Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „City and town life – New York (State) – New York”

Abstract This brief article summarizes the life and work of Dr. Doren Leslie Slade (1945-2019) while honoring her legacy, as she stands as a role model of an eclectic applied anthropologist turned psychoanalyst. She conducted intensive field research among the Nahuat of the North Sierra of Mexico's state of Puebla, concentrating on the town of Chignautla. Her focus was on aspects of the Chignautecos' quotidian corpus of beliefs – which she defined as their cosmology - that have survived for centuries, as she narrated it originally in her doctoral dissertation for the University of Pittsburgh. Years later, back home in New York City, Doren became one of the few anthropologists to obtain the difficult license to provide psychoanalytic therapy in the U.S. Then, in 1992, she published a landmarking thick ethnographic book based on her field research, but also armed with her new insights, if retrospectively, as an experienced practicing psychoanalyst. Her multi-faceted professional career is exemplary of an applied/practicing anthropologist.

The traditional culture existing in the city experienced considerable changes in the course of the last century. Rather than comprising continuous, gradual development, this change involved several radical cultural shifts, taking place in the 20th century (e. g. in the beginning of the century, in the 1960s, and 1990s). The article compares the urban, social and cultural changes in order to determine periods when the traditional culture experienced the most crucial transformations and when various new phenomena appeared. A clear shift in the urban culture took place in the 1960s in Lithuania, when a political “warming” of sorts could be felt and the pressure of the communist ideology was somewhat lighter. The economic growth was followed by the formation of the consumer society (although a rather different one from that emerging in the liberal countries), taking place in Vilnius, Kaunas, and other cities. The 1960s and the subsequent decades were characterized by a considerable variety of the urban culture in Lithuania, especially in its capital city. In the musical sphere, the state-supported academic music, the professionally performed folk music, and the show music were particularly thriving; but performances of jazz, rock and authentic folklore also gained momentum.The Lithuanian Folklore Theater, which started its activity in 1968 in Vilnius, can be presented as a typical example of the altered tradition. Director of this theater Povilas Mataitis and his wife, scenographer Dalia Mataitienė managed to achieve a subtle harmony between the folk tradition and their individual artistic expression, uniting in their performances elements of folklore and the modern art, and using small artistic forms, so typical to the folk art, to create complicate ambivalent compositions. Nevertheless, the stylistic shifts of the 1960s were best reflected in the rock music. The swinging two-part rhythm and open expressions of the individual feelings embodied a radical stylistic change at that time (although such means of expression are completely common and trivial today). Starting from the 1960s these innovations affected not only the urban composers, but also the folksong creators at the countryside.The significant cultural shift took place also after the Lithuanian independence was regained in 1990. The Soviet past was rejected, the Western notion of culture was willingly adopted, and the patterns of cultural life and financing were increasingly altered. The formerly state-supported cultural institutions and performers had to adapt to the free-market. At first, the cultural shift of the 1990s resembled an avalanche: the former unified whole – the coherent image of the national culture created during the Soviet times was shattered. Composers and authors plagued by various difficulties found respite, though, in the new kinds of the available information, the opened possibilities of getting to know the global culture, which had been hitherto almost impossible to gain access to. The epoch of postmodernity, characterized by free associations between various historical and cultural signs, was favorable to the continuation of traditions; therefore various transformations of folklore quickly appeared, musical styles from different periods and nations were abundant, and all sorts of their hybrids were created. A new thing establishing itself on the Vilnius pavement was hip hop – the Afro-American music and life style, born in the suburbs of New York. It was increasingly adopted and furthered by the Vilnius inhabitants, born in the concrete districts of the city, whose youth coincided with the years of the post-Soviet economic “shock-therapy”.The traditional music found its place in the city as well, growing as a moss on a stone. It is now performed both in the great ceremonious halls and in the small, stuffy premises, or simply outside during spring and summer. The city of the 21st century is characterized by such cultural phenomena as urban folklore, bard songs, live music, street music, post-folklore, indigenous culture, Baltic music, pagan art, improvisational music, underground music, etc. Urban tradition is a multifaceted and a multileveled one, its continuation constantly involves connecting different musical styles and respective communities.In the urban environment, the preservation of the folk music is no longer the concern of exclusively the representatives of the folklore movement; authors of different kinds are also involved, including the jazz and rock musicians, visual artists, IT specialists, and actors. Nowadays, the third generation is gradually involved into the urban folklore movement, as its pioneers, having already become grandparents, bring their grandchildren into the same halls and yards of the Old Town, where they used to perform in their youth. At the same time, new cultural wave created by the contemporary young people rises from the underground clubs, multimedia or electronic music labs, and artistic workshops. The young keep always creating something new, but this should not be regarded as a threat to the preservation of the urban folk tradition.

Noise pollution is one of the topmost quality of life issues for urban residents in the United States. Continued exposure to high levels of noise has proven effects on health, including acute effects such as sleep disruption, and long-term effects such as hypertension, heart disease, and hearing loss. To investigate and ultimately aid in the mitigation of urban noise, a network of 55 sensor nodes has been deployed across New York City for over two years, collecting sound pressure level (SPL) and audio data. This network has cumulatively amassed over 75 years of calibrated, high-resolution SPL measurements and 35 years of audio data. In addition, high frequency telemetry data have been collected that provides an indication of a sensors’ health. These telemetry data were analyzed over an 18-month period across 31 of the sensors. It has been used to develop a prototype model for pre-failure detection which has the ability to identify sensors in a prefail state 69.1% of the time. The entire network infrastructure is outlined, including the operation of the sensors, followed by an analysis of its data yield and the development of the fault detection approach and the future system integration plans for this.

As Tirana is experiencing probably the biggest building boom in its history, including the planning and building of a number of high-rise buildings, it seems fitting to find out which lessons can be learned from the city where the building type of the skyscraper originated. New York City hosted the buildings that claimed to be the world’s tallest for 66 consecutive years. It began with the Singer Building, followed by the Metropolitan Life, the Woolworth Building and then, of course, after brief interludes from 40 Wall Street and the Chrysler Building, the Empire State Building held the title for 40 years, followed by the World Trade Center. Then the title went to Chicago for 25 years with the Sears (now Willis) Tower, on to Kuala Lumpur with the Petronas Towers and Taipei with Taipei 101 and finally, as we all know, to Dubai. New York City is also the place where a unique and comprehensive, ever changing legal framework has shaped skyscrapers’ forms and urban positions since 1916. That is the year when the Setback Law was introduced as part of the city’s Zoning plan. It mandated that floors step back from the cornice height upwards under a certain angle, determined by the width of the street and the particular area of the city, its zone. Imaginary “sky exposure planes” would limit upwards growth, which Hugh Ferriss beautifully illustrated in a sequence of drawings in 1922, as a natural force at work.

I was born and raised in the old mining town of Barrio DAS (Don Andres Soriano), Lutopan, Toledo City where Atlas Consolidated Mining and Development Corp. (ACMDC) is situated. Dad started his practice in the company’s hospital as an EENT specialist in the early 60’s and was the ‘go to’ EENT Doc not only of nearby towns or cities (including Cebu City) but also the surrounding provinces in the early 70’s. In my elementary years, he was Assistant Director of ACMDC Hospital (we lived just behind in company housing, only a 3-minute walk). I grew interested in what my dad did, sometimes staying in his clinic an hour or so after school, amazed at how efficiently he handled his patients who always felt so satisfied seeing him. At the end of the day, there was always ‘buyot’ (basket) of vegetables, live chickens, freshwater crabs, crayfish, catfish or tilapia. I wondered if he went marketing earlier, but knew he was too busy for that (and mom did that) until I noticed endless lines of patients outside and remembered when he would say: “Being a doctor here - you’ll never go hungry!” I later realized they were PFs (professional fees) of his patients. As a company doctor, Dad received a fixed salary, free housing, utilities, gasoline, schooling for kids and a company car. It was the perfect life! The company even sponsored his further training in Johns-Hopkins, Baltimore, USA. A family man, he loved us so much and was a bit of a joker too, especially at mealtimes. Dad’s daily routine was from 8 am – 5 pm and changed into his tennis, pelota, or badminton outfit. He was the athlete, winning trophies and medals in local sports matches. Dad wanted me to go to the University of the Philippines (UP) High School in the city. I thought a change of environment would be interesting, but I would miss my friends. Anyway, I complied and there I started to understand that my dad was not just an EENT practicing in the Mines but was teaching in Cebu Institute of Medicine and Cebu Doctors College of Medicine (CDCM) and was a consultant in most of the hospitals in Cebu City. And still he went back up to the mountains, back to Lutopan, our mining town where our home was. The old ACMDC hospital was replaced with a new state-of-the-art hospital now named ACMDC Medical Center, complete with Burn Unit, Trauma center and an observation deck in the OR for teaching interns from CDCM. Dad enjoyed teaching them. Most of them are consultants today who are so fond of my dad that they always send their regards when they see me. My dad loved making model airplanes, vehicles, etc. and I realized I had that skill when I was 8 years old and I made my first airplane model. He used to build them out of Balsa wood which is so skillful. I can’t be half the man he was but I realized this hobby enhanced his surgical skills. My dad was so diplomatic and just said to get an engineering course before you become a pilot (most of dads brothers are engineers). I actually gave engineering a go, but after 1 ½ years I realized I was not cut out for it. I actually loved Biology and anything dealing with life and with all the exposure to my dad’s clinic and hospital activities … med school it was! At this point, my dad was already President of the ORL Central Visayas Chapter and was head of ENT Products and Hearing Center. As a graduate of the UP College of Medicine who finished Otorhinolaryngology residency with an additional year in Ophthalmology as one of the last EENTs to finish in UP PGH in the late 50’s, he hinted that if I finished my medical schooling in CDCM that I consider Otorhinolaryngology as a residency program and that UP-PGH would be a good training center. I ended up inheriting the ORL practice of my dad mostly, who taught me some of Ophthalmology outpatient procedures. Dad showed me clinical and surgical techniques in ENT management especially how to deal with patients beyond being a doctor! You don’t learn this in books but from experience. I learned a lot from my dad. Just so lucky I guess! He actually designed and made his own ENT Treatment Unit, which I’m still using to this day (with some modifications of my own). And he created a certain electrically powered ‘eye magnet’ with the help of my cousin (who’s an engineer now in Chicago) which can attract metallic foreign bodies from within the eyeball to the surface so they can easily be picked out – it really works! Dad loved to travel in his younger years especially abroad for conventions or just simply leisure or vacations, most of the time with my mom. But as he was getting older, travels became uncomfortable. His last travel with me was in 2012 for the AAO-HNS Convention in Washington DC. It was a great time as we then proceeded to a US Navy Airshow in nearby Virginia after the convention, meeting up with my brother who is retired from the USN. Then we took the train to New York and stayed with my sister who is a PICU nurse in NY Presbyterian. Then off to Missouri and Ohio visiting the National Museum of the US Air Force, the largest military aircraft museum in the world. For years, Dad had been battling with heredofamilial-hypercholesterolemia problem which took its toll on his liver and made him weak and tired but still he practiced and continued teaching and sharing his knowledge until he retired at the age of 80. By then, my wife and I would take him and my mom out on weekends, he loved to be driven around and eat in different places. I really witnessed and have seen how he suffered from his illness in his final years. But he never showed it or complained, never even wanted to use a cane! He didn’t want to be a burden to anyone. What most affected me was that my dad passed and I wasn’t even there. I had helped call for a physician to rush to the house and had oxygen cylinders to be brought for him as his end stage liver cirrhosis was causing cardio-pulmonary complications (non-COVID). Amidst all this I was the one admitted for 14 days because of COVID-19 pneumonia. My dad passed away peacefully at home as I was being discharged from the hospital. He was 88. I never reached him just to say good bye and cried when I reached home still dyspneic recovering from the viral pneumonia. I realized from my loved ones who told me that dad didn’t want me to stress out taking care of him, as I’ve been doing ever since, but instead to rest and recuperate myself. I cried again with that thought. In my view, he was not only a great Physician and Surgeon but also the greatest Dad. He lived a full life and touched so many lives with his treatments, charity services and teaching new physicians. It’s seeing, remembering and carrying on what he showed and taught us that really makes us miss him. I really love and miss my dad and with a smile on my face, I see he’s also happy to be with his brothers and sisters who passed on ahead. And that he’s rested. He is a man content, I remember he always said this, ‘ As long as I have a roof over my head and a bed to rest my back, I’m okay!”

Aim: To examine the economic impact of lives lost due to the COVID-19 pandemic across New York State. Materials & methods: Death counts by age range and period life expectancy were extracted from the NYS Department of Health, NYC Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, and Social Security Administration website. Years of potential life lost and value of statistical life (VSL) were calculated. Results: The average years of potential life lost per person was 12.72 and 15.13, and the VSL was US$119.62 and 90.45 billion, in NYS and NYC, respectively. VSL was greatest in Queens and Brooklyn, followed by the Bronx, Manhattan and Staten Island. Conclusion: New York City, specifically Queens and Brooklyn, bore the greatest economic burden of lives lost across the state.

BackgroundJail incarceration rates are positively associated with mortality at the county level. However, incarceration rates vary within counties, limiting the generalisability of this finding to neighbourhoods, where incarceration may have the greatest effects.MethodsWe performed a cross-sectional analysis of census tract-level state imprisonment rates in New York State (2010) and life expectancy data from the US Small-area Life Expectancy Estimates Project (2010–2015). We modelled fixed-effects for counties and controlled for tract-level poverty, racial makeup, education, and population density from the American Community Survey (2010–2014), and violent crime data from the New York City Police Department (2010). We also examined interactions between incarceration rate and poverty, racial makeup, and population density on life expectancy.ResultsLife expectancy at the highest quintile of incarceration was 5.5 years lower than in the lowest quintile, and over 2 years lower in a fully-adjusted model. Census tract-level poverty and racial makeup both moderated the association between incarceration and life expectancy.ConclusionCensus tract-level incarceration is associated with lower life expectancy. Decarceration, including alternatives to incarceration, and release of those currently incarcerated, may help to improve life expectancy at the neighbourhood level.

ABSTRACTThe September 11, 2001, attack on New York City was the largest human-made disaster in United States history. In the first few days after the attack, it became clear that the scope of the attacks (including loss of life, property damage, and financial strain) was unprecedented and that the attacks could result in substantial psychological sequelae in the city population. Researchers at the Center for Urban Epidemiologic Studies at the New York Academy of Medicine designed and implemented an assessment of the mental health of New Yorkers 5—8 weeks after the attacks. To implement this research in the immediate postdisaster period, researchers at the center had to develop, in a compressed time interval, new academic collaborations, links with potential funders, and unique safeguards for study respondents who may have been suffering from acute psychological distress. Results of the assessment contributed to a New York state mental health needs assessment that secured Federal Emergency Management Agency funding for mental health programs in New York City. This experience suggests that mechanisms should be in place for rapid implementation of mental health assessments after disasters.

Nursing home patients have a constitutional right to refuse treatment. The Patient Self-Determination Act confirmed that right. State laws address the obligations of health care providers and facilities to honor that right. The New York State law is more specific than those of many other states. It allows exemptions for “reasons of conscience” and imposes a number of requirements on nursing homes claiming such an exemption, including the transfer of a patient to a home that will honor an end-of-life wish. This study, conducted by FRIA,1 investigated the refusal of some nursing homes in New York City to carry out patients' end-of-life wishes because of conscience-based objections. The study also investigated the willingness of homes which did not have such policies to accept patients transferring from a home with a policy so that the patient's end-of-life wishes would be honored. Implications for administrators, policy makers, and regulators are discussed.

Abstract This article examines the literary geography of Edith Wharton’s Jazz Age New York in Twilight Sleep. It considers the impact of the urban narrative upon the characters, and how this work can be understood as a spatial event. Sheila Hones describes literary geography as the interdisciplinary nexus between literary studies and geography. Building upon this definition, the author extends the interdisciplinarity of narrative spatiality toward the medical humanities. Edith Wharton’s New York is embodied, possessing its own animus like an automaton, being simultaneously alive and dead, dazzling yet breathless, killing but beautiful. There is a sickness to the city which impacts most of the major characters, either physically or mentally. Using the epigraph as a framework, this article offers an innovative consideration of the relationship between fictional place and mental state, highlighting Edith Wharton’s use of space and place in Twilight Sleep to warn of the danger New York represented to female mental health.

Abstract In contrast to both the critique of rural backwardness made by the Country Life Movement and the lament about rural declension expressed by proponents of agrarianism, the history of the Nanticoke Valley of south-central New York State demonstrates the possibilities for rural revitalization that lay in new connections between the countryside and the city. In the early twentieth century, as long-settled families departed for urban employment, European immigrant families escaping the mines and mills bought abandoned farms. Motorized transport enabled farming families to send household members to the city each day and furnished them with a local market for their produce. This flexible combination of subsistence production, wage labor, and petty commodity production revitalized the rural economy and sustained the community in spite of the consolidation of the dairy industry. This essay explores the social changes that accompanied this profound reorientation of local life.

Abstract This article explores collective memories about lost farms in New York City's watershed. It argues that farms taken by eminent domain for two water supply reservoirs came to symbolize lost rural and agricultural lifeways in the twentieth century. In the 1950s and 1960s, New York City condemned over two hundred farms in Delaware County, New York, flooding two valleys for reservoirs, contributing to a pattern of farm closure, and dramatically changing social and economic life. Nonetheless, farms declined in this region more slowly than across the state and nation, suggesting that it was not the loss of farms but the specific way these agricultural valleys were flooded that became important for collective memories about this local history. Using transcripts from eminent domain proceedings and local newspapers, this article explores the making and mobilization of collective memories that blamed New York City for the loss of the county's “best” farms. Reading historical documents as cultural texts, this article brings together the insights of science and technology studies and memory studies to show how residents in the watershed localized a more general politics of rural-urban division by linking anxieties about changes in the region to New York City's water supply development history.

This conversation, originally conducted in Chinese, explores the role of films, movie theaters, screens, streaming platforms, and documentary filmmaking in China during the initial wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Zhang Zhen and Jiang Jiehong—professors at Tisch School of the Arts, New York University, and Birmingham City University, UK, respectively—discuss the human rights movement prompted by state-sanctioned racist violence, feminist interventions in filmmaking practices, documentation of the pandemic in China, and tensions between state discourse and minjian (unofficial, unaffiliated, grassroots, and among-the-people) narratives.

AbstractThe paper highlights the nexus between place and identity on the one hand, and urban entrepreneurialism on the other, which has become important nationally and internationally in recent decades. This refers to a form of urban governance that mixes together state with civil society and private interests to promote urban development. The city as a product of a common if perpetually changing and transitory urban life, “growth machines” or “urban regimes” play a significant role in the relationship between place and identity. This paper documents an instance of this relationship where the “growth machines” played themselves out in Harlem, New York City.

Abstract Objectives To document the practical needs, and develop quality initiatives to address those needs, of the growing population of long-term survivors (LTS) and older people with HIV (OPH) in New York State. Methods The HIV+ Aging/LTS/Perinatally Diagnosed Subcommittee of the NYS Quality of Care Consumer Advisory Council used community based participatory research methods to design a statewide survey based on categories identified in August 2020 virtual town halls with consumers and providers across New York. Syracuse University launched the survey, open to consumers aged 18 and over who were LTS or OPH, clinicians, and social services providers, in June 2021 using Qualtrics™. Participants chose the three most important barriers and recommendations for each category. Responses were characterized using basic descriptive statistics. Results Participants included 124 consumers from 26 counties, 20 clinicians, and 24 social service providers. Two thirds of participants were cisgender men (67%), 27% were African American, 80% identified as both LTS and OPH. On average, consumers were 58 years old, had been living with their HIV+ diagnosis for 27 years, and reported 4 additional conditions, most commonly depression (30%). LTS and OPH were concerned about clinical and financial needs, particularly coordination of clinical care, unmet housing needs, cultural representation in mental health services, and financial support of LTS and OPH. Implications: Community based participatory research can inform and stimulate changes in clinical care for LTS and OPH. Survey results are informing a plan for functional screening of OPH and LTS that can be performed by certified peer workers.

Ling Ma’s Severance () offers an interesting take on urban life after a pandemic and a resultant zombie apocalypse have turned New York City into a ghost town. The dystopian speculative fiction novel intertextually references the literary and media histories of science fiction and horror. Yet, it exceeds their often exclusively White and cis-male focus for a more comprehensive understanding of how the processes of gentrification are gendered and racialized. This contribution argues that Ma’s novel expands the repertoire of storytelling about gentrification through several stylistic and thematic features. For example, the ways that urban experiences are mediated through stories and enmeshed in global capitalist structures of consumerism. Further, the contribution explores the list of gentrification as an essential stylistic feature of urban fiction and the theme of pregnancy and its relevance in the gentrifying city.

Long run success in watershed management requires understanding of how economic stratification and social values affect water quality protection. Feedback effects on water quality are produced by three aspects of economic well-being: income levels, quality of life and inequality, including the effects of gender based inequality. In the US emphasis on individualistic values leads to reliance on local and private policy solutions to social problems. Analysis of the context of New York City's internationally famous watershed agreement with communities 120 miles distant provides a case study of these relationships. The nature of economic stratification in these upstate communities and the insufficient response of social policies were an impediment to achieving New York City's water quality goals. As a consequence the City's watershed agreement contains direct economic aid to Watershed communities. The Agreement does not address all stratification issues. Some call for solutions beyond the local level and an approach that benefits from the European emphasis on community. It is in the interest of watershed managers to broaden the scope of their concerns to understand and support state and national programs which address problems created by economic stratification. The expansion of the European Union increases the relevance of these lessons for Europe.

In this issue of Journal of Disaster Research, we introduce nine papers on societal responses to recent catastrophic disasters with special focus on long-term recovery processes in Japan and the United States. As disaster impacts increase, we also find that recovery times take longer and the processes for recovery become more complicated. On January 17th of 1995, a magnitude 7.2 earthquake hit the Hanshin and Awaji regions of Japan, resulting in the largest disaster in Japan in 50 years. In this disaster which we call the Kobe earthquake hereafter, over 6,000 people were killed and the damage and losses totaled more than 100 billion US dollars. The long-term recovery from the Kobe earthquake disaster took more than ten years to complete. One of the most important responsibilities of disaster researchers has been to scientifically monitor and record the long-term recovery process following this unprecedented disaster and discern the lessons that can be applied to future disasters. The first seven papers in this issue present some of the key lessons our research team learned from the studying the long-term recovery following the Kobe earthquake disaster. We have two additional papers that deal with two recent disasters in the United States – the terrorist attacks on World Trade Center in New York on September 11 of 2001 and the devastation of New Orleans by the 2005 Hurricane Katrina and subsequent levee failures. These disasters have raised a number of new research questions about long-term recovery that US researchers are studying because of the unprecedented size and nature of these disasters’ impacts. Mr. Mammen’s paper reviews the long-term recovery processes observed at and around the World Trade Center site over the last six years. Ms. Johnson’s paper provides a detailed account of the protracted reconstruction planning efforts in the city of New Orleans to illustrate a set of sufficient and necessary conditions for successful recovery. All nine papers in this issue share a theoretical framework for long-term recovery processes which we developed based first upon the lessons learned from the Kobe earthquake and later expanded through observations made following other recent disasters in the world. The following sections provide a brief description of each paper as an introduction to this special issue. 1. The Need for Multiple Recovery Goals After the 1995 Kobe earthquake, the long-term recovery process began with the formulation of disaster recovery plans by the City of Kobe – the most severely impacted municipality – and an overarching plan by Hyogo Prefecture which coordinated 20 impacted municipalities; this planning effort took six months. Before the Kobe earthquake, as indicated in Mr. Maki’s paper in this issue, Japanese theories about, and approaches to, recovery focused mainly on physical recovery, particularly: the redevelopment plans for destroyed areas; the location and standards for housing and building reconstruction; and, the repair and rehabilitation of utility systems. But the lingering problems of some of the recent catastrophes in Japan and elsewhere indicate that there are multiple dimensions of recovery that must be considered. We propose that two other key dimensions are economic recovery and life recovery. The goal of economic recovery is the revitalization of the local disaster impacted economy, including both major industries and small businesses. The goal of life recovery is the restoration of the livelihoods of disaster victims. The recovery plans formulated following the 1995 Kobe earthquake, including the City of Kobe’s and Hyogo Prefecture’s plans, all stressed these two dimensions in addition to physical recovery. The basic structure of both the City of Kobe’s and Hyogo Prefecture’s recovery plans are summarized in Fig. 1. Each plan has three elements that work simultaneously. The first and most basic element of recovery is the restoration of damaged infrastructure. This helps both physical recovery and economic recovery. Once homes and work places are recovered, Life recovery of the impacted people can be achieved as the final goal of recovery. Figure 2 provides a “recovery report card” of the progress made by 2006 – 11 years into Kobe’s recovery. Infrastructure was restored in two years, which was probably the fastest infrastructure restoration ever, after such a major disaster; it astonished the world. Within five years, more than 140,000 housing units were constructed using a variety of financial means and ownership patterns, and exceeding the number of demolished housing units. Governments at all levels – municipal, prefectural, and national – provided affordable public rental apartments. Private developers, both local and national, also built condominiums and apartments. Disaster victims themselves also invested a lot to reconstruct their homes. Eleven major redevelopment projects were undertaken and all were completed in 10 years. In sum, the physical recovery following the 1995 Kobe earthquake was extensive and has been viewed as a major success. In contrast, economic recovery and life recovery are still underway more than 13 years later. Before the Kobe earthquake, Japan’s policy approaches to recovery assumed that economic recovery and life recovery would be achieved by infusing ample amounts of public funding for physical recovery into the disaster area. Even though the City of Kobe’s and Hyogo Prefecture’s recovery plans set economic recovery and life recovery as key goals, there was not clear policy guidance to accomplish them. Without a clear articulation of the desired end-state, economic recovery programs for both large and small businesses were ill-timed and ill-matched to the needs of these businesses trying to recover amidst a prolonged slump in the overall Japanese economy that began in 1997. “Life recovery” programs implemented as part of Kobe’s recovery were essentially social welfare programs for low-income and/or senior citizens. 2. Requirements for Successful Physical Recovery Why was the physical recovery following the 1995 Kobe earthquake so successful in terms of infrastructure restoration, the replacement of damaged housing units, and completion of urban redevelopment projects? There are at least three key success factors that can be applied to other disaster recovery efforts: 1) citizen participation in recovery planning efforts, 2) strong local leadership, and 3) the establishment of numerical targets for recovery. Citizen participation As pointed out in the three papers on recovery planning processes by Mr. Maki, Mr. Mammen, and Ms. Johnson, citizen participation is one of the indispensable factors for successful recovery plans. Thousands of citizens participated in planning workshops organized by America Speaks as part of both the World Trade Center and City of New Orleans recovery planning efforts. Although no such workshops were held as part of the City of Kobe’s recovery planning process, citizen participation had been part of the City of Kobe’s general plan update that had occurred shortly before the earthquake. The City of Kobe’s recovery plan is, in large part, an adaptation of the 1995-2005 general plan. On January 13 of 1995, the City of Kobe formally approved its new, 1995-2005 general plan which had been developed over the course of three years with full of citizen participation. City officials, responsible for drafting the City of Kobe’s recovery plan, have later admitted that they were able to prepare the city’s recovery plan in six months because they had the preceding three years of planning for the new general plan with citizen participation. Based on this lesson, Odiya City compiled its recovery plan based on the recommendations obtained from a series of five stakeholder workshops after the 2004 Niigata Chuetsu earthquake. <strong>Fig. 1. </strong> Basic structure of recovery plans from the 1995 Kobe earthquake. <strong>Fig. 2. </strong> “Disaster recovery report card” of the progress made by 2006. Strong leadership In the aftermath of the Kobe earthquake, local leadership had a defining role in the recovery process. Kobe’s former Mayor, Mr. Yukitoshi Sasayama, was hired to work in Kobe City government as an urban planner, rebuilding Kobe following World War II. He knew the city intimately. When he saw damage in one area on his way to the City Hall right after the earthquake, he knew what levels of damage to expect in other parts of the city. It was he who called for the two-month moratorium on rebuilding in Kobe city on the day of the earthquake. The moratorium provided time for the city to formulate a vision and policies to guide the various levels of government, private investors, and residents in rebuilding. It was a quite unpopular policy when Mayor Sasayama announced it. Citizens expected the city to be focusing on shelters and mass care, not a ban on reconstruction. Based on his experience in rebuilding Kobe following WWII, he was determined not to allow haphazard reconstruction in the city. It took several years before Kobe citizens appreciated the moratorium. Numerical targets Former Governor Mr. Toshitami Kaihara provided some key numerical targets for recovery which were announced in the prefecture and municipal recovery plans. They were: 1) Hyogo Prefecture would rebuild all the damaged housing units in three years, 2) all the temporary housing would be removed within five years, and 3) physical recovery would be completed in ten years. All of these numerical targets were achieved. Having numerical targets was critical to directing and motivating all the stakeholders including the national government’s investment, and it proved to be the foundation for Japan’s fundamental approach to recovery following the 1995 earthquake. 3. Economic Recovery as the Prime Goal of Disaster Recovery In Japan, it is the responsibility of the national government to supply the financial support to restore damaged infrastructure and public facilities in the impacted area as soon as possible. The long-term recovery following the Kobe earthquake is the first time, in Japan’s modern history, that a major rebuilding effort occurred during a time when there was not also strong national economic growth. In contrast, between 1945 and 1990, Japan enjoyed a high level of national economic growth which helped facilitate the recoveries following WWII and other large fires. In the first year after the Kobe earthquake, Japan’s national government invested more than US$ 80 billion in recovery. These funds went mainly towards the repair and reconstruction of infrastructure and public facilities. Now, looking back, we can also see that these investments also nearly crushed the local economy. Too much money flowed into the local economy over too short a period of time and it also did not have the “trickle-down” effect that might have been intended. To accomplish numerical targets for physical recovery, the national government awarded contracts to large companies from Osaka and Tokyo. But, these large out-of-town contractors also tended to have their own labor and supply chains already intact, and did not use local resources and labor, as might have been expected. Essentially, ten years of housing supply was completed in less than three years, which led to a significant local economic slump. Large amounts of public investment for recovery are not necessarily a panacea for local businesses, and local economic recovery, as shown in the following two examples from the Kobe earthquake. A significant national investment was made to rebuild the Port of Kobe to a higher seismic standard, but both its foreign export and import trade never recovered to pre-disaster levels. While the Kobe Port was out of business, both the Yokohama Port and the Osaka Port increased their business, even though many economists initially predicted that the Kaohsiung Port in Chinese Taipei or the Pusan Port in Korea would capture this business. Business stayed at all of these ports even after the reopening of the Kobe Port. Similarly, the Hanshin Railway was severely damaged and it took half a year to resume its operation, but it never regained its pre-disaster readership. In this case, two other local railway services, the JR and Hankyu lines, maintained their increased readership even after the Hanshin railway resumed operation. As illustrated by these examples, pre-disaster customers who relied on previous economic output could not necessarily afford to wait for local industries to recover and may have had to take their business elsewhere. Our research suggests that the significant recovery investment made by Japan’s national government may have been a disincentive for new economic development in the impacted area. Government may have been the only significant financial risk-taker in the impacted area during the national economic slow-down. But, its focus was on restoring what had been lost rather than promoting new or emerging economic development. Thus, there may have been a missed opportunity to provide incentives or put pressure on major businesses and industries to develop new businesses and attract new customers in return for the public investment. The significant recovery investment by Japan’s national government may have also created an over-reliance of individuals on public spending and government support. As indicated in Ms. Karatani’s paper, individual savings of Kobe’s residents has continued to rise since the earthquake and the number of individuals on social welfare has also decreased below pre-disaster levels. Based on our research on economic recovery from the Kobe earthquake, at least two lessons emerge: 1) Successful economic recovery requires coordination among all three recovery goals – Economic, Physical and Life Recovery, and 2) “Recovery indices” are needed to better chart recovery progress in real-time and help ensure that the recovery investments are being used effectively. Economic recovery as the prime goal of recovery Physical recovery, especially the restoration of infrastructure and public facilities, may be the most direct and socially accepted provision of outside financial assistance into an impacted area. However, lessons learned from the Kobe earthquake suggest that the sheer amount of such assistance may not be effective as it should be. Thus, as shown in Fig. 3, economic recovery should be the top priority goal for recovery among the three goals and serve as a guiding force for physical recovery and life recovery. Physical recovery can be a powerful facilitator of post-disaster economic development by upgrading social infrastructure and public facilities in compliance with economic recovery plans. In this way, it is possible to turn a disaster into an opportunity for future sustainable development. Life recovery may also be achieved with a healthy economic recovery that increases tax revenue in the impacted area. In order to achieve this coordination among all three recovery goals, municipalities in the impacted areas should have access to flexible forms of post-disaster financing. The community development block grant program that has been used after several large disasters in the United States, provide impacted municipalities with a more flexible form of funding and the ability to better determine what to do and when. The participation of key stakeholders is also an indispensable element of success that enables block grant programs to transform local needs into concrete businesses. In sum, an effective economic recovery combines good coordination of national support to restore infrastructure and public facilities and local initiatives that promote community recovery. Developing Recovery Indices Long-term recovery takes time. As Mr. Tatsuki’s paper explains, periodical social survey data indicates that it took ten years before the initial impacts of the Kobe earthquake were no longer affecting the well-being of disaster victims and the recovery was completed. In order to manage this long-term recovery process effectively, it is important to have some indices to visualize the recovery processes. In this issue, three papers by Mr. Takashima, Ms. Karatani, and Mr. Kimura define three different kinds of recovery indices that can be used to continually monitor the progress of the recovery. Mr. Takashima focuses on electric power consumption in the impacted area as an index for impact and recovery. Chronological change in electric power consumption can be obtained from the monthly reports of power company branches. Daily estimates can also be made by tracking changes in city lights using a satellite called DMSP. Changes in city lights can be a very useful recovery measure especially at the early stages since it can be updated daily for anywhere in the world. Ms. Karatani focuses on the chronological patterns of monthly macro-statistics that prefecture and city governments collect as part of their routine monitoring of services and operations. For researchers, it is extremely costly and virtually impossible to launch post-disaster projects that collect recovery data continuously for ten years. It is more practical for researchers to utilize data that is already being collected by local governments or other agencies and use this data to create disaster impact and recovery indices. Ms. Karatani found three basic patterns of disaster impact and recovery in the local government data that she studied: 1) Some activities increased soon after the disaster event and then slumped, such as housing construction; 2) Some activities reduced sharply for a period of time after the disaster and then rebounded to previous levels, such as grocery consumption; and 3) Some activities reduced sharply for a while and never returned to previous levels, such as the Kobe Port and Hanshin Railway. Mr. Kimura focuses on the psychology of disaster victims. He developed a “recovery and reconstruction calendar” that clarifies the process that disaster victims undergo in rebuilding their shattered lives. His work is based on the results of random surveys. Despite differences in disaster size and locality, survey data from the 1995 Kobe earthquake and the 2004 Niigata-ken Chuetsu earthquake indicate that the recovery and reconstruction calendar is highly reliable and stable in clarifying the recovery and reconstruction process. <strong>Fig. 3.</strong> Integrated plan of disaster recovery. 4. Life Recovery as the Ultimate Goal of Disaster Recovery Life recovery starts with the identification of the disaster victims. In Japan, local governments in the impacted area issue a “damage certificate” to disaster victims by household, recording the extent of each victim’s housing damage. After the Kobe earthquake, a total of 500,000 certificates were issued. These certificates, in turn, were used by both public and private organizations to determine victim’s eligibility for individual assistance programs. However, about 30% of those victims who received certificates after the Kobe earthquake were dissatisfied with the results of assessment. This caused long and severe disputes for more than three years. Based on the lessons learned from the Kobe earthquake, Mr. Horie’s paper presents (1) a standardized procedure for building damage assessment and (2) an inspector training system. This system has been adopted as the official building damage assessment system for issuing damage certificates to victims of the 2004 Niigata-ken Chuetsu earthquake, the 2007 Noto-Peninsula earthquake, and the 2007 Niigata-ken Chuetsu Oki earthquake. Personal and family recovery, which we term life recovery, was one of the explicit goals of the recovery plan from the Kobe earthquake, but it was unclear in both recovery theory and practice as to how this would be measured and accomplished. Now, after studying the recovery in Kobe and other regions, Ms. Tamura’s paper proposes that there are seven elements that define the meaning of life recovery for disaster victims. She recently tested this model in a workshop with Kobe disaster victims. The seven elements and victims’ rankings are shown in Fig. 4. Regaining housing and restoring social networks were, by far, the top recovery indicators for victims. Restoration of neighborhood character ranked third. Demographic shifts and redevelopment plans implemented following the Kobe earthquake forced significant neighborhood changes upon many victims. Next in line were: having a sense of being better prepared and reducing their vulnerability to future disasters; regaining their physical and mental health; and restoration of their income, job, and the economy. The provision of government assistance also provided victims with a sense of life recovery. Mr. Tatsuki’s paper summarizes the results of four random-sample surveys of residents within the most severely impacted areas of Hyogo Prefecture. These surveys were conducted biannually since 1999,. Based on the results of survey data from 1999, 2001, 2003, and 2005, it is our conclusion that life recovery took ten years for victims in the area impacted significantly by the Kobe earthquake. Fig. 5 shows that by comparing the two structural equation models of disaster recovery (from 2003 and 2005), damage caused by the Kobe earthquake was no longer a determinant of life recovery in the 2005 model. It was still one of the major determinants in the 2003 model as it was in 1999 and 2001. This is the first time in the history of disaster research that the entire recovery process has been scientifically described. It can be utilized as a resource and provide benchmarks for monitoring the recovery from future disasters. <strong>Fig. 4.</strong> Ethnographical meaning of “life recovery” obtained from the 5th year review of the Kobe earthquake by the City of Kobe. <strong>Fig. 5.</strong> Life recovery models of 2003 and 2005. 6. The Need for an Integrated Recovery Plan The recovery lessons from Kobe and other regions suggest that we need more integrated recovery plans that use physical recovery as a tool for economic recovery, which in turn helps disaster victims. Furthermore, we believe that economic recovery should be the top priority for recovery, and physical recovery should be regarded as a tool for stimulating economic recovery and upgrading social infrastructure (as shown in Fig. 6). With this approach, disaster recovery can help build the foundation for a long-lasting and sustainable community. Figure 6 proposes a more detailed model for a more holistic recovery process. The ultimate goal of any recovery process should be achieving life recovery for all disaster victims. We believe that to get there, both direct and indirect approaches must be taken. Direct approaches include: the provision of funds and goods for victims, for physical and mental health care, and for housing reconstruction. Indirect approaches for life recovery are those which facilitate economic recovery, which also has both direct and indirect approaches. Direct approaches to economic recovery include: subsidies, loans, and tax exemptions. Indirect approaches to economic recovery include, most significantly, the direct projects to restore infrastructure and public buildings. More subtle approaches include: setting new regulations or deregulations, providing technical support, and creating new businesses. A holistic recovery process needs to strategically combine all of these approaches, and there must be collaborative implementation by all the key stakeholders, including local governments, non-profit and non-governmental organizations (NPOs and NGOs), community-based organizations (CBOs), and the private sector. Therefore, community and stakeholder participation in the planning process is essential to achieve buy-in for the vision and desired outcomes of the recovery plan. Securing the required financial resources is also critical to successful implementation. In thinking of stakeholders, it is important to differentiate between supporting entities and operating agencies. Supporting entities are those organizations that supply the necessary funding for recovery. Both Japan’s national government and the federal government in the U.S. are the prime supporting entities in the recovery from the 1995 Kobe earthquake and the 2001 World Trade Center recovery. In Taiwan, the Buddhist organization and the national government of Taiwan were major supporting entities in the recovery from the 1999 Chi-Chi earthquake. Operating agencies are those organizations that implement various recovery measures. In Japan, local governments in the impacted area are operating agencies, while the national government is a supporting entity. In the United States, community development block grants provide an opportunity for many operating agencies to implement various recovery measures. As Mr. Mammen’ paper describes, many NPOs, NGOs, and/or CBOs in addition to local governments have had major roles in implementing various kinds programs funded by block grants as part of the World Trade Center recovery. No one, single organization can provide effective help for all kinds of disaster victims individually or collectively. The needs of disaster victims may be conflicting with each other because of their diversity. Their divergent needs can be successfully met by the diversity of operating agencies that have responsibility for implementing recovery measures. In a similar context, block grants made to individual households, such as microfinance, has been a vital recovery mechanism for victims in Thailand who suffered from the 2004 Sumatra earthquake and tsunami disaster. Both disaster victims and government officers at all levels strongly supported the microfinance so that disaster victims themselves would become operating agencies for recovery. Empowering individuals in sustainable life recovery is indeed the ultimate goal of recovery. <strong>Fig. 6.</strong> A holistic recovery policy model.

Abstract Introduction Sleep is influenced by a set of multilevel factors including race and ethnicity. There is overwhelming evidence supporting that sleep quality is poorer within nonwhite groups. Race-based stressors and discrimination are believed to be among the logical explanation of these widespread racial/ethnic disparities in sleep health. This study aimed to highlight the effects of discrimination on sleep related impairments among Black adults. Methods Our sample included 280 Blacks and African Americans enrolled in two NIH-funded community-based sleep studies: ESSENTIAL and MOSAIC. Participants were recruited between January 2020 and April 2022 in the New York City or Tri-State area (n=101; 36%) and South Florida (n=179; 64%). Data were gathered on demographics, sleep disturbance, activity, stress, and support using the Insomnia Severity Index (ISI), PROMIS Sleep-Related Impairment (SRI) questionnaire (short form 8a), Godin Leisure-Time Exercise questionnaire, Everyday Discrimination Scale, stressful life events experienced within the past year, and the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS). Correlation analyses were conducted among continuous variables to explore associations among sleep, activity, support, discrimination, and stress. Controlling for age, race/ethnicity, and sex, multilinear regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between stressful life event exposure, discrimination, social support, and activity on sleep impairment. Results Of the 280 participants, 63% were female (n = 177) and the mean age was 43.4 years. A total of 36% (n = 101) were from the New York City/Tri-State area, while 64% (n = 179) were from the South Florida region. Controlling for age, race/ethnicity, physical activity, non-race related stressors, social support, and sex, everyday discrimination was the strongest predictor of sleep related impairments (SRI) [β = -0.198, p &lt; 0.05]. Sex was positively associated with SRI scores [β = 0.167, p = 0.05]. On average, women reported higher SRI scores. Conclusion In this study, we found that among Blacks and African Americans in the New York City, Tri-State areas, and South Florida areas, during the Covid-19 pandemic, greater discrimination experience was associated with higher level of sleep-related impairments. Support (if any) K01HL135452, K07AG052685, R01AG072644, R01HL152453, R01MD007716, R01HL142066, R01AG067523, R01AG056031, and R01AG075007

- G.W.J. Drewes, Taufik Abdullah, Islam and society in Southeast Asia, Institute of Southeast Asian studies, Singapore, 1986, XII and 348 pp., Sharon Siddique (eds.) - Th. van den End, T.Valentino Sitoy, A history of Christianity in the Philippines. The initial encounter , Vol. I, Quezon City (Philippines): New day publishers, 1985. - R. Hagesteijn, David G. Marr, Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th centuries, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian studies and the research school of Pacific studies of the Australian National University, 1986, 416 pp., A.C. Milner (eds.) - R. Hagesteijn, Constance M. Wilson, The Burma-Thai frontier over sixteen decades - Three descriptive documents, Ohio University monographs in international studies, Southeast Asia series No. 70, 1985,120 pp., Lucien M. Hanks (eds.) - Barbara Harrisson, John S. Guy, Oriental trade ceramics in South-east Asia, ninth to sixteenth century, Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1986. 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The development of industrialized production and global sourcing has changed the marketing structure of the horticulture industry dramatically. The inherent disadvantaged resource base (soils and climate) and high production costs in the northeast United States make it difficult for growers to compete in commodity markets. Exploiting niche and value-added markets are important for the survival of northeast agriculture. Moreover, an emphasis on quality of life has created a movement towards sustainable agriculture. As a result of this movement, many programs have been initiated to promote locally grown products and to support agricultural-based economic development. The common objectives of the “locally grown” programs are to promote agricultural products produced within the region, support the local economy, and develop agricultural markets. Keys to success of a “locally grown” program are a vision, seed funding, a champion, and community, political leadership and technical support. Many innovative regional food and agriculture development programs have been initiated in New York State to support local farmers, revitalize the rural economy, promote local identity and pride, develop agri-tourism, and capture the urban markets. Some examples include the “Finger Lakes Culinary Bounty” initiated by local chefs, “Uncork New York” sponsored by the wine industry, and “Hudson Valley Harvest” and a pilot ethnic market project targeting New York City markets.

<p>This paper explores the potentials of a series of Landscape Urbanism strategies for the revitalisation of a 'shrinking city', through the construction of an armature of public spaces and the reactivation of collective activities and social encounters. Looking through a series of theoretical approaches and case studies, mostly associated with Landscape Urbanism theory, this paper looks for typical interventions in the design of public spaces in a pattern of decreased socioeconomic activities. In addition, the paper provides an original contribution in the form of a review of a Studio research project developed during a Master of Science in Architecture and Urban Design at Columbia University, New York, in 2008. In more detail, the first part of the paper introduces the theme of shrinking cities with a series of theoretical approaches and a toolkit of possible interventions. The theoretical approaches derive from a new consideration of the contemporary city in the light of its spatial morphology. This is described through an excursus of previous studies and contributions to the analysis of the urban form and to the change of state that many cities are experiencing together with the decaying of their economic activities. A few case studies, beginning with the project by Oswald Mathias Ungers on the city of Berlin, further explore the role of open, 'left over spaces' in providing opportunities for a networked system of public spaces in contemporary urban conditions. The last part of the paper introduces a series of strategies that respond to similar situations on Governors Island, in New York, and the small town of Cohoes, in the State of New York. In particular, in the case of Cohoes, the proposal looks for opportunities in the existing downtown area- and articulates a series of strategies focused on the reprogramming and conversion of the existing 'left-over' open spaces- to turn them into 'public spaces'. These mechanisms aim to trigger several micro processes within the project, in order to follow through on the shrinking pattern in a positive, ecologic way. The last part of the paper offers a critique of the theories and case studies analysed, using these case studies as a way to test the theories already reviewed. Moreover, the conclusions introduce some definitions of networks from the theory of Space Syntax. In this way, the paper offers itself as a theoretical tool for the approach to shrinking cities and their evolutionary patterns through the design of an armature of public spaces.</p>

In her pivotal work on Kuwaiti politics, Mary Ann Tétreault provides an “insider's guide” to the private and public spaces in which struggles over communal power are pursued by the government, the Parliament, and the people of Kuwait. Tétreault is careful to call her text “Stories of Democracy,” as she realizes the reflexive nature of what democracy means at different periods in history (before oil, after oil, under Iraqi occupation, in post-Liberation Kuwait); for different people in Kuwait (women, the merchants, government officials, tribal leaders, service politicians, opposition leaders); and in different contexts (the mosque, the diwaniyya or men's social club, the civic association, Parliament, the government). With this in mind, she argues that “democracy” is a “concept that ‘moves' depending on one's assumptions” (p. 3). Her basic message is that Kuwaiti politics resembles the politics of the Greek city-state, and she relies on various forms of Aristotelian comparison to explore this concept. Moreover, Tétreault illustrates that much of Kuwaiti politics resembles a high-stakes soap opera. For example, she calls the bad debt crisis “one of the longest running soap operas in Kuwaiti politics” (p. 164). In Chapter 4, she labels Kuwaiti politics “a family romance, whose grip on political actors constrains their choices” (p. 67). Toward the end of her text in chapter 8, Tétreault combines these metaphors when she observes that in the city-state that is Kuwait, politics are “the product of a domestic public life that seems all too often like life in a large and contentious family” (p. 206).

Since the founding of the Fifth Republic Paris has been rebuilt to an extent only the reconstructions of the Second Empire under Napoleon III could match. The story of its rebuilding—told by David Pinkney, Professor Emeritus of History at the University of Washington—could serve as a fable with a moral about the whole of French cultural and political life for the last twenty-five years. De Gaulle began the transformation of Paris by deregulating the building industry. The threats of that policy to the historical character of the city eventually provoked, under Giscard d’Estaing and Mitterrand, a return to the centrist practices of a state accustomed to regulation.

Our Lives are but Stories is a welcome and appealing addition to the small but valuable corpus of studies of Jewish women whose ethnic heritages, as much as their Judaism, shape their life experiences and their narratives telling of those experiences. Joining books such as Lisa Gilad's Ginger and Salt: Yemeni Jewish Women in an Israeli Town (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1989); Jael Silliman's Jewish Portraits, Indian Frames: Women's Narratives from a Diaspora of Hope (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 2001); Joelle Bahloul's Le Culte de la Table Dressée: Rites et Traditions de la Table Juive Algérienne (Paris: A. M. Métailié: Diffusion, Presses universitaires de France, 1983); Rachel Simon's Change Within Tradition Among Jewish Women in Libya (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1992); and my own Women As Ritual Experts: The Religious Lives of Elderly Jewish Women in Jerusalem (New York: Oxford University Press 1992), Schely-Newman's Our Lives are but Stories makes a substantial contribution to the study of Jewish women of Asia and North Africa.

Apresentamos, em linhas gerais, duas experiências urbanas conceitualmente diferentes, seja na maneira de criar e organizar o espaço ou no viver. Celebration uma cidade informacional com um projeto de oferecer ao consumidor-morador uma alternativa estética na união entre a tecnologia e a tradição. Empresas de grande porte oferecem e vendem o que de mais atual pode se esperar em produtos para a casa, modernos aparatos para facilitar a vida. A cidade asiática, por seu turno, oferece o conceito de Smartcity, onde a tecnologia não é oferecida em si-mesmo, mas, conectada à inteligência do morador.Palavras-chave: Geografias da Comunicação; Período Técnico Cientifico Informacional; Cidades Globais; Smartcity; comunicação urbana. ABSTRACTHere, in general, two conceptually different urban experiences, either in the way of creating and organizing the space or live. Celebration an informational city with a project to offer the consumer-dweller an aesthetic alternative to marriage between technology and tradition. Large companies offer and sell what more can be expected in current products for the home, modern devices to make life easier. The Asian city, in turn, offers the concept of Smartcity, where technology is not offered in self, but connected to the resident's intelligence. Keywords: Geographies of communication; Technical Scientific informational Period; Global Cities; Smartcity; Urban Communication. RESUMENEn línea general, presentamos dos experiencias urbanas conceptualmente diferentes, ya sea en la forma de crear y organizar el espacio o vivir. Celebration es una ciudad informacional con un proyecto para ofrecer al consumidor-habitante una alternativa estética en la unión de la tecnología con la tradición. Grandes empresas ofrecen y venden lo más actual se puede esperar de los productos para el hogar, aparatos modernos para hacer la vida más fácil. La ciudad asiática, a su vez, ofrece el concepto de Smartcity, donde la tecnología no se ofrece en si-misma, pero conectado a la inteligencia del residente.Palabras clave: Geografías de la comunicación; Periodo Técnico Científico Informacional; Ciudades Globales; Smartcity; Comunicación Urbana. ReferênciasCASTELLS, Manuel - A sociedade em Rede - A era da informação: Economia, Sociedade e Cultura. São Paulo: Paz e Terra,1999 English version CASTELLS, Manuel. The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Vol. I. Cambridge, MA; Oxford, UK: Blackwell.CELEBRATION. Disponível em http://www.celebration.fl.us/town-info/community-profile/ . Acess in 14.10.2013.CELEBRATION COMPANY. The Official Website. 20. May 2005. http://www.celebrationfl.comCELEBRATION HEALTH. Disponível em http://www.celebrationhealth.com. Acesss in 09.10.2013.CELEBRATION NEWS. Disponível em http://www.celebration.fl.us/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/CELEBRATION-NEWS-OCT-2013-low.pdf Acesso em 20.10.2013.CENSUS 2010. Disponível em http://www.census.gov/2010census/ . Acesso em 15.10.2013.DISNEY'S UTOPIA. http://www.123helpme.com/disneys-utopia-view.asp?id=164640. Acesso em 20.10.2013.FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS, compiled by Kenny Cottrell Acesso em 05.03.2000. O site http://www.home.ptd.net/~glisman/cele2.htm está, atualmente, indisponível.FRANTZ, Douglas & COLLINS, Catherine (2000) Celebration, U.S.A.: living in Disney's brave new town. New York, Henry Holt and Company, 2000.GRUEN ,Victor: The heart of our cities: The urban crisis: diagnosis and cure, Thames and Hudson, London, 1965.HARVEY, David. Condição Pós moderna. São Paulo: Loyola, 1989. English version HARVEY, David. Post modern conditions., Wiley-Blackwell, 1992.MITCHELL, William J. & CASALEGN, Federico. Connected Sustainable Cities. MIT Mobile Experience Lab PublishingOSCEOLA COUNTY PLANNING DEPARTAMENT. Disponível em http://www.osceola.org/. Acesso em 15.10.2013. E-mail Address: oscear@magicnet.net RAINIERI, G. Metrópoles Utópicas, mas possíveis. Entrevista com Jordi Pardo. IN Revista da cultura, Ed. 60 julho de 2012, São Paulo: Livraria Cultura.ROSS, Andrew.: The Celebration Chronicles: Life, Liberty, and The Pursuit of Property Value in Disney's New Town, New York: Ballantine, 1999.SERRES, Michel. A lenda dos Anjos. São Paulo: Aleph, 1995. English version SERRES, Michel. Angels, The modern Myth. Flammarion; First UK edition (October 3, 1995).SONGDOIBD. Disponível em http://www.songdo.com . Acesso em 15.10.2013.STETSON EDUCATION. Disponível em http://www.stetson.edu/celebration. Acesso em 15.10.2013STETSON LIFELONG. Disponível em http://www.stetson.edu/administration/lifelong-learning/media/lifelong-learning-catalog-celebration.pdf . Acesso em 15.10.2013TOWNSEND, Antony M. Smart Cities: Big Data, Civic Hackers, and the Quest for a New Utopia. W. W. Norton & Company; 1 edition, 2013.WILLIAMSON , Lucy. Tomorrow's cities: Just how smart is Songdo? Disponível em http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-23757738 Acesso em 15.10.2013.WILSON, Craig. Mickey Builds a Town: Celebration Puts Disney in Reality's Realm. USA Today. 18. October 1995: 01A, 5B. Também disponível em http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/wooda/usacelebration.html. Acesso em 15.10.2013.WORKING SONGDO . Disponível em http://www.songdo.com/songdo-international-business-district/the-city/working.aspx. Acessado em: 16.10.2013.YU, J. LIFE AND IDENTITY IN SONGDO. Interview at facebook. Message to paulo.celso@facebook.com, 26/01/2014. Disponível em:Url: http://opendepot.org/2725/ Abrir em (para melhor visualização em dispositivos móveis - Formato Flipbooks):Issuu / Calameo

The arrest of Fred Trump during a Ku Klux Klan (KKK) rally in New York City in 1927 came to light during the 2016 election campaign, but no one grasped its full historical significance. This article sets this contentious episode within the larger history of the Klan and the racial contests that scarred life in the interwar metropolitan fringe to produce a new account of how racially segregated communities were formed. The article finds a decade-long contested process of overlapping layers, driven by debates over race and national identity; tense relationships between community groups; the political machinery of city, state and federal governments; competition between civic groups for access to services; and all set against a turbulent speculative world of interwar real estate. The article argues racially redlined communities were created by a decade-long grassroots battle fought from below just as much as they were imposed from above by political decision-makers.

The ultimate objective of newborn screening for sickle cell disease should be twofold. The first essential step is the identification of the infants at risk. This has been effectively done in New York state as of 1975 through the New York State Newborn Screening Program. However, identifying these children is not enough. Second is the much more complicated task of providing comprehensive follow-up care for families whose children are affected by the disease, including the much needed psychosocial services. This area continues to be sorely neglected. The increased risk of death due to overwhelming infection in the first 3 years of life for children with sickle cell disease has been noted in the literature. When there is no specialized care, 15% to 20% do not survive. Therefore, it is essential for knowledgeable staff to make contact and begin to develop a trusting relationship as soon as possible with parents of infants born with sickle cell disease. Prophylactic penicillin and pneumococcal vaccination can reduce mortality during the early years. Family involvement with a consistent, available team of health care providers is pivotal in understanding this chronic illness and coping effectively with this extraordinary stress. Our staff is available by telephone for consultations with patients or other medical staff during clinic and emergency room visits and hospitalizations. One element that is clear in our experience at the St Luke's-Roosevelt Hospital Sickle Cell Center in New York City is that adjustment to this chronic illness is a lifelong process. One or two counseling sessions at the time of diagnosis are not sufficient to enable families to fully understand the information given or to realize the impact of having a child with a chronic illness.

On Memorial Day 2020, a white woman, Amy Cooper, was walking her unleashed dog in New York City. After being apprised of the leash law in that state by a man bird watching, Ms. Cooper proceeded to call the police stating an “African American man” was “threatening her life and that of her dog” (Ransom, 2020). While this event may seem unconnected to the field of social work, it is a modern example of the way white women, including those in social work, use emotionality, bureaucracy, and the law to control Black bodies. Social work has been and continues to be, responsible for policies and practices that maintain white supremacy culture and criminalize Black people.

The impact of the security state is not only seen in the political and spatial restrictions on public space and the public sphere or inscribed in militarized national borders and cities, but also in the increasing penetration of the domestic and private realm of home. These securitization practices and how they work can be exposed through an ethnographic analysis of formal institutional structures as well as the affective, discursive and bodily practices that make up and regulate everyday life. Examining securitization as a scalar set of spatial practices and social processes that interlock through a desire for ‘security’ reveals how securitization is able to keep a political stranglehold not only on poor, homeless and marginalized people who are traditionally perceived to be at risk and the target of these controls, but also on middle-class social preferences, political actions, shared feelings, and daily movements. This paper explores five of these sociospatial securitization practices including spatial enclosure, surveillance, private governance, rules and regulations, and financialization of everyday life that constrict and then redirect middle-class home life in private housing regimes in New York City.

The modern humanities increasingly tend towards interdisciplinarity, developing various methods and optics of analysis within the framework of the general main topic. Such, for example, is the study of the urban text, begun by academician V. Toporov, which gained popularity only in the 21st century. Rapid changes in the way and pace of life, technologies, science and social structure over the past 150 years require a new understanding of the process of urbanization and modern trends in urban structure and urban life. However, not only the social and applied anthropology of the city itself can be interesting, but also its representation in literary texts. The object of this research is the novel “Open City” by the modern American writer of Nigerian descent Teju Cole, in which New York, as the title itself suggests, becomes the main character and the center of the narrative. The following topics investigated by the author are distinguished in the work: the search for national and cultural identity, the existence of society in multiculturalism, the possibility of building communities that provide the individual with primary, i.e. close connections. The article concludes that the modern state of society within urban locality is best characterized by the term “anomie”, marking the social entropy and disintegration of the axiological system.

The Health Security Bill spells out the troubling answer. A National Health Board—seven people appointed by the president—will decide how much the nation can spend on health care each year. Based on that budget, the board puts price caps on premiums to limit the money paid into the health care system (pages 252, 974-977). If medical needs exceed that budget and premium money runs low, the bill requires state governments and insurers to make "automatic, mandatory, nondiscretionary reductions in payments" to doctors, nurses and hospitals are slashed, as the bill requires? New York City hospitals, which operate with only four days' cash on hand, would experience life-threatening shortages: nurses working without pay, medications withheld because of cost.

Our belief that there is a superagency that goes to work when a disaster occurs is unfounded. What does exist is a network of integrating expertise and resources that are escalated from different routine activities to cooperatively respond to one event. This paper concerns the governmental approach in one area, New York City.In the United States, federal and state laws exist to minimize the effects of disasters, by identifying measures to prevent or mitigate them, developing mechanisms to coordinate the use of resource and manpower during disasters, and by providing recovery and redevelopment following a disaster. These functions and services are coordinated to the maximum extent with comparable activities of local state and federal governments, and many voluntary private agencies. Organizational responsibility follows a bi-directional flow from federal to state to county-, city-, town- and village level, and in the reverse (Fig. 1). The roles and responsibilities depend on the type of disaster (Fig. 2) and hence the response and activity needed. Response activities include need for clothing, crisis counseling, debris removal and disposal, disease and pest control, equipment and supplies, evacuation, food provisions, fuel provisions, housing and shelter, identification and disposition of the dead, labor pools, law and order, medical care and treatment, power provision, protective measures, search and rescue, sewage control, transportation, the need to waiver codes, water provisions, and weather forecasting.

In his work, the author primarily focuses on the urban landscape and its impacts on human life. His entire documentary work is linked by a unified authorial idea. In the “Jungle City” cycle, he works with the visual counterpart of the current form of the Bratislava metropolis, full of transportation routes, dense modern development, and concrete surfaces. The means to create unexpected views of the city for him are carefully selected locations on the urban peripheries surrounded by dense vegetation – trees and wild grasses. He thus achieves a completely new view of Bratislava, in which it returns to the wilderness. The project “Quiet Sunday Afternoons in the Town by the Refinery” is the author’s reflection on the impacts of industry in the rural surroundings. The focal point is the technical structure of an oil factory, which covers a significant part of an otherwise tranquil landscape of a small Austrian town. However, through austere visual expression, Korček delivers an urgent message about the adverse impact of the factory on the ecosystem. As part of the series “Here Is Our Paradise”, which unifies the theme of lawns and trees, Korček addresses the disruption of the stereotype of urban housing estates through the small self-help interventions of their residents. While walking with a camera, he supplements these plants with various found mixtures of folk interventions placed in front of panel buildings. In the “Searching” series, he adopts the position of an observer of urban movement, consisting of figures of pedestrians in narrow rays of the low-lying sun. This time he works in the environment of New York, but unlike the previous series, he does not specify this location, only utilizing its elemental potential. Korček does not work with photographic effects; he fully utilizes the poetics of the chosen locations. He skillfully works with perspective, multiple plans, or the selection of a location. Through their specific combination, he succeeds in creating authentic images of the location, in which we still find a lot of personal fantasy.

Abstract Elder abuse is common and can deeply impact older adults who experience it. Little is known, however, about another group that may be profoundly affected: non-abusing family members, friends, and neighbors, referred to as “concerned persons”. We describe the initial experience of the first telephone helpline in the U.S. devoted to supporting these concerned persons. The New York City Elder Abuse Center developed a Concerned Persons Helpline to assist concerned persons and alleged victims in New York State. Using this frontline call data, we examined characteristics of concerned persons, circumstances surrounding alleged abuse, and interventions offered. Overall, the helpline received 864 total calls (16.6 calls per week) over a one-year period between 10/1/20 to 9/31/21. An initial subset of 149 logged calls were used for this exploratory analysis. Concerned persons most commonly reported that an older adult in their life was suffering from financial exploitation (28.9% of all callers), followed by caregiver neglect (26.2%), with 42.2% reporting poly-victimization. Relationship of callers to alleged victims was most commonly non-abusing adult child (37.6%), followed by other relatives (13.4%), friends (12.8%), and neighbors (10.0%). An adult child was also the most commonly reported perpetrator (36.9%). A large proportion of alleged victims suffered from cognitive impairment and/or physical disabilities (55.7%). Intervention provided included referrals to social services, civil and legal services, victim assistance programs, and caregiver counseling programs. Developing resources to support concerned persons should continue to be a research and practice priority in elder abuse.

Bike-ride sharing systems are the new generation of traditional bike rentals, where the entire process is automated. A user rents a bike from one location and returns it at another location. There are more than 500 bike-ride sharing systems around the world, consisting of more than 500,000 bikes. Bike-ride sharing systems are typically found in urban and large cities such as Boston, N.Y. City, Washington DC, Paris, Montreal, and Barcelona. Bike-ride sharing is particularly important due to their important impact on traffic, environment, and health. As popular as bike-ride sharing systems are, there is a lack of a reliable model to forecast (predict) bike rental demand daily. Lack of available bikes constitutes an inconvenience to individuals seeking a bike at a certain location and a loss of revenues for companies operating the bikes. This paper develops a Machine Learning (ML) model (algorithm) to forecast (predict) the number of bikes rented daily based on historical data. Moreover, the model overlays environmental and seasonal settings to study their impact on bike rental demand. We test our ML model using a real-life dataset obtained from a local bike-ride sharing company in the City of Boston in the state of Massachusetts in the United States. We also applied the model to historical dataset from New York City (NYC). In both cases, the model is accurate and reliable.

Background: Measles can cause miscarriages and preterm birth in nonimmune pregnant women. During the 2018–2019 measles outbreak in New York, a woman with measles delivered an extremely low birth weight preterm infant at our Women and Children’s Hospital. We describe our measles preparedness strategies and infection prevention and control (IPC) management relevant to congenital measles. Methods: Because of the measles outbreak, in Q4 2018, IPC verified measles immunity in all obstetric and pediatric staff, per state regulations, and recommended determining the measles immune status of all pregnant women. To prevent measles exposure, visitor restrictions for the neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) were implemented (May 2019); only 3 visitors were permitted for each infant, including parents. All visitors had to provide written documentation of immunity to measles, regardless of epidemiologic risk factors or receive an MMR vaccine prior to visiting. New York state and New York City health departments performed measles diagnostic testing for maternal and infant specimens. Results: Our hospital was informed of the imminent transfer of a woman in preterm labor with suspected measles. To avoid any exposure, the mother was masked in the ambulance bay and taken by commandeered elevator to the obstetrical operating room suite, which was cleared of other patients. She delivered by C-section and was transferred to an airborne infection isolation (AII) room. The 25-week-gestation infant was transported by isolette to the NICU and was placed on AII. Testing confirmed measles in the mother (measles PCR- and IgM-positive) and congenital measles in the infant (Table 1). The mother was allowed to visit the NICU when her respiratory symptoms and rash resolved, as confirmed by her provider, ~10 days after discharge. The infant never developed a rash, pneumonia, or neurologic findings. AII was discontinued on day of life 61 in consultation with the health departments. The infant was discharged at ~36 weeks gestation. No secondary cases of measles occurred among patients, visitors, or staff. Conclusions: We safely cared for an extremely preterm infant with congenital measles. Laboratory testing suggested prolonged presence of measles virus, but it is unknown how long an infant in the NICU should remain on AII. The current Council of State and Territorial Epidemiologists case definition for measles requires the presence of rash. This case provides support to revise this case definition if laboratory findings are consistent with congenital measles.Funding: NoneDisclosures: None

Over the last few years, an emergent body of International Relations scholarship has taken an interest in the rise of global cities and the challenges they bring to existing geographies of power. In this article, I argue that a focus on race and empire should be central to this literature. Using the Grenfell Tower fire in London as a starting point, the article shows that global cities are part of a historical and ongoing imperial terrain. From London to New York, São Paulo to Cape Town, Singapore to Cairo, the ‘making’ of global cities has typically gone hand in hand with racialized forms of displacement, dispossession and police violence. Drawing on the literature on racial capitalism, as well as Aimé Césaire’s image of the ‘boomerang’, I show that these strategies build on practices of urban planning, slum administration and law-and-order policing long experimented with in the (post)colonies. By examining the colonial dimensions of what many assume to be a strictly national problem for the welfare state, the article thus reveals global cities as part of a much wider cartography of imperial and racial violence. This not only calls into question the presentism of scholarship that highlights the ‘newness’ of neoliberal urbanism. In demonstrating how global cities and colonial borderlands are bound together through racial capitalism, it also exposes the positionality of scholars and policymakers that seek to counter the violence of neoliberalism with a nostalgic return to the post-1945 welfare state. As the Grenfell fire revealed, the global city is less a new type of international actor or governance structure than an extension and reconfiguration of the domestic space of empire.

Gelare Khoshgozaran, a Los Angeles–based multidisciplinary artist, gave her initial performance of “UNdocumentary” as part of the welcome to what we took from is the state exhibition at Queens Museum in New York City. This performance entailed a reading, by the artist and audience members, of Khoshgozaran's original declaration of asylum to the US government. When this produced empathetic and, in Khoshgozaran's words, “depressed” reactions from the audience, Khoshgozaran altered the performance, rewriting the document to reflect how she understands her life trajectory, as opposed to what queer asylum seekers are expected to produce to become subjects of and legible to empire. The next iteration of the performance is a refusal of legibility and empathy for a life narrative she, in some ways, lived, but simultaneously did not identify with. This article argues that the revised performance of “UNdocumentary” interrupts heteronormative space and time, crafting a queer otherwise world where relationality is pushed out of the realm of identification, inviting a bond forged through opacity rather than the violence of transparency.

ABSTRACT Esther J. Walls (1926–2008) was a Black librarian born in Mason City, Iowa, who sought social justice in her home state before making her belief in equity and literacy the touchstone of her significant career. Walls worked at the New York Public Library and other important institutions, including appointments to prominent organizations’ committees and boards that recognized her deep knowledge and commitment to service. While earning her master’s degree in library science from Columbia University in 1951 and for years afterward, Walls brought Black culture into the Harlem Branch library and brought the library and its resources into the Harlem community, a then-radical act of information-sharing. New technologies and artifacts from her travels to Africa formed the basis for programs and community conversations. In 1963 she led an American Library Association (ALA) Young Adult Services Division (YASD, now YALSA) committee that created African Encounter: A Selected Bibliography of Books, Films, and Other Materials for Promoting an Understanding of Africa Among Young Adults. Her distinguished career included appointments as director of the US Secretariat to promote UNESCO’s International Year of the Book in 1972 and, in the early 1990s, an appointment to the advisory board for the Center for the Book at the Library of Congress.

Artykuł przedstawia część pierwszą korespondencji Eileen i Floriana Znanieckich, znajdującej się w Archiwum Fundacji Kościuszkowskiej w Nowym Jorku. Pokazuje ona wiele nieznanych wątków z życia Znanieckich, a zwłaszcza Floriana – jednego z najsłynniejszych polskich socjologów, profesora Uniwersytetu Poznańskiego, który wiele lat pracował w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki. Prezentowana edycja obejmuje listy ze Stefanem Piotrem Mierzwą, który w języku angielskim używał nazwiska Stephen Peter Mizwa, oraz z Edith Brahmall Cullis-Williams. Mierzwa był założycielem Fundacji Kościuszkowskiej, długoletnim dyrektorem wykonawczym fundacji, a w końcu jej prezesem. Dzięki swojej działalności na rzecz kulturalnego i naukowego zbliżenia Polski i Ameryki stał się jedną z najbardziej rozpoznawalnych postaci w życiu Polonii amerykańskiej w XX w. Cullis-Williams była założycielką i prezeską Polskiego Instytutu Sztuk Pięknych i Literatury w Nowym Jorku i znaną w środowisku amerykańskim polonofilką. W zasobach archiwalnych Fundacji Kościuszkowskiej przetrwały kopie listów Mierzwy pisanych do Znanieckich. Kopie listów Cullis-Williams nie zachowały się w tej kolekcji, ale choćby te, wysłane do niej przez Eileen, prezentowane w niniejszej edycji, doskonale uzupełniają obraz amerykańskich relacji i powiązań towarzyskich małżeństwa Znanieckich, jakie wyłania się z innych źródeł. Chronologicznie listy obejmują okres 1923–1940 i pokazują początki współpracy Znanieckiego z Fundacją Kościuszkowską, wnoszą trochę nowego światła do obecności Znanieckiego w Nowym Jorku w latach 1931–1933 oraz do pierwszych miesięcy pobytu poznańskiego socjologa w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki w 1940 r. Polish-American traces of cooperation. The correspondence of Eileen and Florian Znaniecki in the archival collections of the Kościuszko Foundation in New York, part 1 The article presents the first part of the correspondence of Eileen and Florian Znaniecki, which is located in the Archives of the Kosciuszko Foundation in New York. It shows many unknown threads from the life of Znaniecki family, especially Florian – one of the most outstanding Polish sociologist, a professor at the University of Poznań, who worked for many years in the United States of America. The presented edition includes letters with Stefan Piotr Mierzwa, who used the name Stephen Peter Mizwa in English, and Edith Brahmall Cullis-Williams. Mierzwa was the founder of the Kościuszko Foundation, a long-term executive director of the foundation, and finally its president. Thanks to his activities for the cultural and scientific rapprochement between Poland and America, he became, if not one of the most important figures in the life of American Polonia in the twentieth century, so certainly among the New York State Poles. Cullis-Williams was the founder and president of the Polish Institute of Arts and Literature in New York City and a well known American polonophile in the American environment. The archives of the Kościuszko Foundation have survived copies of Mierza’s letters written to Znaniecki. Copies of Cullis-Williams letters have not been preserved in this collection, but even those sent to her by Eileen, presented in this edition, perfectly complement the picture of American relationships and social relations of the Znaniecki marriage emerging from other sources. Chronologically, the letters cover the period 1923–1940 and show the beginnings of Znaniecki's cooperation with the Kosciuszko Foundation. What is more, the collection brings a little new light to Znaniecki’s presence in New York in 1931–1933 and the first months of the Poznań sociologist’s stay in the United States of America in 1940.

The increased survival of children who have sickle cell disease is primarily due to state-of-the-art improvements in general pediatric medical care with particular emphasis on the management of the infectious complications that occur. Studies reported from New York City, Los Angeles, New Haven, and Jamaica clearly demonstrate the calendar era change in survival that has occurred during the 1970s and 1980s, and the greatest improvement is found among those children who have sickle cell anemia. The accurate identification of the specific hemoglobinopathy at or near birth provided the foundation for these studies documenting infant and young child mortality. In Africa, Molineaux et al and Fleming et al reported an epidemiologic investigation subsequent to a cord blood diagnosis program initiated in Garke, Nigeria, in 1976. A total of 534 infants were screened for major hemoglobinopathies, and 11 babies with SS and 125 babies with AS were identified. Minimal medical care was available for follow-up of the children. On entry to the school program at 5 years of age, the same population from the same small rural town was restudied. Only one child of 439 was found to have sickle cell anemia but 133 were AS. The inescapable conclusion was that the African babies with SS had died during early childhood, contributing disproportionate numbers to the high infant and childhood mortality in Nigeria. Not until Dr Fleming and the investigators of the British Medical Research Council had performed a cord blood hemoglobinopathy surveillance program was the incidence of sickle cell anemia and its effect on childhood mortality in Nigeria documented.

Advances in functional neurosurgery, including neuromodulation and more recently ultrasonic ablation of basal ganglia structures, have improved the quality of life for patients with debilitating movement disorders. What is little known, however, is that both of these neurosurgical advances, which remain on the cutting edge, have their origin in the pioneering work of Russell Meyers, whose contributions are documented in this paper. Meyers' published work and professional correspondence are reviewed, in addition to documents held by the Department of Neurosurgery at the University of Iowa. Meyers was born in Brooklyn, New York, and received his neurosurgical training at hospitals in New York City under Jefferson Browder. In 1939, a chance encounter with a young woman with damaged bilateral ventral striata convinced Meyers that the caudate could be resected to treat Parkinsonism without disrupting consciousness. Shortly thereafter, he performed the first caudate resection for postencephalitic Parkinsonism. In 1946, Meyers became the first chairman of neurosurgery at the State University of Iowa (now the University of Iowa), which led to the recruitment of 8 faculty members and the training of 18 residents during his tenure (1946–1963). Through collaboration with the Fry brothers at the University of Illinois, Meyers performed the first stereotactic ultrasonic ablations of deep brain structures to treat tremor, choreoathetosis, dystonia, intractable pain, and hypothalamic hamartoma. Meyers left academic neurosurgery in 1963 for reasons that are unclear, but he continued clinical neurosurgery work for several more years. Despite his early departure from academic medicine, Meyers' contributions to functional neurosurgery provided a lasting legacy that has improved the lives of many patients with movement disorders.

Abstract Black transness has been marked and made broken by necropolitical systems of power. Theories and politics of and for black trans women have often prioritized a rejection of or confrontation with this “state of brokenness,” as poet Nat Raha terms it. Visual artist Tourmaline offers a different relationship with brokenness in her call to “come undone,” whereby those who are “broken” can gather their broken pieces together not to heal but to give and share one's pieces with another. This essay engages Tourmaline's Salacia (2019), a film about the life of Mary Jones, a black trans sex worker who became infamous in 1836 following her arrest in New York City, as producing a black trans aesthetic of brokenness. Using a collage style of placing distinct frames upon frames, Tourmaline mixes speculative retellings of Jones's life alongside archival footage of Latina trans activist Sylvia Rivera to create an image built from the pieces and fragments of the trans archive. This aesthetic of brokenness offers an aestheticization of Saidiya Hartman's “critical fabulation” that holds and cares for black transness, a practice of gathering and being-with and being-for.

A highly symbolic confrontation occurred in a New York City courtroom on October 21, 1918. On the witness stand was Jacob Abrams, a thirty-two year old Russian immigrant, an alien, a Jew, a dedicated anarchist. On the bench sat Henry DeLamar Clayton, Jr., a sixty-one year old federal judge, a man who had represented Alabama in Congress for eighteen years, and who was an ardent Wilsonian progressive. Abrams, who came from Uman, a village near Odessa, had landed at Ellis Island in 1908. He worked as a bookbinder, and lived, in 1918, in a teeming, largely Jewish ghetto in East Harlem. Clayton's ancestors had emigrated to the colonies before the American Revolution. A fifth-generation American, he had lived, for most of his life, on his plantation near Eufala, a small town on the west bank of the Chattahoochee River. Now, Clayton was questioning the witness and Abrams was defending his anarchist beliefs. ‘This Government was built on a revolution’, Abrams said, ‘…When our forefathers of the American Revolution—’ That was as far as he got. ‘Your what?’ Judge Clayton interrupted. ‘My forefathers’, Abrams replied. ‘Do you mean to refer to the fathers of this nation as your forefathers?’ Clayton asked. Abrams said that indeed he did, that ‘we are all a big human family’ and ‘those that stand for the people, I call them father'. But the judge had made his point, and the jury had no doubt gotten it.

Background/Context Although millions of undocumented students are enrolled in and guaranteed free public K—12 education, their postsecondary education opportunities are stifled. Some of the barriers encountered by undocumented students include discriminatory public policies, limited availability of information and insensitive college choice processes, and fear of immigration status disclosure. Research Question The research question that guided this study was: How, if at all, do undocumented students experience microaggressions during their college choice process ? Research Participants A total of 15 undocumented immigrants were interviewed and consisted of 10 females and 5 males. Twelve identified as Latina/o and 3 as Asian. Two participants never enrolled in postsecondary education. Of the 13 participants who enrolled in postsecondary education, 12 enrolled in a New York State public institution (one attended a public out-of-state university). Nine of the interviewees initially attended a four-year college, and 4 originally enrolled in a two-year institution. Research Design This qualitative phenomenological study included in-depth semistructured interviews with 15 undocumented students who attended New York City high schools. Findings The findings identify nine themes in the area of microaggressions that research participants faced during their college choice process: discriminatory financial aid policies, restricted college choice information, constrained life opportunities, denial of college opportunities, insensitive behaviors, insensitive college choice processes, narrowed college expectations, fear of coming out, and undocumented immigrant blindness. Every respondent who participated in our study encountered multiple episodes of these microaggressions in their college choice process. We found that the participants faced cumulative and negative messages, behaviors, and environmental cues that pervaded their college choice process. Also, seemingly well-intentioned institutional agents often delivered many of the microaggressions encountered by students. Conclusions The authors conclude the need to eliminate discriminatory postsecondary education policies that shape the educational journeys of undocumented students. Also, they challenge education institutional agents to create environments and processes that better address undocumented students’ college access needs.

Today, more than 3.9 billion people live in urban areas, that is, more than 54% of the world population. According to scientists from New York State University, urbanization will continue in the coming years, increasing the urban population to 6.0 billion. people by 2045 A significant increase in the urban population increases the demand for energy, mobility, water and other urban services in cities. Therefore, cities should become smarter in providing urban services. In addition, cities are the largest environmental pollutants responsible for more than 80% of greenhouse gas emissions, 75% of waste generation and 70% of global energy consumption. Due to global awareness of the negative impacts of such pollution on the environment, cities are under greater pressure to improve environmental performance while improving the level of services. All these trends converge at the moment when a new trend is being formed: digitalization. The growing demand for sustainable, comprehensive, reliable and efficient urban service puts enormous pressure on our urban infrastructure, but digitalization provides a powerful tool for solving these issues and creates a paradigm shift in our concept of cities – creating the Smart City concept. The use of information technologies in the management of a modern city has long been relevant. Since the 2000s, progressive companies have mentioned Smart City as an effective way to manage urban resources and recommended it for use by officials. However, then it is only possible to talk about it, and today every city that considers itself modern wants to be Smart City. It is also worth introducing smart technologies in the public administration sector, and not only in the field of infrastructure, security and tourism. This is due to both the globalization processes, the increase in the population in cities and the growing role of the cities themselves and the systematic growth of urbanization, and the change in the role of the city itself – their transformation into modern information centres using information and communication technologies in many spheres of life of residents. Modern cities face constant contradictions every day: the combination of social attractiveness of the city and the comfort of residents' living, the rapid growth of production and environmental norms and the growth of industrial waste, transport and production infrastructure and modern information technologies. At the same time, it is worth noting that cities are the driving engines of the economy, platforms for creating and implementing social innovations, technological innovations, centres of education and culture. Smart cities today become the basis of social progress and economic growth, as information technologies help transform traditional functions in the classical sense through the use of smart technologies. These technologies make it possible to solve the problems that arise and qualitatively change the system of the city administration. As a result, conditions for the development of each resident of the community and the city as a whole are ensured. Smart decisions of the city authorities produce an increase in the value of the city itself due to additional emerging opportunities, as well as increasing the investment attractiveness of the city itself. The growth of modern solutions using the latest technologies, primarily in the field of municipal management, increases the efficiency of resource use, ensures the development of economic potential, the launch of new individual business areas, and also improves the quality and comfort of citizens' living in the city. At the same time, modern city development and management systems should include smart technologies and information systems for the transformation of life in urban processes, better management and improvement of life in the city. It is also worth noting that today with the spread of infections, such as covid-19 infection, which has become a global pandemic, the role of Smart City smart technologies is not so much in demand in the world and Ukraine in particular. The role of such technologies will increase from year to year. Also, taking into account globalization and integration processes in the world, the Smart City system has long begun to gain popularity among leading countries with developed economies and the European Union. Smart City affects both everyday life in the city and the sphere of state and local administration, public safety, industry, transport, ecology, medicine, energy, mobility and other spheres of life of citizens, both at the national and local levels. Keywords: globalization, smart technologies, digitalization, digitalization, development, Smart City.