Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Christianity – Haiti”

This essay uses ethnographic research conducted among Haitian Protestants in the Bahamas in 2005 and 2012 plus internet resources to document the belief among Haitian Protestants (Haitians who practice Protestant forms of Christianity) that Haiti supposedly made a pact with the Devil (Satan) as the result of Bwa Kayiman, a Vodou ceremony that launched the Haitian Revolution (1791–1803). Vodou is the syncretized religion indigenous to Haiti. I argue that this interpretation of Bwa Kayiman is an extension of the negative effects of the globalization of American Fundamentalist Christianity in Haiti and, by extension, peoples of African descent and the Global South.

The convergence of African religion and Christianity in the Atlantic world has inspired some of the most significant and most analyzed examples of syncretism in the study of religion. Scholarly discussions of these phenomena, however, tend to portray religions like Vodou in Haiti and Candomblé in Brazil as mergers of various Euro-Christian and ‘‘traditional’’ African elements that chiefly result from processes of cognitive ideation, thereby blurring the integrative somatic dimensions of religious syncretism. Modes of embodying knowledge, power, and morality are thus largely absent from the discussion of religious syncretism in Haitian Vodou and Catholicism, as well as other contact-cultural religions, whose congregational and performance spaces now span national boundaries. Drawing upon the historiography of Kongolese and Haitian religion, and on our multi-site ethnographic research among religious communities in Haiti, to think about religious syncretism in the African diaspora, this paper focuses on two key metaphors of mimetic knowledge and embodiment, mare and pwen (tying and point), arguing that they are both fundamental processes in Haitian religious syncretism and essential tropes for understanding Haitian Vodou and Catholicism, processes that are of predominantly Central African, and especially Kongolese, origin.

A necessidade de uma "nova" evangelização se impõe diante do desafio de manter sempre viva e atual a novidade do Evangelho. Para remeter à origem da expressão, comumente refere-se a um discurso de João Paulo I I em uma Assembléia do Conselho Episcopal Latino-Americano, realizada no Haiti, em 1983. No entanto, "nova evangelização" é uma categoria que aparece já na Conferência de Medellín (1968), para expressar a exigência de levar adiante a renovação do Concilio Vaticano II (1962-1965), através de um novo modelo de pastoral: passar de uma "pastoral de conservação", com ênfase na sacramentalização (de cristandade), para uma pastoral transformadora, com ênfase na evangelização (de pós-cristandade). No entanto, a tradução mais fiel da exigência evangélica de que - para novos tempos, uma nova evangelização - , é a expressão "conversão pastoral", formulada pela Conferência de Santo Domingo (1992) e retomada na Conferência de Aparecida (2007). Ela acena para a superação de modelos de pastoral ultrapassados pela renovação do Concilio Vaticano I I e pela tradição latino-americana e que configuram, hoje, modelos de uma evangelização caduca no tempo e no espaço. ABSTRACT: The necessity for a "new" evangelization appears before the challenge of keeping alive and always current the novelty of the Gospel. To remember the origin of the expression, one commonly refers to a speech by John Paul I I in a Meeting of the Latin American Episcopal Council, held in Haiti, in 1983. However, "the new evangelization" is a category which already appears i n the Conference of Medellin (1968), to express the requirement to carry forward the renewal of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), through a new pastoral model: to pass from a "pastoral" of conservation, w i t h an emphasis on sacramentalization (of Christianity), to a pastoral of transformation, w i t h an emphasis on pastoral evangelization (post-Christianity). However, the most accurate translation of the evangelical requirement that - f o r new times, a new evangelization-, is the expression "pastoral conversion", formulated by the Santo Domingo Conference (1992) and incorporated in the Conference of Aparecida (2007). It beckons for overcoming of outdated pastoral models by the renewal of the Second Vatican Council and by the Latin American tradition and that configure, today, models of an evangelization lost in time and space.

To explore Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s rise from obscure rural Haiti to become the nation’s first democratically elected president—by a landslide—is to enter into a world and a swirl of events that reads like surreal fiction or magical realism. As a Catholic priest (Salesian order), Aristide was fueled by the religio-socialist principles of liberation theology, which emerged as a significant force in Latin America primarily in the 1970s and 1980s, forcefully and vocally advocating for the masses of Haitian poor mired in deeply-entrenched disenfranchisement and exploitation. As a charismatic spokesperson for the popular democratic movement in Haiti during an era of entrenched dictatorship and repressive violence, Aristide boldly confronted the “four-headed monster” of the Haitian power structure—the army, the church hierarchy, the tontons macoutes, and the wealthy elite. His seemingly impossible escape from multiple assassination attempts, together with the power of his colorful rhetoric and his close association with urban slum dwellers and rural peasants, led to a rising “flood” (or lavalas) that invested him with an aura of Spirit, or mistik, that in either/both the Haitian-embraced tradition of Christianity or vodoun (voodoo) served to energize and greatly reassure an intense mass movement arrayed against seemingly impossible odds. This article focuses on the rise of Aristide as the embodiment and voice of Spirit among the people and does not extend into his tumultuous secular years in and out of the presidency, having been twice the victim of coups (1991 and 2004); instead it focuses primarily on the years 1985–1990 and does not enter into an assessment of Aristide as president. Aristide’s own vivid narratives of this time, segments of his sermons, and later, passages of his poetry serve to bolster the literary quality or interpretation of this brief but vividly colorful historic epoch in the Haitian experience.

Enslaved Africans and Creoles in the French colony of Saint-Domingue are said to have gathered at a nighttime meeting at a place called Bois Caïman in what was both political rally and religious ceremony, weeks before the Haitian Revolution in 1791. The slave ceremony is known in Haitian history as a religio-political event and used frequently as a source of inspiration by nationalists, but in the 1990s, neo-evangelicals rewrote the story of the famous ceremony as a “blood pact with Satan.” This essay traces the social links and biblical logics that gave rise first to the historical record, and then to the neo-evangelical rewriting of this iconic moment. It argues that the confluence of the bicentennial of the Haitian Revolution with the political contest around President Aristide’s policies, the growth of the neo-evangelical Spiritual Mapping movement, and of the Internet, produced a new form of mythmaking, in which neo-evangelicals re-signified key symbols of the event—an oath to a divine force, blood sacrifice, a tree, and group unity—from the mythical grammar of Haitian nationalism to that of neo-evangelical Christianity. In the many ironies of this clash between the political afterlife of a slave uprising with the political afterlife of biblical scripture, Haiti becomes a nation held in captivity, and Satan becomes the colonial power who must be overthrown. Un groupe d’esclaves africains et créoles se seraient réunis une nuit à Bois Caïman, dans la colonie française de Saint-Domingue. L’évènement qui eut lieu quelques semaines avant la révolution haïtienne de 1791 fut décrit à la fois comme un rassemblement politique et une cérémonie religieuse. Cette cérémonie organisée par des esclaves constitue un évènement politico-religieux important dans l’histoire haïtienne, une source d’inspiration fréquente pour les nationalistes. Dans les années 1990, cependant, un groupe néo évangélique réécrivit l’histoire de cette fameuse cérémonie qualifiée de “pacte sanguinaire avec Satan.” L’essai retrace donc les liens sociaux et les logiques bibliques qui ont conduit les néo évangéliques à réécrire ce moment iconique. L’essai soutient que la confluence des révoltes en réaction à la politique du Président Aristide lors du bicentenaire de la révolution haïtienne ainsi que la montée du mouvement néo évangélique, Cartographie Spirituelle, et celle de l’Internet participèrent à créer de nouveaux mythes: les néo évangéliques donnèrent un sens nouveau aux symboles clés de l’évènement —un serment à une force divine, un sacrifice sanglant, un arbre et l’union du groupe— de la grammaire mythique du nationalisme haïtien à celle de la chrétienté néo évangélique. A travers les nombreuses ironies de la confrontation entre l’héritage politique d’un soulèvement d’esclaves et l’héritage politique des Saintes Ecritures, Haïti devient une nation tenue en captivité, et Satan, le pouvoir colonial qu’il faut renverser.

The present study aims to analyze important features of the heroes who fought the Germanic wars of antiquity, starting from Old German words that have been preserved until today in the names of individuals. Thus, in both German first names and surnames, we find the following appellatives from the semantic sphere of war and weapons (ēra ”honour”, gund, hadu, hiltja, wīg ”war”, sigu ”victory”, ask ”ash pike”, brant ”sword”, gēr ”spear”, helm ”helmet”), wild animals (wolf ”wolf”, bero ”bear”, arn ”eagle”, ebur ”boar”, falco ”falcon”), the sovereign (burg ”fortress”, fridu ”protection against weapons”, rīhhi ”ruler, power”, thiot ”people”), as well as adjectives that refer to the attributes of warriors (adal ”distinguished, noble, chosen”, beraht ”bright”, kuoni ”brave”, liob ”kind, dear”, māri ”famous”, trūt ”close, beloved”) (e.g. Erhard, Gunter, Hilger, Siegbert, Wighard; Aschwin, Gerhard, Helmut; Wolfgang, Bernhard, Eberhard; Adalbert, Konrad, Liebward, Dietmar, Trudbert and others). The work also presents the most frequent surnames of Germanic origin in Germany (2005) and Transylvania (1935). With the weakening of gentile and tribal organizations, and with the advent of Christianity, many names of Germanic origin in the German language were replaced by names of saints and names from the New Testament.

In September 1829, David Walker published the first edition of his Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World, a pamphlet that became a stirring call to arms for both slaves and free blacks alike. Walker's audience was blacks in the United States and his aim was to foster black unity and education, combat racial stereotypes, and make the case for the abolition of slavery. Like most abolitionists, black and white, Walker hoped that the end of slavery could come about through peaceful means. Unlike most other abolitionists, however, Walker openly called for slaves to violently resist their bondage, stating, “it is no more harm for you to kill a man, who is trying to kill you, than it is for you to take a drink of water when thirsty.” While advocates of pacifism and nonviolence often based their positions on their Christian faith, it was Walker's Christianity which lent support to his calls for revolutionary violence. “Does the Lord condescend to hear their cries and see their tears in consequence of oppression?” he asked. “Will he let the oppressors rest comfortably and happy always? Will he not cause the very children of the oppressors to rise up against them, and oftimes to put them to death?” Walker firmly believed that God would have his vengeance on blacks’ oppressors and that the vehicles for that vengeance might very well be the slaves themselves.

Toute coexistence religieuse peut être facteur de conflits religieux ou symbole de respect de liberté, de tolérance ou de vivre ensemble, dépendamment de la façon dont elle est comprise, ou de la nature des religions coexistantes. Même quand chaque religion partage une vision du monde différente par rapport aux autres, on constate que la coexistence entre religions révélées (christianisme, islam, judaïsme – et bouddhisme dans certains cas) est plus facile, car ces religions partagent d’une façon ou d’une autre certaines valeurs communes. Par contre, il est très difficile de concevoir une logique de dialogue entre des religions dites « révélées » et des religions traditionnelles. Pourtant, la rencontre du christianisme avec des cultures religieuses traditionnelles africaines montre que malgré les difficultés, il y a possibilité d’avoir des échanges fructueux aussi avec les religions traditionnelles. Dans le contexte haïtien, la rencontre du christianisme avec le vaudou ne laisse pas toujours la possibilité aux observateurs d’entrevoir que la religion est signe de paix et de cohésion sociale. Étant donné que leur antagonisme se caractérise souvent par des facteurs comme l’intolérance, l’irrespect de la liberté de l’autre, etc., le problème est surtout dans la gestion des rapports religieux. Néanmoins, dans certains cas où les intérêts religieux sont traités en second plan, il y a lieu de constater que le tableau de la coexistence religieux haïtien est riche en symbole de paix et de compréhension mutuelle. Donc, ce travail de recherche cherche à comprendre la conception que le christianisme se fait du vaudou et vice versa, dans le but de voir avec exactitude les facteurs de divergences acceptables (et non acceptables) et ceux qui pourraient être à la base d’un éventuel dialogue interreligieux entre christianisme et vaudou dans le contexte haïtien. Pour améliorer les rapports entre adeptes du vaudou et chrétiens en Haïti, ce travail propose des méthodes pouvant aboutir à un vivre ensemble religieux pacifié, plus tolérant et d’une connaissance réciproque et intelligente de l’autre. Le but du dialogue présenté n’est pas que le christianisme et le vaudou travaillent ensemble à tous les points de vue, ni même qu’ils s’acceptent complètement, il s’agit plutôt d’une proposition d’une vie commune dans la paix, sans calomnies et stéréotypes réciproques
Any religious coexistence can be a factor of religious conflict or symbol of respect for freedom, tolerance or live together, depending on the way in which it is included, or the nature of the religions in coexistence. Even when each religion shares a vision of the world different compared to the other, it is found that the coexistence between religions (Christianity, Islam and Judaism - and Buddhism in some cases) is more effective, because these religions share in one way or another some common values. On the other hand, it is constantly difficult to conceive of a pluralistic approach in a logic of dialogue between revealed religions and traditional religions. Yet, the meeting of Christianity with traditional African religious cultures shows that despite the difficulties, there is a possibility to have fruitful exchanges also with the traditional religions. In the context of Haiti, the meeting of Christianity with the voodoo does not leave always the possibility for observers to foresee that the religion is a sign of peace and social cohesion. Given that their antagonism is often characterized by factors such as intolerance, the disrespect of the freedom of the other, etc., the problem is especially in the management of religious relationships. Nevertheless, in some cases where the religious interests are treated in the second plan, it has to be noted that the coexistence of these religions in Haiti can be rich in symbol of peace and mutual understanding. Therefore, this research work seeks to understand the design of Christianity from the perspective of voodoo and vice versa, in the aim to see with accuracy the factors of acceptable (and inacceptable) differences and those that could be the basis of a possible interreligious Dialogue between Christianity and Voodoo in the Haitian context.To improve the relationship between the followers of the voodoo and Christians in Haiti, this work finally proposes some methods that can lead to a peaceful religious coexistence, toward more tolerant and a reciprocal knowledge and intelligent approach to the other. The goal of the dialogue presented in this dissertation is neither that Christianity and the Voodoo should work together in all points of view, nor even that they completely recognize mutually their belief, it is rather a proposal for a common life in peace, without slander and reciprocal stereotypes

This chapter elaborates postcolonial homophobia by tracing the long-term effects of the circulation of the transnational imperialist discourse of Haiti as the perverse premodern land of voodoo. The widespread circulation of these racist representations of Haiti during and after the U.S. occupation generated interest in U.S. missionary work. Evangelical Christianity introduced a kind of religious homophobia to Haiti that has dramatically shifted sexual politics and negatively impacted the material conditions of same-sex-desiring and gender-creative Haitians. This chapter reviews the religious sexual politics of Vodou, Catholicism, and Protestantism to highlight the significance of this shift.

This chapter analyzes an emergent social movement by and for LGBT Haitians that coalesced around a shared commitment to challenging homophobia. I mark this emergence as the International Day Against Homophobia (IDAHO) events in 2012, when a variety of organizations—focused on health, advocacy, and activism—collaborated on a 300-person conference against “omofobi” (homophobia) in Haiti. These organizations had different frameworks for theorizing homophobia and enacting antihomophobic politics that came into relief in response to Christian demonstrations against same-sex marriage in 2013. The chapter focuses on the relationship between two collaborating organizations—Fondasyon SEROvie and Kouraj—to trace debates about homophobia in Haiti connected to the influences of evangelical Christianity the global LGBTQI.