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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Christian saints – England"
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Spenciner, David B., i Theodore Dziemianowicz. "Survey of the Early (pre-1000 AD) Use of Christian Saints’ Names and Images on European Coins". KOINON: The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies 6 (14.12.2023): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/k.v6i.2348.
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While the very earliest appearance of a Christian Saint has been well described as Saint Michael replacing winged Liberty on gold Tremisses of Lombardy in the late 7th and early 8th Century, other saints also appeared in multiple places across Europe very soon thereafter. The study goal was to identify and categorize this very early use of Christian saint’s names and images on European coins. In total, 19 numismatic books representing ten geographic regions were analyzed and the appearance of saints, either in the inscription or as a portrait, was noted. A total of 157 coin types mentioning 19 different saints were identified as dating to before the year 1000 AD. Mints in several regions were represented, including parts of Italy, France, England, the Low Countries, and Germany/Austria, with the very first coins minted starting in Pavia and featuring both an image and the name of Saint Michael.
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Maiden, John. "‘What could be more Christian than to allow the Sikhs to use it?’ Church Redundancy and Minority Religion in Bedford, 1977–8". Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 399–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050312.
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In 1985, Faith in the City, The Church of England’s report on Urban Priority Areas, commented that Christians frequently had an excess of church buildings, while ‘people of other faiths are often exceedingly short of places in which to meet and worship’. The challenge of securing sacred space has been common to migrant groups in Britain, and during the 1970s sharing of space between national historic denominations and migrant religious groups was identified by the British Council of Churches (BCC) and its Community and Race Relations Unit as a leading issue for interreligious relations. In the case of the Church of England, ancillary parish buildings were occasionally shared with non-Christian religious congregations for limited use: for example, later that decade the church halls of All Saints, Gravelly Hill, Birmingham, were being used by Muslims and Hindus for festivals and clubs.
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Rowell, Geoffrey. "An Historical Perspective on Doctrine and Discipline in the Church of England". Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, nr 36 (styczeń 2005): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005998.
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Doctrinal discipline is a necessary concomitant of ministerial accountability and ecclesial integrity. When there is division in the Church the consequence of that division is expressed in articles or confessions of faith which, in the words of the Declaration of Assent, indicate how that Church ‘bears witness’ to the Christian Gospel and the faith once delivered to the saints.
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Scheil, Andrew P. "Anti-Judaism in Ælfric's Lives of Saints". Anglo-Saxon England 28 (grudzień 1999): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026367510000226x.
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Anti-Judaism existed in Anglo-Saxon England without the presence of actual Jewish communities. The understanding of Jews and Judaism in Anglo-Saxon England is therefore solely a textual phenomenon, a matter of stereotypes embedded in longstanding Christian cultural traditions. For instance, consider the homily De populo Israhel (written between 1002 and 1005), a condensation and translation of selections from Exodus and Numbers by the prolific monk Ælfric of Eynsham (c. 955–c. 1020). The text narrates the tribulations of the Israelites in the desert: Ælfric explains that although God ‘worhte feala wundra on ðam westene’, the Israelites were ‘wiðerræde witodlice to oft’ and angered him. The intractable attitude of God's chosen people in the desert demands an explanation; why did the Israelites spurn the heaven-sent manna and long for the repasts of their Egyptian captivity? Ælfric clarifies their behaviour through a string of typological associations. He explains that the manna ‘hæfde Þa getacnunge ures Hælendes Cristes’.
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KEAR, JANET. "Three early medieval accounts of agricultural damage by wild geese". Archives of Natural History 28, nr 2 (czerwiec 2001): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2001.28.2.245.
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Three early Christian saints of England and Flanders were said to demonstrate a miraculous ability to remove wild geese from crops. An attempt is made to disentangle the religious significance of these accounts from the possibility of a real upsurge in goose visits to farmland between AD 690 and 760. The Medieval Warm Period, which started about 550, together with improved farming systems, may have increased the numbers of migratory geese in western Europe, and subsequent reports of agricultural conflict.
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Maltsev, Leonid A., i Ekaterina E. Ryabchikova. "Typology of the national image of Saints in neohagiographical novels “Helena” by Evelyn Waugh and “St. Sergius of Radonezh” by Boris Zaytsev". Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 64 (2022): 199–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2022-64-199-207.
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The paper conducts analysis and compares the images of saints in neohagiographical texts by Evelyn Waugh and Boris Zaytsev. It shows that the key moment in both novels is the subject of vocation. The image of St. Sergius and the image of St. Helena are similar not only in terms of Christian values but in “northern” type of temperament, which is expressed in such personality traits as restraint, emotional distance, asceticism. B. Zaitsev's neohagiographical text is based on the role of tradition in the Orthodox picture of the world; in E. Waugh's neohagiography the personal-subjectivist factor plays the main role. The mythological and folklore-literary contexts turn out to be significant for the image of the saint in Waugh’s story, while in Zaitsev's story it is the historical one. The key role in neohagiographical texts also belongs to the model of space with the underlying opposition centre — periphery. Cultural and civilizational factors define the principles of creating the images of saints. Helena in Waugh's understanding is a spiritual symbol of England — “queen of the seas”, — her individual symbol is an isle; St. Sergius in Zaytsev's interpretation is a representative of the “terra firma”, his symbol is a forest. St. Helena by Evelyn Waugh is the embodiment of English national character traits, western culture; St. Sergius by Zaytsev is the embodiment of Russianness, eastern culture.
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Cohen, Charles L. "The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity". Church History 72, nr 3 (wrzesień 2003): 553–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700100356.
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The proposition that, to paraphrase Carl Degler, Christianity came to British North America in the first ships, has long enjoyed popular and scholarly currency. The popular account, sometimes found today in evangelical Christian circles, holds that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries colonists erected a mighty kingdom of God whose gates the humanist barbarians have unfortunately breached. The scholarly variation derives from Perry Miller's eloquent melodrama about Puritanism's rise and fall. Miller anatomized Puritanism as a carapace of Ramist logic, covenant theology, and faculty psychology surrounding the visceral vitality of Augustinian piety, an intellectual body that grew in health and cogency in Tudor-Stuart England and then suppurated on the American strand, corrupted by internal contradictions, creeping secularism, and periwigs. Miller understood that he was describing one single Christian tradition—Reformed Protestantism of a particularly perfervid variety—but such was his narrative's majesty that his tale of New England Puritanism ramified into the story of Christianity in the colonies; in the beginning, all the world was New England, and, at the end, the extent to which the colonists had created a common Christian identity owed mightily to Puritan conceptions of the national covenant. Miller was too good a scholar to miss the pettiness of Puritan religious politics and the myriad ways in which even the founding generation of Saints failed to live up to their own best values, but his chronicle of Puritan decline parallels the popular vision that the colonial period represented the “Golden Age” of Christianity in America: the faith began on a fortissimo chord but has decrescendoed ever since. The logic of this declension scheme spotlights some historical issues while ignoring others. The central problem for declension theory is to explain how and why Christianity's vigor ebbed, whereas the creation of a Christian culture in the colonies—the erection of churches, the elaboration of governing apparatuses, the routinization of personal devotion and moral order—is made unproblematic: it just spilled out of the Mayflower and the Arbella onto Plymouth Rock and Shawmut.
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Frankfurter, David. "Where the Spirits Dwell: Possession, Christianization, and Saints' Shrines in Late Antiquity". Harvard Theological Review 103, nr 1 (styczeń 2010): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816009990290.
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With its clear-glass, brightly-lit, whitewashed interior, Harvard Divinity School's Andover Chapel reflects all the values of elite Protestant culture in New England history: quiet prayer, thoughtful sermons, an approach to God through the heart rather than the senses, and a minimum of iconic reminders that the space is Christian. And it was here, in April 2007, that this author beheld the Voudoun spirits Danbala and Ogoun arrive through several experienced mediums. The ceremony had not really been intended to call down the spirits, only to praise them in a kind of broad sampling of Haitian Voudoun songs.1 But the altar was full of their treats, the room was full, the drummers were good, the singing was loud, and the mediums were expert. So the spirits arrived: various Danbalas slithering across the floor and a very martial Ogoun huffing and puffing around the altar to get his rum. And they were greeted, with awed interest by the Harvard students, familiarity by the Haitians, and annoyed tolerance by one Adventist woman.
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Cressy, David. "The Protestant Calendar and the Vocabulary of Celebration in Early Modern England". Journal of British Studies 29, nr 1 (styczeń 1990): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385948.
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Under Elizabeth and the early Stuarts the English developed a relationship to time—current time within the cycle of the year and historical time with reference to the past—that set them apart from the rest of early modern Europe. All countries followed a calendar that was rooted in the rhythms of ancient Europe and that marked the passage of time by reference to the life of Christ and his saints. But only in England was this traditional calendar of Christian holidays augmented by special days honoring the Protestant monarch and the ordeals and deliverances of the national church. In addition to regulating the seasons of work and worship, the calendar in England served as a reminder of the nation's distinctiveness, of God's mercies, and of England's particular religious and dynastic good fortune. Other Protestant communities, most notably the Dutch, enjoyed a comparable myth of historical exceptionalism—a replay of the Old Testament—but no other nation employed the calendar as the English did to express and represent their identity. Early modern England, in this regard, had more in common with modern America, France, or Australia (with Independence Day, Bastille Day, Australia Day, etc.), than with the rest of post-Reformation Europe.This article deals with changes in calendar consciousness and annual festive routines in Elizabethan and Stuart England. It examines the rise of Protestant patriotism, and the shaping of a national political culture whose landmarks were royal anniversaries, the memory of Queen Elizabeth, and commemoration of the Gunpowder Plot. It opens a discussion on the vocabulary of celebration and the degree to which festivity was sponsored and orchestrated in the interest of national consolidation or partisan position. And it will show how calendrical observances that at first helped unite the crown and nation became contentious, politicized, and divisive.
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George, C. H. "Parnassus Restored, Saints Confounded: The Secular Challenge to the Age of the Godly, 1560–1660". Albion 23, nr 3 (1991): 409–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051110.
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The conception of English culture in the century that was brought to a climax in Cromwellian triumph and tragedy has suffered from a flatness of historical perception, one major cause of which has been insufficient recognition of the thought and esthetic creativity of nominal Christian and emphatically non-Puritan intellectuals and artists. We have concentrated too much on defining the novelties, indeed often inappreciable differences, that characterized pre-revolutionary and revolutionary Christian factionalism in England: Anglicanism, Puritanism, Sectarianism, Laudianism, and now Arminianism. I want instead to make a case for the neglected power, pervasiveness, and perdurability of varieties of secularism in the age of the Godly.Although a growing number of scholars are aware of the importance of literature to the dynamics of this astonishing epoch, the redoubtable spirit of William Haller prevails still in historical efforts to reconstitute the cultural context of that literature. The pagan bedrock laid down by a century of humanist imports is obscured by the flood of ephemeral sermons and miscellaneous religious discourse. Recent literary scholarship, on the other hand, having shaken the incubus of F. R. Leavis and not yet succumbed to post-structuralism, has given us models with which to illuminate prerevolutionary English culture: the monographs of Stephen Greenblatt, Jonathan Dollimore, and Stephen Orgel investigate the penetration of secular humanism into literature, historical writing,and popular and court theatre. They could lead us out of the fog created by the supersaturated climate of Protestant culture.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Christian saints – England"
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Brady, Jessica B. "The servant saint : Zita of Lucca and Sitha of England (1278-1550)". Thesis, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14175.
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Harrington, Jesse Patrick. "Vengeance and saintly cursing in the saints' Lives of England and Ireland, c. 1060-1215". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277930.
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This dissertation concerns the narrative and theological role of divine vengeance and saintly cursing in the saints’ Lives of England and Ireland, c. 1060-1215. The dissertation considers four case studies of primary material: the hagiographical and historical writings of the English Benedictines (Goscelin of Saint-Bertin, Eadmer of Canterbury, and William of Malmesbury), the English Cistercians (Aelred and Walter Daniel of Rievaulx, John of Forde), the cross-cultural hagiographer Jocelin of Furness, and the Irish (examining key textual clusters connected with St. Máedóc of Ferns and St. Ruadán of Lorrha, whose authors are anonymous). This material is predominantly in Latin, with the exception of the Irish material, for which some vernacular (Middle Irish) hagiographical and historical/saga material is also considered. The first four chapters (I-IV) focus discretely on these respective source-based case studies. Each is framed by a discussion of those textual clusters in terms of their given authors, provenances, audiences, patrons, agendas and outlooks, to show how the representation of cursing and vengeance operated according to the logic of the texts and their authors. The methods in each case include discerning and explaining the editorial processes at work as a basis for drawing out broader patterns in these clusters with respect to the overall theme. The fifth chapter (V) frames a more thematic and comparative discussion of the foregoing material, dealing with the more general questions of language, sources, and theological convergences compared across the four source bases. This chapter reveals in particular the common influence and creative reuse of key biblical texts, the Dialogues of Gregory the Great, and the Life of Martin of Tours. Similar discussion is made of a range of common ‘paradigms’ according to which hagiographical vengeance episodes were represented. In a normative theology in which punitive miracles, divine vengeance and ritual sanction are chiefly understood as redemptive, episodes in which vengeance episodes are fatal can be considered in terms of specific sociological imperatives placing such theology under pressure. The dissertation additionally considers the question of ‘coercive fasting’ as a subset of cursing which has been hitherto studied chiefly in terms of the Irish material, but which can also be found among the Anglo-Latin writers also. Here it is argued that both bodies of material partake in an essentially shared Christian literary and theological culture, albeit one that comes under pressure from particular local, political and sociological circumstances. Looking at material on both sides of the Irish Sea in an age of reform, the dissertation ultimately considers the commonalities and differences across diverse cultural and regional outlooks with regard to their respective understandings of vengeance and cursing.
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Bowman, Gaynor. "Edward II : England's lost saint?" Thesis, University of Kent, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.633645.
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The cult that arose around the posthumous memory of Edward Il is currently recognised but dismissed as a brief, localised aberration, dependent upon external stimulus. The subsuming understandings required to support and project an image of Edward Il as a saintly figure remain unexplored. Therefore, this thesis through a synthesis and analysis of literary and material sources, read against contemporary political, cultural and religious views, aims to identify the foundations of his alleged sanctity and assess the nature, scope and duration of his veneration. This study contends that the idea of Edward Il as a martyr developed three years after his death when it was announced that he had been murdered. The vital nucleus to this was the deeply acculturated belief in the ' inherent sanctity of an anointed king, catalysed into veneration by the abject horror of his murder. This conviction adopted a political dimension in retrospective criticism of the regime of Isabella and Mortimer, which had supplanted the rule of Edward Il and usurped the rule of Edward Ill. The understanding of Edward Il as a saintly figure who stood against the usurpation of God's order became quiescently embedded into the contemporary spiritual hierarchy, resulting in some evidence of it becoming overlooked (as perhaps in the Luttrel/ Psalter) or under evaluated. This argument is explored through fresh interpretations, some re -dating and close readings of four literary pieces. The Lament of Edward If reveals a previously undetected analogy of Edward Il as Boethius. The Vita et Mars is suggested as a hagiography for the king. The Fieschi Letter is considered as a piece of anti-English propaganda emanating from the Hundred Years War and Adam Davy's 5 Dreams about Edward If is re-contextualised as a piece of propaganda possibly written or adapted to gain support for Bishop Despenser's crusade of 1383.
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Andersen, Benjamin Joseph. "An Anglican liturgy in the Orthodox Church the origins and development of the Antiochian Orthodox liturgy of Saint Tikhon /". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2005. http://www.tren.com.
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Malo, Chenard Marianne Alicia. "Narratives of the saintly body in Anglo-Saxon England". 2003. http://etd.nd.edu/ETD-db/theses/available/etd-12022003-012945/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2003.Thesis directed by Michael Lapidge and Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe for the Department of English. "December 2003." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-288).
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St, Lawrence John Edward. "The Liber miraculorum of Simon de Montfort: contested sanctity and contesting authority in late thirteenth-century England". Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2331.
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Schoen, Jenna. "Romantic Theology: Contemplating Genre in Late Medieval England". Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-jc43-jk69.
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This dissertation explores the use of romance across religious poetry in late medieval England. Medieval devotional poems frequently borrow motifs and devices from romance; they might, for example, figure Jesus as a knight jousting with the devil or adopt the romance technique of interlace to narrate the Passion. Critics most frequently read these borrowings as a popularizing method, arguing that the poets of these religious texts turn to romance in order to appeal to their secular audience. I argue instead that late 14th century Middle English poets use romance to explore difficult theological paradoxes and Christian practices. In Pearl, the romance descriptio personae helps articulate the paradoxes of divine reward, at once hierarchical and egalitarian. In Piers Plowman, the romance incognito demonstrates the shifting and multivalent nature of the Trinity. In St. Erkenwald, the slow indulgence of romance wonder stands in contrast to God’s time, which is simultaneously immediate and drawn-out. In the Canterbury Tales, the romance parody of Thopas primes the reader for the prudential lessons of Melibee.
This dissertation adds to a growing body of scholarship that reads medieval romance, and in particular Middle English romance, as a genre that does not simply entertain audiences but also interrogates, challenges, or reiterates medieval values and ideas. However, this project adds to current scholarship by examining romance out of its native context and inside or beside religious genres instead. In the first three chapters, I argue that by triggering a romantic reading, the Middle English poems Pearl, Piers Plowman, and St. Erkenwald enact and demonstrate the conceptual difficulties of certain theological paradoxes. In these poems, romance serves as a contemplative tool by demonstrating the reader’s comprehensive limits in the face of the divine. My fourth chapter, which explores Chaucer’s romance parody Sir Thopas alongside his pedagogical treatise Melibee, instead considers the Christian virtue of prudence; here, the exaggerated romance tropes of Sir Thopas prepare the pilgrims to pay penance prudentially by feeling and contemplating time in daily Christian life. While romance does not articulate a paradox about God in Thopas-Melibee, it still prompts contemplation about a difficult Christian virtue, prudence. In all four chapters, I find that romance serves as a vehicle for spiritual contemplation because of its own modes of thinking, whether that be social, economic, or temporal. Whether romance is set within or beside devotional texts, the secular genre allows the reader to contemplate difficult Christian theology and practices and to experience them as difficult in contemplation. Romance, I argue, is a critical tool in the vernacular theologian’s toolkit.
Książki na temat "Christian saints – England"
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Stace, Christopher. St George: Patron saint of England. London: Triangle, 2002.
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Toulson, Shirley. Celtic journeys in Scotland and the north of England. London: Fount Paperbacks, 1995.
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Charles, Elizabeth Rundle. Early Christian missions of Ireland, Scotland and England. London: S.P.C.K., 1989.
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Guillaume, de Berneville, active 12th century, red. Verse Saints' lives: Written in the French of England. Tempe, Arizona: ACMRS (Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies), 2012.
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Adam, David. Flame in my heart: St. Aidan for today. London: Triangle, 1997.
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Adam, David. Flame in my heart: St Aidan for today. Harrisburg, Pa: Morehouse Pub., 1998.
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Andrew, Phillips. The hallowing of England: A guide to the saints of Old England and their places of pilgrimage. Pinner, Middlesex: Anglo-Saxon Books, 1994.
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Phillips, Andrew. The hallowing of England: A guide to the saints of Old England and their places of pilgrimage. Hockwold-cum-Wilton: Anglo-Saxon Books, 1995.
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Moss, Vladimir. The saints of Anglo-Saxon England: 9th to 11th centuries. Seattle: St. Nectarios Press, 1992.
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Wright, N. T. For all the saints?: Remembering the Christian departed. Harrisburg, PA: Morehouse Pub., 2003.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Christian saints – England"
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Crook, John. "The Enshrinement of Local Saints in Francia and England". W Local Saints And Local Churches, 189–224. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198203940.003.0005.
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Abstract The cult of saints in the early middle ages found visible and tangible expression above all in the veneration of the bodily (usually skeletal) remains, ‘ relics’, left behind on earth by men and women who had suffered death for their Christian beliefs (martyrs) or who had led particularly holy lives (confessors). From the very earliest days of the organized church the practice exercised a significant influence on the architectural design and the internal arrangement of ecclesiastical buildings housing such relics. In this chapter these influences are examined in the early medieval West, and more particularly in Merovingian and Carolingian Francia. First, however, we should take a brief look at the Roman background to these developments. The earliest arrangement for the veneration of saintly relics consisted of a memorial structure (memoriaor tropaion) over the body of the saint; and in this respect, the early cults were essentially local, linked with the saint’s grave. Such monuments were soon enclosed within churches, with the high altar still ideally located directly over the grave, although in some cases the terrain made this impossible.
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Ostacchini, Luisa. "Translating the Saintly Body". W Translating Europe in Ælfric's Lives of Saints, 91–122. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198913733.003.0003.
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Abstract This chapter turns to the translation of saints, arguing that Ælfric adapted the accounts of saintly burial found in his sources in order to minimize the differences between geographic locations and to present an idealized vision of a homogeneous universal church, within which diverse European communities might be united. While Ælfric’s Latin sources consistently emphasize localized aspects of the saintly burial, Ælfric adapts these accounts to highlight the communion of saints, the universal church, and the single community of praxis in which all the Christian faithful share. In depictions of saintly burial across the collection, Ælfric minimizes local detail, inserts formulaic phraseology, and foregrounds references to community. In so doing, he at once looks outwards to an international Christian community and inwards to the heterogenous monastic landscape of late tenth-century England, to suggest that ideological unity might overcome the reality of difference.
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Ostacchini, Luisa. "Translating Rome". W Translating Europe in Ælfric's Lives of Saints, 162–98. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198913733.003.0005.
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Abstract This final chapter considers Ælfric’s presentation of Rome, the most culturally significant city of the early medieval imagination. In the Lives of Saints, there is not one single ‘Rome’, but rather four different and interrelated images of the city. Rome was at once the metaphorical keystone of the Christian church; the imagined embodiment of imperial ambition; a real, geographical locale; and a font of sainthood which nourished England’s own cult of saints. Throughout the Lives, Ælfric diminishes Rome’s physical reality while emphasizing the city’s symbolic importance, thereby emphasizing commonality between Rome and England despite the considerable geographic and cultural lacuna between the two places. Rome serves as the heart of Ælfric’s imagined European Christian community, representing the idealized imperial, scholastic, and ecclesiastical achievements that all of the universal church, and particularly England, might share in.
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Crook, John. "Relic Cults in England in the Twelfth Century". W The Architectural Setting of the Cult of Saints in the Early Christian West c.300–1200, 210–41. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198207948.003.0007.
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Abstract The twelfth century in England was characterized by a resurgence of interest in indigenous saints’ cults. The reservations of Norman churchmen had vanished, and a new generation of prelates eagerly espoused the cause of native saints. The art and architecture of the period bears witness to this renewed enthusiasm, not least the adaptation of early Anglo-Norman architecture in response to the renaissance of the cults of local saints.Typical of the new attitude was Faritius, appointed abbot of Abingdon in the auspicious year 1100. He was an energetic rebuilder of his monastery church. His opinion of English saints was evidently very different from that of his sceptical predecessor, Abbot Athelhelm; for during his fifteen-year abbatiate a shoulder-blade and arm of St Ethel world were received at Abingdon, and Bishop William Giffard, who, one supposes, may have been the donor of these Winchester relics, presided at their translation into a new reliquary.
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Blair, John. "A Saint for Every Minster? Local Cults in Anglo-Saxon England". W Local Saints And Local Churches, 455–94. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198203940.003.0013.
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Abstract There [Tavistock] the holy bishop Rumon lies and is venerated, and is endowed with a beautiful shrine, although no written evidence attests to his legend. You will find this not merely there but in many places in England: only the bare names of saints are known, and whatever miracles they may still perform. All evidence for their doings has been obliterated, I believe, by the violence of enemy attacks. On the face of it, William of Malmesbury’s comment seems more appropriate to Celtic regions than to England. The plethora of obscure local cults in Wales, Cornwall, and Brittany is often thought to reflect a type of Christian organization fundamentally different from the more centralized and hierarchical church of the early English. The operations of the typical Welsh saint were small-scale, producing a pattern of very restricted, sometimes unique place-names and dedications which suggest, in How Pryce’s words, ‘intensely localized lay devotion’. In England, by contrast, the spotlight has been on a small number of major figures whose lives, or at least legends, are well recorded and well known: important prelates and abbesses, or politically significant royal martyrs.
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Rogers, Nicholas. "Festive Rites". W Halloween, 22–48. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195146912.003.0003.
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Abstract If Samhain imparted to Halloween a supernatural charge and an intrinsic liminality, it did not offer much in the way of actual ritual practices, save in its fire rites. Most of these developed in conjunction with the medieval holy days of All Souls’ and All Saints’ Day. Within the history of Christian festivals, these holidays were comparatively late arrivals. Initially, the early Christians celebrated those martyred by the pagan emperors rather than the saints. In the fourth century this commemoration occurred on 13 May, but in the next century the observances of different churches diverged, with the Syrian churches holding their festival of the martyrs during Easter week and the Greeks on the Sunday after Pentecost, leaving only the Romans to hold to the original day in May. Festivals commemorating the saints as opposed to the original Christian martyrs appear to have been observed by . In England and Germany, this celebration took place on I November. In Ireland, it was commemorated on April, a chronology that contradicts the widely held view that the November date was chosen to Christianize the festival of Samhain.
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Crook, John. "Relic Cults in Normandy and England in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries". W The Architectural Setting of the Cult of Saints in the Early Christian West c.300–1200, 161–209. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198207948.003.0006.
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Abstract In the previous two chapters I traced the way in which, in the period up to c.1000, the presence of a relic cult influenced the architectural development of the church wherein the saint was housed. Most of the examples cited were perforce continental, for the survival rate of architectural remains is far higher on the mainland than in England; but some examples of insular architecture were included, and I sought to demonstrate the relationship between those comparatively rare survivals of Anglo-Saxon architecture and current continental practice. My broad conclusion is that from the seventh century many of the changes in the physical setting of the cult of saints evident on the Continent also occurred in Anglo-Saxon England, often virtually contemporaneously, although the available evidence suggests that the Carolingian enthusiasm for ring-crypts only infrequently crossed the English Channel.
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Savage, Anne. "The Old English Exodus and the Colonization of the Promised Land". W New Medieval Literatures, 39–60. Oxford University PressOxford, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198187387.003.0003.
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Abstract Translation, the moving of one thing to occupy another place, is of unusual significance in Anglo-Saxon England, because of that culture’s transition into Christianity: written language-to-language translation is a broad, general category, while other kinds of translation—of systems of belief and behaviour—bear close examination. For example, the moving of saints’ relics to more prestigious sites with particular significance to the Anglo-Saxon Church, or the transmutation of Christian values in terms of the warrior ethos, reclaimed and transformed pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon beliefs in a process which carried validation and revalidation along with it. First, I would like to discuss translation generally in Anglo-Saxon England; then the Old English Exodus, which exemplifies this process.
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Hooke, Della. "Rivers, Wells and Springs in Anglo-Saxon England: Water in Sacred and Mystical Contexts". W Water and the Environment in the Anglo-Saxon World. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940285.003.0006.
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Water has always played a major role in early religious beliefs. There is ample archaeological evidence of this influencing the siting of prehistoric monuments and the casting of votive deposits, sometimes evens sacrificial bodies, in water, or of the suggestion that water might provide a link to the underworld. That such beliefs lingered on into the early medieval period, perhaps to be bolstered by an influx of pagan Anglo-Saxons and then Danes, is in little doubt, and the Christian church had continuously to issue edicts banning what it regarded as pagan practices and especially the dedication of votive offerings to springs and other similar kinds of site, or the ‘worship’ of such sites and gatherings at them. Anglo-Saxon attitudes to bodies of water as the home of demons are also reflected in contemporary literature. Yet Christianity also saw water as a powerful symbol: heathen shrines could be purified by sprinkling on ‘holy’ water; many springs and wells were to be linked to Christian saints and water was an essential part of Christian baptism. These ways of thinking about the landscape of water will be explored in this chapter.
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Blair, John. "Church and People c.650–850". W The Church in Anglo–Saxon Society, 135–81. Oxford University PressOxford, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198226956.003.0004.
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Abstract Minsters interacted with the lay communities around them in a variety of ways. This chapter will trace four rather disparate strands linking monastic to secular life: the mutually influencing traditions of material culture; the cults of saints; the framework within which church dues were paid and pastoral care provided; and the extent to which minsters and laity participated in each others’ devotional and ritual lives. What they all seem to illustrate is the inappropriateness, in the world of early Christian England, of the kind of explanatory model which sees ‘clerical culture’ as something inherently alienated from ‘popular culture’: each strand suggests areas of integration and contact between the lives of ecclesiastics and laity.