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Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 25 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 26 lipca 2024

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1

Keene, Jennifer D. "DEEDS NOT WORDS: AMERICAN SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS AND WORLD WAR I". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, nr 4 (27.09.2018): 704–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000336.

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This essay investigates how the repressive wartime political and social environment in World War I encouraged three key American social justice movements to devise new tactics and strategies to advance their respective causes. For the African American civil rights, female suffrage, and civil liberties movements, the First World War unintentionally provided fresh opportunities for movement building, a process that included recruiting members, refining ideological messaging, devising innovative media strategies, negotiating with the government, and participating in nonviolent street demonstrations. World War I thus represented an important moment in the histories of all three movements. The constructive, rather than destructive, impact of the war on social justice movements proved significant in the short term (for the suffragist movement) and the long term (for the civil rights and civil liberties movements). Ultimately, considering these three movements collectively offers new insights into American war culture and the history of social movements.

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Gamsakhurdia, Nino. "The Civil Rights Movement’s Impact on other Social Movements". Journal in Humanities 2, nr 1 (14.01.2014): 53–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v2i1.291.

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We have been constantly reminded that, we are not going to succeed in achieving any kind of social change unless we build astrong civil society. Consequently, lots of NGOs in Georgia are founded with the intention to realize this dream. However, we havegot a long way ahead of us.After the election of Obama, when discussing the history of the United States of America, particularly while talking about the1950-1960s, Georgian people knowingly nod their heads, expressing their understanding that it was an era of intense struggle forfighting for the basic rights by Civil Rights Movement activists, - African Americans.In order to get full and concise perspective of the significance of the Civil Rights movement, we must provide some informationon the impact of the decision on other social movements. Undoubtedly, social movements play an influential role in culture, publicpolicy and mainstream politics: they respond to it and influence it.

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3

Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations". Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, nr 1 (19.04.2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.

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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.

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Fisk, Catherine L. "“People Crushed by Law Have No Hopes but from Power”: Free Speech and Protest in the 1940s". Law and History Review 39, nr 1 (luty 2021): 173–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248020000498.

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In a trio of cases handed down on the same day in 1950, the Supreme Court denied constitutional free speech protection to civil rights picketing and labor picketing. The civil rights case, Hughes v. Superior Court, has often been portrayed as an early test case about affirmative action, but it originated in repression of an alliance of radical labor and civil rights activists exasperated by the legislature's repeated failure to enact fair employment law. Seeking a people's law like the labor general strikers and sit-downers of the 1930s and the civil rights sit-inners of the 1960s, they insisted that the true meaning of free speech was the right to speak truth to power. Courts and Congress forced the labor movement to abandon direct action even as it became the defining feature of the civil rights movement. The free speech rights consciousness they invoked challenged the prevailing conservative conception of rights and law. Direct action was a form of legal argument, a subaltern law of solidarity. It was not, as civil rights protest is often portrayed, a form of civil disobedience. What happened during and after the case reveals how the subaltern law and formal law labor and civil rights began to diverge, along with the legal histories of the movements.

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Lawson, Steven F., i Jack M. Bloom. "Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movements". American Historical Review 93, nr 2 (kwiecień 1988): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860078.

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McCormick, Marcia L. "The Equality Paradise: Paradoxes of the Law’s Power to Advance Equality". Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, nr 2 (marzec 2007): 515–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.9.

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This paper will compare the history of two of the three major civil rights movements in the United States, comparing the victories and defeats, and their results. The movement for Black civil rights and for women's rights followed essentially the same pattern and used similar strategies. The gay and lesbian civil rights movement, on the other hand, followed some of the same strategies but has differed in significant ways. Where each movement has attained success and where each has failed demonstrates the limits of American legal structures to effectuate social change.

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7

Ross, Susan Dente. "“Their Rising Voices”: A Study of Civil Rights, Social Movements, and Advertising in the New York Times". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75, nr 3 (wrzesień 1998): 518–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500307.

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This content analysis of the New York Times and review of NAACP records documents strategic use of advertising in the New York Times by the civil rights movement between 1955 and 1961. The advertisements are scrutinized in light of theories of social movements, communication, and sociology, and the history of the civil rights movement. The ads framed the civil rights movement to prime the audience to receive radical messages from marginalized speakers, to encourage media legitimization of the movement, to popularize movement goals, and to mobilize support and resources beyond the South.

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8

Tofiño, Iñaki. "Review Essay: The American Civil Rights Movement as a Military Campaign". NETSOL: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 9, nr 1 (13.05.2024): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2024.5.

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Thomas E. Ricks, Waging a Good War. A Military History of the Civil Rights Movement, 1954–1968. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 2022. Ricks’s book has been labelled a “tour de force” by “interpreting one of America’s most consequential social movements as a classic military operation” (Nightingale). Ricks “examines the struggle for racial equality through the analytical framework of military history” (Grenier), focusing on the Movement, the people who shaped it, its long-term goals, its strategies, its actions, and its consequences.

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9

Gallon, Kim. "The Blood Demonstration: Teaching the History of the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization". Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 139, nr 1 (styczeń 2015): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pmh.2015.a923339.

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Abstract: Despite a growing body of scholarship that documents civil rights activism in the North during the 1950s and 1960s, college educators continue to rely on traditional understandings of African Americans' struggle for civil rights as being rooted in the South. Moreover, history professors continue to privilege a male-centered narrative that tends to define the civil rights movement through mass marches and protests. In an effort to challenge this pedagogy, this article describes a method for teaching the history of women's role in the struggle for social justice in the 1960s through their participation in the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization (PWRO). Through the use of primary sources such as the Philadelphia Tribune and the PWRO's newsletter along with secondary sources such as Lisa Levenstein's A Movement Without Marches , this article offers a way to expand and complicate students' understanding of the civil rights and women's movements of the late twentieth century. Just as importantly, it assists teachers in stressing the significance of African American women's fight for equality in Pennsylvania history. Supplemental resources are posted on the journals' web pages.

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10

Isaac, L. "Movement of Movements: Culture Moves in the Long Civil Rights Struggle". Social Forces 87, nr 1 (1.09.2008): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.0.0086.

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Rediker, Marcus. "Reflections on History from Below". Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social, nr 20 (31.07.2022): 296–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.trahs.n20a16.

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History from below is insurgent history, deriving much of its popularity and power from movements from below. The phrase had its modern origin in the 1930s, when Lucien Febvre, Georges Lefebvre, and A.L. Morton used it to discuss the history of working people in France and England. The term exploded into wider international usage in the 1960s and 1970s as various movements arose to demand new histories. In the US and many other parts of the world the civil rights and Black power movements demanded a consideration of the past that took seriously the issues of race and slavery. Anti-war and anti-colonial movements, especially those protesting the Vietnam War, called for rethinking the histories of empire and resistance. The women’s rights movement made perhaps the greatest challenge to conventional histories, insisting that the larger part of humanity be included. All of these movements asked, who is a proper subject of history? Who is in and who is out? History from below, as a politicized type of social history, arose to answer these questions.

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Meyers, Stephen. "History and Divisions in Nicaragua’s Disability Rights Movement". Current History 121, nr 832 (1.02.2022): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.832.63.

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The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities represents an important innovation in international law. For the first time, states are legally obligated to seek the advice of civil society organizations representing rights-holders in the development of legislation and policies and the monitoring of their implementation. In Nicaragua, however, the civic history of the Sandinista Revolution and civil war has left the local disability movement divided. Disabled war veterans want laws guaranteeing special treatment; self-help groups would rather focus on providing their own services than advocating for new laws. This demonstrates that the success of the CRPD’s civil society provisions is as dependent on the local identities and experiences of disabled people as it is on states’ adherence to international law.

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Lottie, Adrian J., i Phyllis A. Clemens Noda. "The Suppression of Diversity". Ethnic Studies Review 26, nr 2 (1.01.2003): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2003.26.2.27.

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Is it a systematic strategy or a mutation of millennial ferver that drives the escalating challenges to the civil rights of this nation's racial, linguistic, and national origin minorities? Increasing juridical, legislative, and popular assaults on affirmative action policies coupled with the sometimes less heralded emergence of a de facto U.S. language policy are sweeping through the states. These activities draw on a consistent repertoire of approaches from the invocation of the very language and concepts of the civil rights movement to the isolationist “buzz-words” of early twentieth century advocates of “Americanization.” In an effort to legitimize their efforts this new breed of assailants has lifted the terms “equality of opportunity,” “color blind,” and “merit” directly from the lips of civil rights heroes of the past, retrofitting concepts that resonate from the very core of the civil rights movement into an arsenal of weapons that threaten the extinction of that movement. In that same vein opponents of bilingual education have reached further back into our history dredging up de-contextualized quotations from icons of American history to evoke nostalgia and patriotism and to resuscitate the fear of the dissolution of national unity in the wake of the infusion of diverse languages and cultures. The introductory portion of this article treats the failure of anti-civil rights movements to acknowledge either the rich cultural legacy of people of color or the deeply engrained cultural and political limitations that this nation has imposed on their civil rights. We discuss the re-packaged language of equality and equity used by these movements and their success and attempts at success in reversing the progress of civil rights at the polls and in legislatures across the nation. We next examine the anti-affirmative action and anti-bilingual movements sweeping the U.S. today, analyzing qualitative and quantitative data from multiple sources including data from the the 2000 U.S. Census to track current anti-affirmative action and anti-bilingual/English only developments among the states to demonstrate the coexistence of these developments in those areas where people of color are concentrated.

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Rury, John L., i Suzanne Rice. "DEWEY ON CIVIL RIGHTS, TESTING, INTEREST, AND DISCIPLINE:DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATIONIN PERSPECTIVE". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, nr 4 (październik 2017): 488–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000354.

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In this essay we consider how the principles evident in Dewey'sDemocracy and Educationwould have been evident in response to the civil rights movement that took shape shortly after his death, and to the major educational reform movements of today. While acknowledging that Dewey's views on race and human development were inevitably influenced by his social and intellectual context, we maintain that he was fundamentally opposed to racist ideology and related popular beliefs, and that his deep commitment to democracy as a social process would have made him a staunch supporter of the civil rights movement and associated demands for racial equality. We likewise argue that Dewey would have had deep misgivings about the standards-driven assessment regimes that underlie current national reform efforts. In the end we suggest thatDemocracy and Educationstill has much to offer students of education today, and can serve as a helpful guide to those who would seek to change educational practice for the better.

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15

Fraser, Walter J. "The Civil Rights Movement: An Eyewitness History". History: Reviews of New Books 22, nr 4 (czerwiec 1994): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9949059.

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Mello, Joseph. "Reluctant Radicals: How Moderates Shape Movements for Social Change". Law & Social Inquiry 41, nr 03 (2016): 720–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12214.

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This essay reviews three books within the southern history literature on the white moderate's response to the civil rights movement; Kevin Kruse's White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (2005), Matthew Lassiter's The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (2006), and Jason Sokol's There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945–1975 (2006). I examine how white moderates impacted the struggle for African American civil rights, and explore how this dynamic can help us understand the trajectory of the current debate over gay rights in the United States. I argue that while the US public ultimately came to support equal rights for African Americans, and has grown more tolerant of gay rights recently, they have been willing to do so only when these rights claims are framed as benefiting “deserving” segments of these populations. This shows that rights are, to some extent, contingent resources, available primarily to those citizens who fit certain ideal types, and suggests that those individuals who are unwilling (or unable) to live up to this ideal may ultimately fail to benefit from these movements.

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Schneider, Stephen. "The Sea Island Citizenship Schools: Literacy, Community Organization, and the Civil Rights Movement". College English 70, nr 2 (1.11.2007): 144–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ce20076341.

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We need to complicate current accounts of critical pedagogy by examining how educational institutions beyond traditional classrooms have served progressive movements. One example was the Sea Island Citizenship Schools. By examining the latter’s history, we also become better aware of how the education-related work of the American civil rights movement encompassed more than the desegregation prompted by the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown decision.

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Burson, G. "The Black Civil Rights Movement". OAH Magazine of History 2, nr 1 (1.06.1986): 35–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/2.1.35.

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Sawyer, Mary R. "The Fraternal Council of Negro Churches, 1934–1964". Church History 59, nr 1 (marzec 1990): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169085.

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In the years since the civil rights and black power movements cooperative black religious organizations have become a familiar feature of the religious landscape in America. Among these interdenominational bodies, in addition to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, may be noted the now defunct National Conference of Black Churchmen, the Black Theology Project, Partners in Ecumenism, and the Congress of National Black Churches. Little noted, however, is a precursor of these organizations which functioned for two decades prior to the beginning of the modern civil rights movement.

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Norrell, Robert J., David Levering Lewis, Clayborne Carson, Nancy J. Weiss, John Dittmer, Charles V. Hamilton, William H. Chafe i Charles W. Eagles. "The Civil Rights Movement in America." Journal of Southern History 53, nr 4 (listopad 1987): 690. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2208815.

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Horne, Gerald C., i Simon Hall. "Peace and Freedom: The Civil Rights and Antiwar Movements in the 1960s". Journal of Southern History 72, nr 2 (1.05.2006): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649140.

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Vickery, Amanda Elizabeth. "After the march, what? Rethinking how we teach the feminist movement". Social Studies Research and Practice 13, nr 3 (19.11.2018): 402–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-05-2018-0020.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the history of Black women as critical civic agents fighting for the recognition of their intersecting identities in multiple iterations of the feminist movement. Design/methodology/approach Utilizing Black feminism and intersectionality I explore the many ways in which Black women have fought against multiple forms of oppression in the first, second and fourth wave feminist movement and organizations in order to fight for their rights as Black women citizens. Findings Black women in the past and present have exhibited agency by working within such multiple civil rights movements to change the conditions and carve out inclusive spaces by working across differences and forging multiracial coalitions. Originality/value This paper serves as a call to action for social studies classroom teachers and teacher educators to rethink how we remember and teach feminist movements. I also explore how we can use this past to understand and advance the conversation in this present iteration of the women’s movement to work across differences in solidarity toward equal justice for all.

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Ngai, Mae M. "On the Proletarian Identity of “A Woman Dressed as an Enormous Beetle”". International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (kwiecień 2005): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000025.

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A set of politics that uses rhetoric, imagery, music, and performance to promote interests that are distinctively and explicitly identified with the working class, Burgmann productively suggests, might revitalize the labor movement. Yet the effort to apply lessons from “identity politics” to “class politics” reproduces two problems in contemporary radicalism. First, by reducing the movements of ethno-racial minorities, women, and gays and lesbians to “identity politics” Burgmann underestimates those movements' claims to civil rights, human rights, socioeconomic improvement, and their general democratic nature. Second, the use of “class” to explain the antiglobalization movement is anachronistic and inadequate to the task of understanding radical politics today.

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Cornfield, Daniel B., Jonathan S. Coley, Larry W. Isaac i Dennis C. Dickerson. "The Making of a Movement: An Intergenerational Mobilization Model of the Nonviolent Nashville Civil Rights Movement". Social Science History 45, nr 3 (2021): 469–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.18.

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The 1960s-era, Nashville nonviolent civil rights movement—with its iconic lunch counter sit-ins—was not only an exemplary local movement that dismantled Jim Crow in downtown public accommodations. It was by design the chief vehicle for the intergenerational mentoring and training of activists that led to a dialogical diffusion of nonviolence praxis throughout the Southern civil rights movement of this period. In this article, we empirically derive from oral-history interviews with activists and archival sources a new “intergenerational model of movement mobilization” and assess its contextual and bridge-leading sustaining factors. After reviewing the literatures on dialogical diffusion and bridge building in social movements, we describe the model and its sustaining conditions—historical, demographic, and spatial conditions—and conclude by presenting a research agenda on the sustainability and generalizability of the Nashville model.

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Rogers, Kim Lacy. "Oral History and the History of the Civil Rights Movement". Journal of American History 75, nr 2 (wrzesień 1988): 567. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1887873.

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Kaari, Jennifer. "Social activism in the United States: Digital collection and primary sources". College & Research Libraries News 78, nr 8 (7.09.2017): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.78.8.418.

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The United States is currently going through a time of increasing political and social activism, from the Black Lives Matter movement to health care activism. This has brought on a renewed interest in the history of social activism to both learn lessons from the successful movements of the past, as well as gain a deeper understanding of the forces that have shaped our current environment. Studying the history of activism and social movements is essential to understanding how once radical ideas like women’s suffrage and civil rights have been able to move increasingly into the mainstream.

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Wennersten, John R., i Charles W. Eagles. "The Civil Rights Movement in America". Journal of American History 74, nr 3 (grudzień 1987): 1100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1902240.

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Small, M. "Peace and Freedom: The Civil Rights and Antiwar Movements in the 1960s". Journal of American History 92, nr 4 (1.03.2006): 1522. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486035.

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Hunter, C. "Nonviolence in the Civil Rights Movement". OAH Magazine of History 8, nr 3 (1.03.1994): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/8.3.64.

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Wright, Gavin. "The Civil Rights Revolution as Economic History". Journal of Economic History 59, nr 2 (czerwiec 1999): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070002283x.

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This address urges Americanists to take the post–World War II era on board as economic history, using the Civil Rights Revolution to set an example. The speed and sweepof the movement's success illustrates the dynamics of an “unanticipated revolution” as analyzed by Timur Kuran, to be grouped with famous historical surprises such as the triumph of British antislavery and the fall of Soviet communism. The evidence confirms that the breakthroughs of the 1960s constituted an economic as well as a political revolution, in many respects an economic revolution for the entire southern region, as well as for African-Americans.

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Davis, Jack E., i Glenn T. Eskew. "But for Birmingham: The Local and National Movements in the Civil Rights Struggle." Journal of Southern History 65, nr 2 (maj 1999): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587425.

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Wang, Mushi. "Martin Luther King and the Civil Rights Movement in America". Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (7.02.2023): 2262–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4686.

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The black rights movement not only appeared in the 19th century and 1950s~1970s but also happened in recent years. The civil rights movement in the mid-1900s helped African Americans win their rights, which had been taken for centuries. This was considered the most significant progression of rights fighting in history. Besides the brief history of the civil right movement, this study also focuses on the famous and successful leader of the black rights movement, Martin Luther King, and the relationship between the movement itself and the Black Lives Matter movement. Two of these occurrences joined an extreme answer from the administration and these days experienced a few types of governmental correct. The duty of publishing was an important component in each of these positions. The Civil liberties Activity, BLM expressions are occurring every day sensitive.

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Rothschild, Mary Aickin, i Charles W. Eagles. "The Civil Rights Movement in America". American Historical Review 93, nr 5 (grudzień 1988): 1418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873724.

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Crespino, Joseph. "The Civil Rights Movement, C'est Nous". Reviews in American History 34, nr 4 (2006): 537–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2006.0054.

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Eskew, Glenn T., John Dittmer, George C. Wright, W. Marvin Dulaney, Clayborne Carson i Kathleen Underwood. "Essays on the American Civil Rights Movement." Journal of Southern History 62, nr 3 (sierpień 1996): 623. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211559.

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Whitman, Mark I., Steven F. Lawson i Charles Payne. "Debating the Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1968." Journal of Southern History 66, nr 3 (sierpień 2000): 680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587931.

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Carson, Clayborne, Glenn T. Eskew i William T. Martin Riches. "But for Birmingham: The Local and National Movements in the Civil Rights Struggle." Journal of American History 85, nr 3 (grudzień 1998): 1155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567354.

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Mack, Kenneth W. "Bringing the Law Back into the History of the Civil Rights Movement". Law and History Review 27, nr 3 (2009): 657–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000003941.

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It is a pleasure to comment on Nancy MacLean's hugely important book Freedom is Not Enough: The Opening of the American Workplace as an example of what I might call “bringing the law back in” to the history of the civil rights movement. A generation ago, the idea that law needed to be introduced into this history would have seemed nonsensical. At that time, law provided one of the central touchstones in the historical narrative of the struggle for racial equality in American life. Scholarship in this area built on C. Vann Woodward's pioneering work on the rise of Jim Crow, which itself was written shortly after Woodward's participation in the Brown v. Board of Education litigation. The dominant narrative began with the legal construction of Jim Crow in the late nineteenth century and continued with the founding of the NAACP. Other actors came along at various points in the story, prominent among them New Deal–era racial liberals, World War II–era activists, midcentury social scientists, Southern civil rights leaders and movements, and eventually black power. The end point was marked by the litigation and legislative victories of the 1950s and '60s, which finally wrote back into law what had been taken away by segregationist white Southerners and a compliant Supreme Court in the late nineteenth century. The implicit methodological take on law was that state and federal statutes, as well as court decisions, provided an important impetus, or at the very least a validation, for racial change—first for white Southerners as they created the Jim Crow legal regime and later for segregation's opponents as they reinscribed racial equality onto the core narrative of American life.

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Moore, Jesse T., i Jack M. Bloom. "Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement". Journal of American History 74, nr 3 (grudzień 1987): 1101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1902241.

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Lee, Chana Kai, John Dittmer, George C. Wright i W. Marvin Dulaney. "Essays on the American Civil Rights Movement." Journal of American History 81, nr 2 (wrzesień 1994): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081324.

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Peterson, Tyler. "Nasa and the Long Civil Rights Movement". Journal of American History 108, nr 2 (1.09.2021): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab214.

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Faulkenbury, Evan. "Understanding and Teaching the Civil Rights Movement". Journal of American History 108, nr 2 (1.09.2021): 421–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab212.

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Lawson, Steven F., i Daniel Levine. "Bayard Rustin and the Civil Rights Movement". Journal of American History 88, nr 1 (czerwiec 2001): 294. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2675059.

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Gardner, S. E. "The Civil Rights Movement in American Memory". Journal of American History 94, nr 1 (1.06.2007): 354–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094938.

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Belknap, Michal R., i Steven E. Barkan. "Protesters on Trial: Criminal Justice in the Southern Civil Rights and Vietnam Antiwar Movements." Journal of Southern History 53, nr 1 (luty 1987): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2208666.

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Van West, Carroll, i Bobby L. Lovett. "The Civil Rights Movement in Tennessee: A Narrative History". American Journal of Legal History 47, nr 4 (1.10.2005): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30039550.

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Miller, Laura A., i Bobby L. Lovett. "The Civil Rights Movement in Tennessee: A Narrative History". Arkansas Historical Quarterly 65, nr 3 (2006): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40031091.

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Angelos, A. "Getting Funky with the Civil Rights Movement". OAH Magazine of History 19, nr 1 (1.01.2005): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/19.1.57.

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Gaines, K. "The Civil Rights Movement in World Perspective". OAH Magazine of History 21, nr 1 (1.01.2007): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/21.1.57.

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Zola, J., J. Zola i R. D. LaRue. "Religious Leadership of the Civil Rights Movement". OAH Magazine of History 6, nr 3 (1.01.1992): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/6.3.36.

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