceleration of the generational change. Some liberalisation of the censorship also occurred between March and September 1968, and the assessment of the image of Poland’s history changed to to become more optimistic.

During the “Third Reich,” the majority of German gynecologists and obstetricians did not hesitate to put themselves at the service of those in power. In 1933, many gynecologists initially only focused on the fact that the biopolitical objectives of the National Socialists matched their own long-standing demands for population policy measures and the early detection and prevention of cancer. In addition, cooperating with the Nazis promised the political advancement of the profession, personal advantages, and the honorary title of <i>Volksgesundheitsführer</i> (national health leaders). As a result, gynecologists exchanged resources with the regime and thus contributed significantly to the implementation of the criminal racial policies of the Nazis. At the congresses of the <i>Deutsche Gesellschaft für Gynäkologie</i> (German Society of Gynecology) “non-Aryan” members, mostly of Jewish descent, were excluded, the law on forced sterilization of 1933 (<i>Gesetz zur Verhütung erbkranken Nachwuchses</i>/Law for the Prevention of Offspring with Hereditary Diseases) was scientifically legitimized, its implementation was propagated, and relevant surgical techniques were discussed with regard to their “certainty of success.” In the course of these forced sterilizations, existing pregnancies were also terminated and the victims were misused for illegal scientific examinations or experiments. Drawing upon racial and utilitarian considerations, gynecologists did not even shy away from carrying out late abortions on forced laborers from the East during the Second World War, which were strictly prohibited even under the laws of the time. Some gynecologists carried out cruel experiments on humans in concentration camps, which primarily served their own careers and the biopolitical goals of those in power. The few times gynecologists did protest or resist was when the very interests of their profession seemed threatened, as in the dispute over home births and the rights of midwives. Social gynecological initiatives from the Weimar Republic, which were mainly supported and carried out by gynecologists persecuted for their Jewish descent since 1933, were either converted into National Socialist “education programs” or simply came to an end due to the exclusion of their initiators. German gynecologists had hoped for a large-scale promotion of the early detection of malignant diseases of the uterus and breasts, to which they had already made important contributions since the beginning of the 20th century. But even though the fight against cancer was allegedly one of the priorities of the Nazis, no comprehensive measures were taken. Still, a few locally limited initiatives to this end proved to be successful until well into the Second World War. In addition, German gynecologists established the modern concept of prenatal care and continued to advance endocrinological research and sterility therapy. After the end of the Nazi dictatorship, the historical guilt piled up during this period was suppressed and denied for decades. Its revision and processing only began in the 1990s.

This article reviews recent developments in tertiary educational policy in New Zealand. It considers the implications of these on skill development and innovation and identifies network creation as a key aim of the Labour-led coalition. The article assesses its impact on the competition for advancement through education, and concludes by arguing that in some respects, Labour has been more conservative than previous New Right governments in New Zealand.

China pays attention to test-oriented education and emphasizes the role of a teacher as a knowledge distributor. Thus, the classroom teaching is mainly based on the injection of knowledge, while our public education is lacking in setting general education courses for Arts and Humanities. Taking competitive advancement as the core, our students complete the independent learning model in the traditionally competitive way and emphasize the accumulation of personal knowledge to increase personal competitiveness. This article studies the Jewish learning method, that is, the Havruta learning method theory. This article starts from investigating the initial application scope of the Havruta learning method. Then it gives the definition, constituent elements, deployment and implementation of the Havruta learning method. Meanwhile, it demonstrates how to set in the process of teaching to make use of the teaching method. According to the research, we suggest that it is rather necessary for us to introduce the Havruta learning method in order to promote the students' moral education, cultivate their wisdom, and establish the way of critical thinking, especially under the current test-oriented education for schools that uses competitive individual learning as a means of entering a higher education, extracurricular tutoring classes that focus on strengthening test-oriented classroom knowledge, and utilitarian families that blindly pursue scores.

Metaverse has been confirmed as a relatively amorphous concept of innovation, which refers to technological advancement. Metaverse, i.e., a coalition between reality world and virtual world, has created significant significance and convenience in education, communication, economy, etc. The COVID-19 outbreak has stimulated the growth of metaverse applications in medicine. The above-mentioned technology has broad applications while comprising online remote medical treatment, online conferences, medical education, preparation of surgical plans, etc. Moreover, technical, security, and financial challenges should be tackled down by the future widespread use of metaverse. Metaverse is limitlessly promising, and it will exert a certain effect on future scientific and technological advancements in the medical industry. The review article primarily aims to summarize the application of the metaverse in medicine and their challenge in the future of medicine.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to show how the impact of White Supremacy and Christian hegemony on the educational system. By highlighting interconnectedness across targeted groups, the authors assert that through coalition building, groups are stronger than they would be working alone. Solidarity gives hope to combating hatred of all kinds. Learning that there is a long history of antisemitism is an important component of fighting bias. With book banning and controversy over teaching critical race theory in schools, it is important that educators reflect on their social justice education. Design/methodology/approach The authors analyze the definitions and enactment of multicultural, culturally responsive and anti-bias education as well as critical theory. They then investigate how antisemitism is of concern to all identities targeted by White Supremacy and Christian Nationalism (LGBTQIA+, minoritized races, non-Christians, etc.) and the importance of education in fighting hate and influencing policy and practice. Findings Although 2 % of the US population identifies as Jewish, 11% of incidents educators reported were classified as antisemitic. Education is the key to fighting antisemitism and Holocaust denial (Greene et al., 2021; Stanton and Marcus, 2019). The authors make recommendations for addressing antisemitism, including addressing antisemitic incidents, the importance of Holocaust studies, the need for religious literacy, fighting the banning of books and narrowing the school curriculum. The authors ended by reinforcing the need for Jewish people to be included in multicultural, culturally responsive, anti-bias education and the need for “Heb-crit” as a sub-study of critical race theory. Social implications Anti-bias education must include antisemitism and show how connected hatred is rather than having groups compare their struggles. The authors explained the diversity among Jewish people to highlight the complexity of an identity group that is often inaccurately oversimplified. Originality/value There is a need for scholarship on modern-day antisemitism and internalized antisemitism and reflective narratives as commonly used in Black and Latinx studies (Rubin, 2020). With the rise in Holocaust denial and antisemitic groups (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2024), it is important to advocate and teach about these topics, which are not often discussed in PK-12 or Schools of Education (Muller, 2022).

This chapter focuses on student organizations for those with criminal convictions. In particular, this chapter examines the challenges associated with creating and maintaining such organizations. Most pointedly, the authors offer advice and direction on how to navigate potential obstacles to forming student groups comprised of convicted students. To do so, this chapter will chronicle a failed organization and a successful organization, highlighting the potential benefits of formation, obstacles to formation, and methods for successfully overcoming barriers to formation. This chapter intends to serve as a guide for faculty and staff at universities seeking to expand the concept of inclusive education by establishing student organizations dedicated to the recruitment and advancement of students with criminal histories. In sum, this chapter is a process analysis informed by the perspectives of two faculty advisors to such student organizations from distinct cultural and political settings.

This chapter explores four different models of school–community relations: co-optation, management, engagement, and coalition. These models are derived from qualitative case studies of public and private schools, including magnet schools, Catholic schools, workplace schools, and neighbourhood schools, located in urban and suburban contexts in the United States. Each model includes four elements that define the nature, quality, and intensity of association between schools and their communities — its goals, functions, relationships, and outcomes — and are reflected in the organizational practices and priorities of the schools. The chapter examines these models to consider how schools' cultures and organizational priorities coalesce to produce particular models of school–community relations. It also considers how these models are mapped on to different kinds of schools and what the implications might be regarding the types of relationships formed between families and schools for Jewish day school education worldwide.

Abstract American and Jewish American communities have long sought to organize for their own advancement through a variety of institutions, from mass to elite, from nationalist to integrationist, from conservative to radical. During the middle-twentieth century agencies advocating liberalism, coalition building, and integration into the political, economic, and social mainstream have been the most prominent. Examining the relationships between these organizations in the Black and Jewish communities, therefore, offers a profitable approach to Black-Jewish relations during the period of the modern civil rights movement. Such a study avoids the dangers of generalizing from the actions of a few (the “but Goodman and Schwerner were Jewish” argument) and has the added advantage of allowing us to trace developments over time, as organizational decisions and tactics changed. Budgets and staff allocation reveal the priorities of these groups, and are thus invaluable in understanding the extent to which Black Jewish collaboration went beyond rhetoric or good intentions. Furthermore, these agencies may in fact be the clearest representation of their communities that can be identified. Organizations that were economically supported by their community and claimed to speak for it constantly monitored their community ‘s feelings because moving too far ahead or behind group sentiment spelled financial and political disaster. Tracing the positions and priorities of successful ethnic organizations not only reveals the level of commitment the organized community felt toward civil rights questions, but almost as reliably also uncovers broader com munity views.