Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „China Foreign relations Australia”
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1
YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50". East Asian Policy 14, nr 02 (kwiecień 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937". Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, nr 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.
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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.
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Garin, Artyom. "THE FEATURES OF MODERN SINO-AUSTRALIAN TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING ASIA-PACIFIC". Eastern Analytics, nr 2 (2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-032-042.
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Australia successfully combines a unique geopolitical position in the Asia- Pacific, as well as economic potential. At the same time, the emerging trade dependence of the Fifth Continent on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy year by year. The aggravation of Sino- U.S. relations has also led to tension between Australia and China. In 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused negative impacts on the global economy, and trade tensions began between the two states. In early 2021 Beijng also suspended all activity under the China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue for an indefinite period. All these events give the research of trade and economic relations between Australia and the PRC a great practical focus, including allowing us to more specifically identify the degree of dependence of the economy of the Fifth Continent on the situation in China or the degree of Sino- Australian relation. This article examines the consequences of the suspension China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue, in particular, its impact on the future prospects for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of China’s economic growth rates on the Australian economy. At the same time, the author aggregates the trade and economic strategies of Australia as a middle power, considering Canberra’s response to the transformation of the regional architecture in the Asia- Pacific. The provisions and conclusions presented in this article are based on the study of the works of leading international researchers specializing in foreign policy and economic issues of Australia, as well as Sino- Australian relations.
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Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation". South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, nr 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.
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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.
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Taylor, Brendan. "Is Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy an illusion?" International Affairs 96, nr 1 (1.01.2020): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz228.
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Abstract Australia has been among the most prominent advocates of the increasingly popular Indo-Pacific concept. This article argues that Canberra's enthusiasm for the concept stems from its appeal to the two dominant traditions of Australian foreign policy—a ‘dependent ally’ tradition and a ‘middle power’ approach. While these two traditions are typically seen as being in tension, the Indo-Pacific concept provides a rare point of convergence between them. The article begins by outlining the appeal of the Indo-Pacific concept to each of these traditions. Using a case-study of recent Australian policy toward the South China Sea disputes, however, the article then demonstrates that Australia has in practice implemented its stated Indo-Pacific strategy far less consistently than its very vocal support would appear to suggest. This disjuncture is attributed to the growing influence of a third, generally understudied, ‘pragmatic’ Australian foreign policy tradition. Because Australia has been such a prominent champion of the Indo-Pacific concept, the article concludes that this divergence between the rhetoric and the reality of Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy threatens to have a negative impact on the concept's broader international appeal and sustainability, particularly among Australia's south-east Asian neighbours.
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Xi, Junfang, i Weihuan Zhou. "Chinas Liberalization of Legal Services Under the ChAFTA: Market Access or Lack of Market Access for Australian Legal Practices". Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 2 (1.04.2017): 233–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017010.
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This article explores China’s commitments to liberalizing legal services under the recently concluded China – Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA). While China’s ChAFTA commitments extend beyond its commitments on legal services under the World Trade Organization and under most of China’s other Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), we argue that the degree of liberalization under the ChAFTA has been over-stated. The ChAFTA does not create additional market access for Australian legal practices as it merely recognizes the existing practice in the Chinese market and the same market access granted to Australia has been extended to all other foreign legal practices by initiatives launched in the Shanghai Free Trade Zone. Further, the ChAFTA fails to lift the major regulatory barriers to foreign legal practices in China. Consequently, Australian law firms will continue to compete with other foreign law firms in the same regulatory environment. China is likely to continue to unilaterally liberalize its legal services market via the free trade zones; but such liberalization is likely to be applied to all foreign legal practices. Towards this end, the benefits that the ChAFTA would bring to Australian legal practices are likely to be two-fold: (1) increased business opportunities in cross-border transactions, and (2) strengthened confidence in doing business in China.
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Tisdell, Clem. "Foreign Tourism in China, in Australia, and between Australia and China: Some Observations and Comparisons". China Report 26, nr 3 (lipiec 1990): 261–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559002600303.
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Grunberg, Benjamin, i Jadranka Petrovic. "Intersecting Trade, Politics and Human Rights: The Negotiation Phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement". Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 1 (1.02.2017): 67–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017004.
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This article concerns a free trade agreement (FTA) between Australia and China signed on 17 June 2015. It has been acclaimed that this agreement lays the foundation for the next phase of Australia’s economic relationship with China and predicted that it will unlock significant opportunities for Australia as China is Australia’s largest export market for both goods and services, accounting for nearly a third of total exports, and a growing source of foreign investment. However, concerns have been expressed that the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement is likely to have a number of retrogressive effects on the protection and promotion of human rights, including labour standards. This article explores differences between the free trade agreement negotiating precepts and cultures of China and Australia and the status of human rights in those negotiations, with an emphasis on understanding representative Australian attitudes. Although those negotiations are now a faint accompli, they are nevertheless of great interest. The article’s focus on the fate of human rights in the negotiation phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement from the Australian perspective, together with the dynamics and nuances of the negotiation process giving rise to the Agreement, provides timely and significant insight on the implementation process, as well as a lesson-learned for future free-trade negotiations. The article argues that human rights should not be overlooked in the negotiations that lead to a free trade agreement. The article comprises seven parts. Section 1 introduces the subject-matter. Section 2 provides a historical overview of trade relations between Australia and China. Section 3 considers the complexity of negotiations between the two States and their different expectations and approaches. Section 4 outlines Australia’s major international human rights obligations including labour standards. Section 5 highlights specific human rights concerns raised in Australia during the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement negotiations. Section 6 observes other States’ approaches to human rights issues when negotiating their FTAs with China. Section 7 concludes that robust safeguards must be embedded and that a close consideration should be given to the implementation process, including the ex post human rights impact assessment of the Australia- China Free Trade Agreement.
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GARIN, Artyom A. "AUKUS AND THE SOUTH PACIFIC: FOREIGN POLICY AND SECURITY IMPLICATIONS FOR AUSTRALIA". Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, nr 1 (54) (2022): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-223-233.
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The United States, the UK and Australia continue to enhance defence cooperation in the dual space of the Indian and Pacific Oceans. These powers announced the establishing of a trilateral security pact AUKUS on September 15, 2021. The U.S. will transfer nuclear submarine technology to Australia but the nature of AUKUS implies a broader technological interaction between the parties. Despite the Anglosphere's attempts to indicate that their actions aren't directed against any power, all their actions reveal intensifying rivalry with the People's Republic of China (PRC). This article examines the nature of AUKUS and the reasons for its appearance. Special attention is paid to the influence of the alliance on the Fifth Continent's defense capabilities and its domestic policy dimension. At the same time, the author analyzes the impact of AUKUS on Australia's relations with the countries of Southeast Asia and Oceania.
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Krivushin, I. V. "Russia-Australia Relations before and after the Ukrainian Crisis". Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, nr 1 (1.04.2019): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-133-158.
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The crisis of Australian-Russian relations after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and the set of factors that caused it have received little attention from scholars of international affairs. The article contributes to addressing this research lacuna. It examines the 2014–2015 crisis in bilateral relations from the point of view of both Moscow and of Canberra. The author analyses the evolution of these relations before 2014 to understand whether the Ukrainian crisis was the cause of their sharp deterioration in 2014–2015, or it only accelerated the process that began much earlier. He demonstrates that Australia had no close political and economic ties with Russia, and the two countries did not consider each other as priority partners. The article finds that in 2014–2015 the Kremlin did not take into account a number of factors, such as very limited interest of Australia in commercial exchanges with Russia, Canberra’s growing suspicions about Moscow’s foreign policy intentions and view of Russia as a revisionist power (especially after the 2008 Russia-Georgia war), a strong sense of solidarity with the West among Australia’s political elites, and Russia’s increasingly worsening public image in Australia, that negatively affected Canberra’s stance towards the Kremlin even before 2014, and which greatly contributed to the crisis in bilateral relations. As for future development, the author identifies two factors that may have a negative impact on Russian-Australian relations: 1) rising energy demand in China and India, making Russia and Australia potential competitors in Asia’s gas markets; 2) a too close rapprochement of Moscow with Beijing, fraughtwith the risk of embroiling Russia in a web of conflicts in the Western Pacific.
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Antonopoulos, Paul. "The Kangaroo, the Bear, and the Dragon: Australia-Russia-China Relations in the “Asian Century”". China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, nr 03 (styczeń 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500208.
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With Australia and Russia increasingly seeing their future in the Asia-Pacific, neither can reach its full economic potential except under the guidance of Beijing’s control of ports on its “Maritime Silk Road.” Cold War clichés of the “Yankee lapdog” and the big bad “Russian bear” continue to dominate how Canberra and Moscow view each other. Yet when it comes to the future of Australia-Russia-China relations, one must look beyond Moscow, Beijing, and Canberra, but rather at Vladivostok and Darwin, symbols of an as-yet unrealized goal to shift emphasis onto each country’s sparsely-populated regions bordering the Asia-Pacific. With the dawning of the “Asian Century,” how does the United States change the geopolitical dynamics of the region, and how do China, Russia, and Australia react to “America’s Pacific Century”? Rather than a capitulation to America’s aggressive posture in the Asia-Pacific, China and Russia have consolidated the integration of their economies and militaries to counter such penetration. This emerging rivalry creates a challenge for Australia to balance its military alliance with the United States and its economic reliance on China. The necessity of finetuning this balance should be Canberra’s primary foreign policy issue.
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Garin, Artyom, i Sophia Pale. "The Place of the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in China's Geopolitical Thinking". South East Asia Actual problems of Development, nr 3 (52) (2021): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-234-253.
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China’s growing influence has affected the South Pacific, where the small developing island states of Oceania re-directed their foreign policies due to Beijing in order to diversify their external relations. It has caused concerns of Australia, the United States, Japan and New Zealand. In 2019 the leaders of Solomon Islands and Kiribati cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of China, and this raised Beijing's regional influence to a new level and negatively affected Australia's position in its traditional sphere of influence.
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Nelson, Kim, i Amie Louise Matthews. "Foreign presents or foreign presence? Resident perceptions of Australian and Chinese tourists in Niseko, Japan". Tourist Studies 18, nr 2 (11.07.2017): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468797617717466.
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Over the past decade Niseko, a small ski resort in Japan, has experienced rapid growth in international tourism. Informed by a small-scale qualitative study, this article provides an account of Niseko residents’ perceptions of tourism and, more specifically, compares their responses to two key groups of inbound tourists, those from Australia and China. Where increases in the number of Australian tourists and tourism business owners have had significant influence on this previously homogeneous town, the reaction of residents to Australians is generally more positive than the response reserved for the more recent arrival of Chinese tourists. Although the former group is associated with increased living costs, leakage of profits and inappropriate behaviour, Australians were generally characterised by research participants as ‘friendly’ and ‘relaxed’ and relations were typically described as ‘harmonious’. Conversely, Chinese tourists were viewed by residents as being pushy and demanding, and these host–guest interactions were described as ‘difficult’. Drawing on Japanese notions of hospitality and residents’ discussions of cultural difference, this article explores the different reactions engendered by foreign presence, pointing as it does so to the ambivalence and contingency that underpins many host–guest relationships.
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Maulana, Akbar, Taufiq Carnegie Dawood i Teuku Zulham. "Asymmetrical Exchange Rates Effect on Indonesia's Trade Balance in Tourism". JEJAK 14, nr 1 (28.03.2021): 102–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jejak.v14i1.27234.
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The main objective of this research is to analyze the effect of depreciation and real exchange rate appreciation on Indonesia's tourism trade balance bilaterally against Australia, China, Japan, Malaysia, and Singapore. Such analysis on bilateral relations have never been studied for developing markets countries, namely Indonesia. This study uses a linear ARDL approach and a nonlinear ARDL approach with the dependent variable on the tourism trade balance and the real exchange rate as independent variables. Income, foreign direct investment (FDI), and natural disasters as control variables. The empirical results show that Chinese and Japanese tourists respond positively to the depreciation in the real currency rate of exchange, thereby increasing Indonesia's tourism trade balance. Nonlinear ARDL shows that the relation concerning the real rate of exchange plus the balance of trade is non-symmetrical with respect to China and Japan, while Australia, Malaysia, and Singapore are symmetrical. These results suggest that the government should formulate policies to increase tourist visits from China and Japan. Further empirical results also found a J-curve pattern in Indonesia-China and Indonesia-Japan.
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JENSEN, MICHAEL J., i TITUS C. CHEN. "Illiberal Media in a Liberal Democracy: Examining Identity in Australia’s Mandarin Language News". Issues & Studies 57, nr 02 (czerwiec 2021): 2150005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251121500053.
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The regime of censorship in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) extends beyond its borders through the extraterritorial application of its media regulations to popular social media platforms like WeChat. This research investigates the effects of the PRC’s extraterritorial control of online content on the identity narratives and norms communicated by comparing Australia’s Special Broadcast Service (SBS) Mandarin language news and the news targeting Australian audiences published on popular WeChat Official Accounts (OAs). We find significant differences in the news content between these two platforms: SBS provides more political content and a focus on political and cultural integration, while WeChat pages tend to avoid political topics that are not otherwise press releases from the PRC and they encourage strong cultural ties with Mainland China. Finally, SBS tends to both inform and cultivate democratic political identities and identification with the Australian political system, whereas WeChat tends to differentiate the Chinese diaspora from the wider Australian community. We situate these findings within a wider understanding of PRC’s national security strategies and doctrine. Whether by requirement or practice, not only the WeChat OAs in Australia implement PRC’s communication controls, but the content on these pages also challenges the liberal democratic practices and norms and supports foreign influence and espionage in Australia.
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Anwar, Syed Tariq. "FDI Regimes, Investment Screening Process, and Institutional Frameworks: China versus Others in Global Business". Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (1.04.2012): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012008.
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The main purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyse foreign direct investment (FDI) regimes and their screening processes, institutional frameworks, and business environments in world trade. China's FDI regime is specifically compared with that of the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Other countries (France, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, and Switzerland) were also included in the discussion to evaluate their regulatory and investment issues. By using interdisciplinary literature, secondary data, and research surveys and reports from multilateral institutions, the study investigates the changing profile of FDI regimes in world trade. The paper reveals that China's FDI regime has embraced significant changes to attract foreign investment. Currently, the Chinese market is open yet restricted in its own regulatory environment and institutional hurdles. Investment regimes in the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom continue to change to attract foreign investment that is critical to their economies. We believe that more country- and industry-specific studies are needed to investigate FDI regimes and their institutional frameworks. In today's world trade, China is particularly an interesting case study since the country aggressively attracts foreign investment while keeping its hybrid economy. Policymakers, multinational corporations (MNCs), governments, and researchers need to pay attention to today's changing FDI regimes because of growth opportunities and MNC expansion. The study provides useful discussion and meaningful implications that can be used by policy analysts and practitioners worldwide.
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Jain, Purnendra. "Hesitant Realism: China–India Border Tensions and Delhi’s Deepening Strategic Ties with Tokyo and Canberra". Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, nr 1 (28.02.2021): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797021992529.
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The deadly conflict on the Ladakh border in June 2020 will force India to re-evaluate its approach to foreign policy. This dangerous turn, despite decades of mutual restraint, border talks, agreements and recent bonhomie between the Indian and Chinese leaders, has intensified the strategically tense environment of the Indo-Pacific region. China’s assertiveness in the South China and East China seas and its technology and trade tensions with a number of neighbouring Asian and Western nations have already raised political temperatures in global politics. In that light, this article considers how the June 2020 border incident may influence India’s strategic rethink, especially in relation to two key nations of the Indo-Pacific, Japan and Australia. The article suggests that forcing a re-evaluation of the strategic challenge posed by China, the June 2020 border confrontation has inspired a more realist edge to India’s security thinking. India is continuing the strategic autonomy with a multi-alignment approach it has favoured, but with a keener sense of realpolitik it is pressing ahead to deepen its defence and strategic alignments with like-minded nations in the Indo-Pacific region. This means that India is not abandoning its relations with traditional partners such as Russia to instead pursue a more formal alliance with one or a group of other powers. Rather, India is further developing strategic partnerships with the United States and its allies, while continuing strong relations with Russia and other long-standing partners to ‘balance’ its national security position. This article identifies India’s approach as ‘hesitant realism’, an explanatory term to explore India’s moves to balance its external relations through growing ties with Japan and Australia—two US allies that are key Indo-Pacific nations.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific". American History & Politics Scientific edition, nr 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Salem, Saber. "Chinese Foreign Aid to Fiji: Threat or Opportunity". China Report 56, nr 2 (29.04.2020): 242–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445520916875.
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China’s political, economic and cultural influence is steadily rising in Fiji and the Pacific region as a whole. The Sino–Fiji cooperation deepened at multiple levels after the Fijian military assumed power through a coup d’état and removed the civilian government from power in late 2006. This ‘undemocratic behaviour’ infuriated the two regional powers—Australia and New Zealand who then applied sanctions on Fiji, particularly the military brass, and encouraged their counterparts as well as multilateral aid organisations to ‘punish’ Fiji’s military ‘regime’. The military government in order to derail the impact of sanctions from its traditional donors adopted the ‘Look North Policy’, which was opening cooperation with China and attracting Chinese investment in Fiji. China welcomed the friendship gesture and furnished Fiji with financial assistance. This Chinese friendship was also due to Taiwanese involvement in the region, which was providing aid for diplomatic recognition and support at the UN. The ‘microstates’ hold about 7 per cent of UN votes. Both China and Taiwan need their votes at multilateral organisations and given that these microstates are mostly aid-dependent economies, initiated an era of Chequebook diplomacy, which is basically money for diplomatic recognition in the case of Taiwan or acceptance of One China Policy in the case of China. The microstates have time and again switched between China and Taiwan and played one against the other to get more aid money out of their diplomatic rivalry. The Sino–Taiwan aid competition in the Pacific forced US to make a strong comeback and ensure that China under the pretext of denying Taiwan space in the region actually spies on the US activities in the region. As a result, the US and its regional allies have significantly increased their foreign aid to the island nations in order to coax them to diminish their level of financial dependence on China. So far, they have not been successful enough and China’s aid package has gone far beyond the level US is giving. Today, China is the second largest donor to the region and largest financier to Fiji. Fiji has become the ace in this game as it is the regional hub of the Pacific Island states. Bearing the current high level of aid competition between traditional and emerging donors in mind, it is too early to judge whether Chinese aid will cause more harm to Fiji than benefit or vice versa. It also entirely depends on the Fijian government as to how much it relies on Chinese aid and how clean Chinese are with their soft loans. China has been blamed for not being clear and specific about the terms and conditions of its concessional loans. This vagueness and secrecy that is associated with Chinese aid been a cause for concern, especially among traditional donors.
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Chaminda K, Wijekoon Herath Mudiyanselage. "SRI LANKA’S STRATEGIC LOCATION AND FOREIGN POLICY RESPONSE TOWARDS INDIA AND US ON CHINESE INVESTMENTS IN SRI LANKA". Jurnal Diplomasi Pertahanan 8, nr 2 (6.06.2022): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jdp.v8i2.1009.
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Sri Lanka is a small state strategically placed between two powerful States India and China, the island nation is significant for India as its closest maritime neighbor and on the other hand China has become an all-weather friend to Sri Lanka who has not interfered into the internal political issues and a supporting character in international politics. Sri Lanka has been sandwiched between the great power politics of these powerful nations since the U.S. is carrying out its strategy using the strategic alliance of the United States, India, UK, Japan, and Australia to counter the growing influence of China. Most importantly, Sri Lanka being a small state, having balanced relations with the big powers is effective to foster the development goals of the countries. Having understood this paper discusses Sri Lanka’s strategic location and foreign policy response towards India and United States on Chinese investments in Sri Lanka. This paper further discusses external and internal factors, core issues, and intentions of above mentioned powerful nations and Sri Lankan foreign policy towards these powerful nations by fostering closer ties in world politics with two regional giants and the United States.
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He, Kai, i Mingjiang Li. "Understanding the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific: US–China strategic competition, regional actors, and beyond". International Affairs 96, nr 1 (1.01.2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz242.
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Abstract As a geographical concept, ‘Indo-Pacific’ has existed for decades. As a political and strategic concept, it has since 2010 gradually become established in the foreign policy lexicon of some countries, especially Australia, India, Japan and the United States. However, China seems to be reluctant to identify itself as part of the Indo-Pacific; Chinese leaders believe that the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy aims to contain China's rise. While the battle between the two geographical concepts ‘Indo-Pacific’ and ‘Asia–Pacific’ may be fairly easily settled in the future, US–China strategic competition has just begun. Will the Indo-Pacific become a battlefield for US–China rivalry? How will China cope with the US ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy? How will other regional actors respond to the US–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific? What are the strategic implications of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ concept for regional order transformation? How will the Indo-Pacific be institutionalized, economically, politically and strategically? This article introduces the January 2020 special issue of International Affairs, which aims to address those questions, using both country-specific and regional perspectives. Seven articles focus on the policy responses of major players (Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and ASEAN) to the US FOIP strategy and related US–China rivalry in the region. A further three articles examine the profound implications of Indo-Pacific dynamics for regional institution-building and for geopolitical and geo-economic architecture.
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Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva i Ryo Takahama. "Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks". RUDN Journal of World History 14, nr 4 (15.12.2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.
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This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the United States, China, Russia, ASEAN, and Taiwan. Examining the origin and further development of the QUAD, the authors highlight the absence of ASEAN members and India’s hesitation to institutionalize the grouping, while analyzing the Russia-Japan relations they focus on common interests in security cooperation, as well on its limitations. As a result, in the short term, the expansion of the Japan-US alliance to the Indo-Pacific region is the most plausible option. However, without involving the ASEAN countries, the Free and Open IndoPacific (FOIP) strategy can only add Australia and India to the existing Japan-US alliance. In the midterm, an alliance with Russia may be, with some serious limitations, geographically a natural option. In the long term, Japan might need to find a proper place in a China-centered order in East Asia. Therefore, the authors conclude that the relative decline of US influence in East Asia is unavoidable in the coming decades, Japan must adjust or even reconsider its security policy.
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Leonova, Olga. "The Impact of the Strategic Partnership AUKUS on the Geopolitical Situation in the Indo-Pacific Region". International Organisations Research Journal 17, nr 3 (1.10.2022): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-08.
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The purpose of the AUKUS strategic alliance is to develop cooperation between the member countries (U.S., UK and Australia) in the field of security and defence in the Indo-Pacific region. The agreement provides for the supply of submarines powered by nuclear reactors to Australia. The emergence of this new strategic alliance was caused by the following factors: the increased power of China in the region; the weakening of the U.S. position in the Indo-Pacific; the desire of the UK to implement the “global Britain” strategy in practice; and the need for the U.S. to have reliable allies to contain China. These factors reveal the true purpose of AUKUS—containment of China and opposition to its active policy in the region. In this article, the author uses comparative analysis to reveal the different goals and geopolitical interests of the AUKUS countries. The systematic approach helps to describe the essence of the complex developing geopolitical system of the Indo-Pacific region.The theories of new institutionalism and constructivism make it possible to identify both continuity and gaps in the security policy and foreign policy of regional actors. Australia’s participation in the AUKUS allows it to: strengthen its political ties with influential partners—the United States and Great Britain; receive additional security guarantees from them in the context of increased activity of Chinese policy in the region; raise the country’s status in the regional hierarchy; and strengthen its defence capability. Australia’s entry into the AUKUS means the formation of a new, anti-Chinese strategy in the region. For the UK, membership in the AUKUS allows it to: expand its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region; strengthen its special relations with the United States; improve its image, which was shaken after the country’s exit from the EU; and restore traditional ties with Australia. For the United States, AUKUS is the implementation of the strategy of “pivot” to Asia and the creation of a new alliance that has greater opportunities for military-strategic cooperation in the face of the threat from China to use the Pacific Ocean to oust the United States from a leading position. There are some possible geopolitical consequences of creating AUKUS for the region. They are escalation of tension and the nuclear arms race of the opposing parties; a new cold war with China; expansion of the club of nuclear powers because of Australia; imbalance of geopolitical forces in the region; undermining transatlantic unity; and a common strategy in the foreign policy of European countries and the United States.
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Leonova, Olga. "The Impact of the Strategic Partnership AUKUS on the Geopolitical Situation in the Indo-Pacific Region". International Organisations Research Journal 17, nr 3 (1.10.2022): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-03-08.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The purpose of the AUKUS strategic alliance is to develop cooperation between the member countries (U.S., UK and Australia) in the field of security and defence in the Indo-Pacific region. The agreement provides for the supply of submarines powered by nuclear reactors to Australia. The emergence of this new strategic alliance was caused by the following factors: the increased power of China in the region; the weakening of the U.S. position in the Indo-Pacific; the desire of the UK to implement the “global Britain” strategy in practice; and the need for the U.S. to have reliable allies to contain China. These factors reveal the true purpose of AUKUS—containment of China and opposition to its active policy in the region. In this article, the author uses comparative analysis to reveal the different goals and geopolitical interests of the AUKUS countries. The systematic approach helps to describe the essence of the complex developing geopolitical system of the Indo-Pacific region.The theories of new institutionalism and constructivism make it possible to identify both continuity and gaps in the security policy and foreign policy of regional actors. Australia’s participation in the AUKUS allows it to: strengthen its political ties with influential partners—the United States and Great Britain; receive additional security guarantees from them in the context of increased activity of Chinese policy in the region; raise the country’s status in the regional hierarchy; and strengthen its defence capability. Australia’s entry into the AUKUS means the formation of a new, anti-Chinese strategy in the region. For the UK, membership in the AUKUS allows it to: expand its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region; strengthen its special relations with the United States; improve its image, which was shaken after the country’s exit from the EU; and restore traditional ties with Australia. For the United States, AUKUS is the implementation of the strategy of “pivot” to Asia and the creation of a new alliance that has greater opportunities for military-strategic cooperation in the face of the threat from China to use the Pacific Ocean to oust the United States from a leading position. There are some possible geopolitical consequences of creating AUKUS for the region. They are escalation of tension and the nuclear arms race of the opposing parties; a new cold war with China; expansion of the club of nuclear powers because of Australia; imbalance of geopolitical forces in the region; undermining transatlantic unity; and a common strategy in the foreign policy of European countries and the United States.
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Kumar, Ashutosh. "Changing Dynamics of Nihon-Indo Diplomatic Ties :". Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, nr 5 (1.06.2021): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i5.54.
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The geopolitical scenario in the Indo-Pacific2 region is changing rapidly. India, Japan and other oceanic states are facing new multidimensional challenges manifested in the unpeaceful3 rise of China. In this shadow, India-Japan ties have witnessed unprecedented growth in the last decade. Outgoing Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his counterpart in India have been instrumental for India-Japan bilateral relations taking a dramatic leap forward. Abe's visionary approach recognised India's strategic importance, as he worked tirelessly to take the relations to its new heights with his personal chemistry with the Indian Prime Minister. His proactive policy transformed South Block's expectations of Japan as a strong, influential and dependable partner in East Asia. Yoshihide Suga has succeeded Shinzo Abe as Japanese Prime minister. The initial days of Suga's foreign policy began by prioritising Vietnam, the USA and Australia, pointing out a different approach to Japan's foreign policy. Suga's political commitment to foreign affairs is secondary to the focus on domestic issues. The article is a comparative study of the foreign policy approaches of two Japanese Prime Ministers Abe and Suga towards India. In view of Abe's accomplishments, it is natural that India might be concerned about the transition to a new leader. The paper will try to analyse the reliability of Japan in the vulnerable security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region and the Suga government's willingness to engage actively in the Asian order for democratic values and the rule of law. Though India may not be Suga's top priority, India needs to actively leverage the strengths of the Abe-era partnership to keep it relevant.
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Ryazantsev, S. V., i L. S. Ruban. "GEOPOLITICAL TRANSFORMATION AND NEW TRENDS OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION". BULLETIN 2, nr 390 (15.04.2021): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.75.
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The article analyzes the process of globalization and the role of the Russian Federation in this process. The relevance of considering the current stage of globalization is due to the strengthening of the inter-connectedness and interdependence of the world, which requires the improvement of interstate relations and mechanisms of global governance with the primacy of the economic aspect of the development of society in the conditions of the functioning of the global scale of production. The historiography presents the regulation of international relations from the Westphalian system (state-centrist model of the world) to the Vienna Congress and the attempt to create a system of collective security and regulation of international relations: to the League of Nations and the United Nations. The formation of global governance institutions is shown: the largest international intergovernmental organizations (UN, WTO, IMF, IBRD, G-8, G-20, etc.), the most important function of which is to determine the norms and rules of interstate interaction. The main idea of the authors of the article is to show the historical conditionality of the transition to a polycentric model of development, as it most fully meets the needs of society on a global scale. The main purpose of this work was to substantiate and confirm the characteristics of the role of Russia in the international arena at the present stage of development by empirical material obtained during international surveys of experts from sixteen APR countries (VIPs and decision-makers). Thus, among the current trends in global development, the authors highlight the dilemma globalism - sovereignty and the correlation of globalism - transregionalism, in particular, the concept of the Indian-Pacific region (Indo-Pacific) instead of the Asia-Pacific region, put forward by the United States, Japan, Australia and India and the concept of "One belt is one road ”, initiated by China. Another trans-regional structure, such as BRICS, remains largely insufficiently structured, institutionalized and little realized in the specific political and economic activities of the countries that gave the name to this abbreviation.
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Gao, Hongzhi, Monica Ren i Qing Miao. "Toward a Yin-Yang Balancing Perspective of Relational (Guanxi) Gatekeeping in International Exchange Relationships in China". Journal of International Marketing 26, nr 2 (czerwiec 2018): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1509/jim.16.0131.
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China is an extremely complex and “insider-controlled” market for foreign businesses. This study offers a yin-yang balancing perspective of international exchange relationships in China. The authors investigate how “relational gatekeepers” play a key role in achieving a dynamic balance between Western companies and local partners in international exchange relationships. In-depth interviews are conducted with 41 business managers based in China, Australia, and New Zealand. Guided by the yin-yang balancing frame, the authors develop four key constructs of relational gatekeeping: the gatekeeper resources of mianzi (insider status) and renqing (insider favor) and the gatekeeper capabilities of zao shi (creating favorable momentum) and ying shi (leveraging favorable momentum). The yin-yang frame provides a process view of business relationships that accepts paradoxical conditions and embraces dynamic network momentum, resources, and capabilities. The study concludes by showing the theoretical implications for network theory and for the field of dynamic balancing and suggests the managerial implications for an international company aiming to engage relational gatekeepers to break into insider (guanxi)-controlled local business networks.
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He, Baogang. "Taming Chinese power: decoding the dynamics of Australian foreign policies toward the rise of China". Australian Journal of International Affairs 75, nr 6 (2.11.2021): 650–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2021.1992143.
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Woodard, Garry. "Australian foreign policy on the offshore island crisis of 1954–5 and recognition of China". Australian Journal of International Affairs 45, nr 2 (listopad 1991): 242–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719108445066.
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Penrose, Sandra K. "Recognising the People's Republic of China: A Reappraisal of Australian Foreign Policy During the First Menzies Ministry 1950-51". Australian Journal of Politics and History 44, nr 2 (czerwiec 1998): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00012.
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Vartanyan, A. "International Student Migration: Regional Aspect". World Economy and International Relations 60, nr 2 (2016): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-2-113-121.
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The article provides a profound analysis of the main trends of international student migration for tertiary education, discusses the key factors influencing the choice of destination for studying abroad, and reveals the regional peculiarities of instruments for student migration regulation. The first part of the paper highlights the official statistics showing that in recent decades the world witnessed the steady increase in the number of international students, concentrating mainly in the USA and the European Union. Almost 48% of all international students in the world study in the European Union. This region also shows the highest internal student mobility. Among others, such countries as Austria, Luxemburg, Switzerland, Australia and New Zealand demonstrate the biggest shares of foreign students in the total number of university students. As for donor countries, the dynamics proves the major role of the Asia region, with a half of all international students originated from it. The largest number of foreign students come from China, India and South Korea. Nonetheless, the Asia region becomes a popular destination of student mobility nowadays. The second part of the article concerns different coordination policies of tertiary migration in the regional context. Mostly in developed countries, practices of attracting foreign students to study in professional programs and degree programs with a perspective to enter a national labor market after graduation become more and more popular. Postgraduate migration remains a priority. Most countries encourage job-searching for foreign graduate students, as they are considered to have a high-skill level, international views and an opportunity to live and work in a variety of socio-cultural conditions. Further analysis refers to the main factors determining the choice of destination for foreign students, which are: geographical proximity, language skills, cultural proximity, the cost of education, and a country's reputation in the field of higher education. The paper reveals the leading role of the EU in the developed intraregional educational mobility, the regional asymmetry of migration processes in other regions of the world, and Asian countries actively promoting temporary educational and labor migration to developed countries with incentives to return to a home-country in the future. In recent years, due to positive dynamics of the return migrants number, an interest in the creation of the returnees strategy grows as well as desire of developed and developing countries to benefit most from the return migration.
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Pitty, Roderic. "Way Behind in Following the USA over China: The Lack of any Liberal Tradition in Australian Foreign Policy, 1970-72". Australian Journal of Politics and History 51, nr 3 (wrzesień 2005): 440–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2005.0385a.x.
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Baykov, A. A., i V. A. Gnevasheva. "Econometric Estimates of Russia's Turn to the East". MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, nr 6 (31.12.2020): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-175-207.
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The emerging trend in Russia’s foreign policy is its reorientation from active interstate and socio-economic interaction with the states of the "collective West" to the countries that make up the Asian macroregion. The article presents the qualitative and quantitative assessment of the emerging relations between Russia and the countries of the East, namely the ASEAN countries, Northeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. Assuming that the prerequisites for the strengthening of such relationships between countries should be reflected in changes in trade relations, increased migration flows, and changes in policy in terms of countries' military spending, the study attempts to evaluate such changes econometrically. We use the method of constructing multiple linear regression, as well as indicators for assessing country-by-country correlation and cluster analysis. The object of the research is the countries of Northeast Asia (China, Japan, Republic of Korea); ASEAN countries (Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Singapore); India; Australia and Oceania. The empirical base of the study is the official statistics of World Bank, SIPRI, FSGS. The findings indicate the emerging conditions for Russia's turn to the East. The analysis reveals a number of stable features indicating the possibility of modeling a reasonable predictive scenario. The proposed estimates can also be used for further study of the directions of interaction between Russia and the East, methodological and empirical clarification of the emerging relationships, determination of significant factors strengthening the noted interactions.
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CHEN, PING-KUEI. "The Prospects of the US Alliance System in Asia: Managing from the Hub". Issues & Studies 56, nr 03 (wrzesień 2020): 2040012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400123.
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This paper examines the implications of the United States’ “hub-and-spoke” alliance system in Asia. It argues that the US enjoys a bargaining advantage in the current bilateral security relations with its Asian allies. In contrast to a multilateral alliance, the US can better prevent free riders and joint resistance in its bilateral relations. It can effectively restrain the behavior of its allies and compel them to accommodate American interests. The hub-and-spoke system helps the US consolidate its policy influence over the Asian allies, supervise inter-alliance cooperation, and increase defense cooperation between allies and non-allies. This paper uses episodes of defense cooperation between the US, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and India to illustrate the American alliance management techniques since 2016. During this time, the US allies have increasingly participated in regional security affairs due to US demands and guidance rather than autonomous decisions. Facing strong US pressure, allies have found it hard to challenge the US under the hub-and-spoke system despite common grievances. This leads to two implications for the future: First, the US allies may have less autonomy in their foreign policies, restraining their ability to pursue neutral positions and policies in regional affairs such as the South China Sea dispute. Second, the US may discourage or even undermine the emergence of multilateral security institutions in Asia. The US is likely to maintain the “hub-and-spoke” system to safeguard its strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific.
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Svanberg, Ingvar, i Sabira Ståhlberg. "Fisher-foragers Amidst the Reeds: Loptuq Perception of Waterscapes in the Lower Tarim Area". Ethnobiology Letters 11, nr 1 (6.10.2020): 128–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14237/ebl.11.1.2020.1701.
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Toponyms and hydronyms encode important information about human perceptions of the environment in a specific context. This article discusses the Loptuq, a group of Turkic-speakers, who until the 1950s lived as fishers-foragers at the Lower Tarim River, Eastern Turkestan (contemporary Xinjiang, China), and their use of common reed (Phragmites australis) as an example for the close connection between language, culture, social relations, economic activities, and human perceptions about the surrounding environment. Operating in lakes and swamps for their economic activities (fishing, hunting, foraging, and occasional transport), exploring and observing vegetation and animal life, the Loptuq developed and transmitted information through naming their habitat. Today both their habitat and the earlier knowledge have disappeared, but the perceptions and uses of resources can at least partly be reconstructed through foreign explorers’ narratives and field notes.
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Brouwer, Gordon de. "Financial Markets, Institutions, and Integration in East Asia". Asian Economic Papers 2, nr 1 (styczeń 2003): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103322022896.
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East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically advanced. Markets in Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have made substantial progress to varying degrees; but China, Indonesia, and the Philippines have a considerable way to go in developing the information and governance infrastructure that financial markets need to function well. For all these countries, there is a clear role for regional cooperation among policymakers in building capacity in, and links between, financial markets in East Asia, as well as in encouraging stable speculation and the participation of nonresident and institutional investors in domestic financial markets. ASEAN+3 is an important and welcome advance in regional cooperation, but its membership does not span the depth of experience in financial markets and institutions that exists in East Asia.
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Lebedev, S., A. Kazantsev, L. Fljyan i S. Medvedeva. "The Debate about Collective Goods in the Context of Contemporary Issues of Global Governance". World Economy and International Relations 65, nr 2 (2021): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-109-116.
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This article is dedicated to three interconnected concepts – “collective goods”, “free rider” and “hegemony” in the context of modern politics. We analyze three theoretical approaches to the problem of provision of collective goods by hegemonic states. These approaches are: neoliberal, (neo) realist and World-System Theory. Basing on these theoretical premises, we analyze the debate about free-ridng in the Western political discourse (especially among US allies) and we point out that particular interests of US can be disguised as “collective goods”. Basing on this, we analyze discussions about free-riding both in the Western world (among NATO and EU members) and among US allies in the Pacific region (Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand). We point out that in fact US can use the concept of collective goods to push their own agenda. Than we move to popular in western political science idea that China is a global free rider – for instance in the sphere of sea lane security and global energy security. Basing on A. Kennedy works, we demonstrate that China in fact does not wish to make western powers pay the costs of collective goods. China is rather afraid that western powers will exploit his resources. This idea is supported with the evidence, gathered during in-depth interview with Chinese diplomats and foreign policy experts. Having said that, paper points out that mentioned cases mark the importance of the concept of trust. Trust is well-studied in the field of behavioral economics, but IR theory doesn`t usually takes the concept of trust into account. Also this paper raises a question about including historical and cultural topics in the theory of international relations. Basing on analysis of different ways to incorporate economic arguments in IR theory, authors point out that modern IR theory lacks economic argumentation. Paper concludes with the idea that IR theory should capitalize on behavioral economics. Acknowledgements. This paper is a part of MGIMO University research program no. 1921-01-02.
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Shupyk, S. "Foreign experience in the development of dairy cattle and directions of its use in domestic practice". Ekonomìka ta upravlìnnâ APK, nr 1 (155) (21.05.2020): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33245/2310-9262-2020-155-1-36-46.
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The article analyzes the support for the US market, where the government has allocated almost $ 22.2 billion for the development of dairy cattle. direct and indirect subsidies to the country's dairy sector (35.02 c/l), which is equivalent to 73% of farmers' milk sales, showed relatively high domestic support, export subsidies, conservation programs, risk management programs, disaster relief programs, loan programs, crop insurance, livestock support. Surveys to support the Indian market, which ranks second in the world in raw milk production (9.5%), have shown that almost 80% of small-scale farmers are small-scale farmers. Milk collection is carried out by 130 thousand dairy cooperatives. NABARD (National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development) under DEDS, provides for subsidies of up to 25% of costs. China is investing heavily in the construction of large dairy farms and livestock complexes with up to 100,000 cows. The Australian market produces 9.3 million tonnes of milk, of which 36% is exported and is the world's fourth exporter of dairy products (6% of the world market). Australia's dairy cattle are characterized by a small amount of direct government support. During 2015-2016, agriculture received financial and commercial assistance over $ 147 million. US in the form of payments to farms. It has been established that price forecasting plays an important role in regulating the milk market in Australia, on the basis of which the profile Ministry, taking into account world prices, generates milk price indices. Analysis of milk production in Switzerland has shown that it remains highly subsidized. In 2013, state support for milk producers amounted to CHF 1.8 billion, incl. direct subsidies are estimated at 1.5 billion Swiss francs, which is 61 thousand Swiss francs per dairy farm, or 0.41 Swiss francs per 1 liter of milk. The state support system for dairy cattle in Canada has been found to include the following instruments: import tariffs that restrict dairy imports; minimum guaranteed prices for raw milk that are set at the maximum amount of milk sold to the dairies within the quota; a system of direct payments to farmers for milk production within the quota. The amount of direct payments per 1 liter of milk is set annually by the government. In order to support Canadian producers in technological modernization aimed at improving the efficiency of milk production, a dairy farm investment program (DFIP) is implemented with state support of $ 250 million. USA According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Iceland, Japan, Norway and Switzerland, the level of support for dairy producers exceeds on average 70% of the gross income of farmers, in Canada, the EU, Hungary, Korea and the USA the amount of support is 40-55%. An analysis of the support for the development of dairy cattle in the EU countries showed that the following instruments are allocated for these purposes: production restrictions (milk production quotas); government interventions and storage; Establishment of product sales regulations / regulations; the dairy package (including regulating contractual relations in the dairy sector); foreign trade (import regulations, export subsidies); government subsidies. It is found that the main factor that increases the profitability of dairy production in developed countries is the improvement of quality and differentiation of the range. Major factors contributing to the successful development of dairy cattle are increased government support and economical use of resources. Also used are a set of financial incentives, including reducing the tax burden. Key words: Livestock, milk market, domestic support, development programs, cooperation, financial incentives, subsidies, import tariffs, quotas.
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Nekit, K. H. "WAYS OF CHANGING THE LEGAL REGULATION OF CRYPTOACTIVES: AN ANALYSIS OF FOREIGN EXPIRIENCE". Economics and Law, nr 1 (10.05.2022): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/econlaw.2022.01.033.
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The proliferation of cryptocurrency transactions and the increase in their value raises the question of the need for a final solution to the problem of legal regulation of their circulation. The urgency of this task is exacerbated by the fact that leaving cryptoassets out of the legal field promotes their use in illegal activities and deprives the state of significant revenues from their proper taxation. The purpose of this article is to study the approaches to the legal regulation of the circulation of cryptoassets, which are recently formed in the world, to determine the positive experience and opportunities to borrow successful legislative decisions. The article analyzes approaches to the regulation of relations arising from cryptocurrencies in the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Germany, Austria, Estonia, China, Singapore and Australia. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the European unified approach to the regulation of cryptocurrencies for all European countries, as well as cryptocurrency services. According to the results of the study, it is concluded that today the attitude to cryptocurrencies differs depending on the level of development of the country. However, recently there has been a tendency to focus efforts on the implementation of cryptoassets in the legal field and ensure legal regulation of their circulation. In general, 2020, the year of the pandemic and the transfer of life to the online format, was marked by special attention to the development of legal regulation of cryptocurrency circulation. Of particular concern to the authorities are features of cryptocurrencies such as decentralization and anonymity, which allow these assets to be used to launder criminal proceeds and finance terrorism. It is in this direction that government regulation of cryptocurrency circulation has been moving recently. Most countries in the world of cryptocurrency regulation focus on licensing cryptocurrency exchanges, identifying their users, taxing, and countering money laundering and terrorist financing. These principles are the basis of the unified approach to the regulation of cryptocurrency activities for all European countries proposed by the European Commission. It is noteworthy that both in the European unified approach to the regulation of cryptoassets and in their legal regulation in some European countries and the United States, it is proposed to classify cryptocurrencies and divide them into several categories depending on the functions they perform. These approaches to the classification of cryptoassets should be considered when determining the legal framework for regulating the circulation of cryptoassets (virtual assets) in Ukraine.
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Sukach, Mykhailo. "Seventh International Scientific and Practical Conference «Transfer of Innovative Technologies 2021»". Gіrnichі, budіvelnі, dorozhnі ta melіorativnі mashini, nr 98 (30.12.2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/gbdmm.2021.98.0601.
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the 7th International Scientific and Practical Conference "Transfer of Innovative Technologies 2021" was held from May 19 to 20 at the Kyiv National University of Civil Engineering and Architecture. It presented creative ideas, innovative projects and practical developments in the fields of construction, architecture, solving urgent problems of engineering and facility design, environmental protection, current trends in information technology and others. The conference, which was held by videoconference, was attended by domestic scientists, teachers and students of educational institutions, industry representatives, well-known experts from around the world. A total of 128 applications were submitted from one and a half hundred participants, including 15 foreign ones from Australia, Poland, Slovakia, the USA, Kazakhstan, Germany and China.
The competition commission determined the best works in the nominations: Presentation, Innovative project, Publication, awarded the Diplomas of the winners of 2021. Participants received Certificates, and the most active − Acknowledgments for their work, international scientific relations and organizational support of the forum. A preprint of the article was published in the Proceedings of the conference (online) and in the journal "Transfer of Innovative Technologies", Vol.4, No.1, and the presentations of the participants were published on the conference website. The best works are recommended for publication in the international scientific journals Transfer of Innovative Technologies, Underwater Technologies: Industrial and Civil Engineering. A decision was made to prepare and hold the next forum in 2022, to involve creative participants and new institutions in innovation activities, and to further integrate them into the world scientific space. The Organizing Committee thanks everyone for the presented materials and implementation of innovative technologies!
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A. Al-Mutairi, Mohammad. "Kachru’s Three Concentric Circles Model of English Language: An Overview of Criticism & the Place of Kuwait in it". English Language Teaching 13, nr 1 (13.12.2019): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/elt.v13n1p85.
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This paper attempts to examine in a descriptive way the pioneering model of “World Englishes” proposed by Kachru in the mid-1980s that allocates the presence of English into three concentric circles: The Inner Circle, the Outer Circle, and the Expanding Circle. The Inner Circle presents the countries where English is used as a native language and as a first language among people. These countries include the USA, the UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The Outer Circle includes countries that have old historical British colonial relations and where English is commonly used in social life or the government sectors. Most of the countries that belong to this circle are former colonies of the British Empire, such as India, Malaysia, Singapore, Ghana, Kenya, and others. The usage of English in these countries is similar to what is known as English as a second language. The third circle, The Expanding Circle, includes countries that introduce English as a foreign language in schools and universities, mostly for communicating in English with the Inner and Outer Circles. Such countries include Turkey, Saudi Arabia, The Emirates, Japan, China, Korea, and others.
Since its first introduction in 1985, Kachru's Three Concentric Circles Model of English Language has occasioned a great debate. Many linguists considered it one of the most influential models for understanding the use of English in different countries. Some, on the other hand, including Kachru himself, criticized the model for its oversimplification and the unclear membership to the circles. In addition to an overview of criticism on Kachru's model based on different studies, this paper tries to locate the place of ELT in Kuwait among the three circles.
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Kuznetsov, Aleksei. "VARIETY OF POSSIBLE CENTERS OF FORCE IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER". Political Science (RU), nr 4 (2022): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.04.05.
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The article is devoted to the typology of potential centers of power of the new world order. It is shown that it is too early to write off classical political-geographical and geopolitical concepts into the archive - in particular, the population, the size of the territory (with its saturation with natural resources), the volume of GDP (including when calculating the purchasing power parities of currencies) still determine the weight of countries on the world stage. Despite the development of institutions of multilateral regulation of international relations and certain successes of some regional integration projects, the place of states in the transforming world order is largely determined by their veto power in the UN Security Council, the arsenal of nuclear weapons, proliferation in the world and the general status of their state language. We have identified a little more than two dozen possible centers of power, grouped into four types: (1) Superpowers of disappeared bipolar world (USA and Russia are the two developed countries with sufficient military and political tools and large-scale population, territory and national economies to demonstrate the obvious claim to the promotion of a new global cultural and ideological project); (2) Giants of the East (China and India in some respects are surpassing the United States and Russia, but yet related to economically developing countries and inferior to the first two, especially India, for foreign weight); (3) Major advanced countries (Japan, Germany, France, UK, Italy, Spain); (4) Rising regional powers (Indonesia, Brazil, Turkey and others). The composition of the types, especially the most numerous fourth, is quite controversial, which is shown in detail in the article. In particular, an explanation is given why states such as Canada, Australia, the Republic of Korea or Bangladesh cannot be considered as possible centers of power of the new world order, even conditionally “second echelon”.
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Lebedeva, Liudmila F. "Transcontinental Partnerships at the Crossroads: Factors, Risks, Consequences". Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, nr 4 (28.11.2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-54-69.
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Transcontinental partnerships – Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TATIP) – have been analyzed in view of the new challenges in polycentric world, US foreign economic policy changes, risks for the national economies of the block’s participants, as well as for the other countries. The TPP and the TATIP are in focus as the new stage of the world integration process. The TATIP can deepen the already substantial economic ties between the US and the European Union. But what will be included in the chapters of the agreement on financial services, agricultural products, some other sectors is still subject to debate. Particular concerns arise about the role for the TATIP in harmonizing financial regulation. The practical implementation of president Donald Trump plans to «promote American industry, protect American workers» began with the US withdrawal from the TPP, with negotiating new bilateral trade deals in mind. Since that decision, the leaders of Japan, Singapore, Australia, and other TPP participants emphasized the strategic importance of this agreement for their countries and for US leadership in the region. Withdrawing from the TPP raises concerns among US trade partners and allies in the region and put many questions before them. Besides, US withdrawal from the TPP effectively gives green light to assert a more pronounced leadership role in the region for China, which is already a major trade and investment partner for TPP countries. Furthermore, Donald Trump turned attention to certain imports as a threat to national security and thus potentially subject to steep tariffs. The US steps in this way may undermine the rules-based trading system, and put many questions before TPP partners and other countries. Whether import restrictions for national security reasons be implemented, they may damage not only China as the main U.S. imports driver; but other countries as well, and lead to new barriers against US exports by trading partners. The Trump administration initiatives not only represents a challenge for countries that linked closely to the American economy due to the trade-economic agreements, but leads to new opportunities and choices in international economic relations.
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Цигулева, Олеся Владимировна, i Светлана Ивановна Поздеева. "TRANSNATIONAL EDUCATIONAL MOBILITY IN HIGHER EDUCATION: AN INTERNATIONAL REVIEW". Pedagogical Review, nr 6(40) (8.12.2021): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2307-6127-2021-6-140-145.
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Анализируется опыт зарубежной высшей школы в формировании транснациональной образовательной мобильности. Представлены эмпирические результаты исследований зарубежных ученых, занимающихся данной проблематикой. На примере Великобритании, США, Китая, Австралии и стран Западной Европы показана роль образовательной мобильности в формировании транснационального человеческого и культурного капитала, влияние образовательной мобильности на проектирование индивидуального образовательного и карьерного маршрута человека. Транснациональная образовательная мобильность рассматривается в контексте формирования культурного капитала как приобретение международного опыта, расширение языковых и профессиональных знаний, развитие социальных и межкультурных навыков, способствующих созданию новой культурной идентичности и укреплению транснациональной идентификации личности. Подчеркивается, что с развитием транснациональной образовательной мобильности в научно-педагогической литературе появляется термин «международная профессиональная компетенция», связанный с формированием сквозных навыков (transversal skills) человека. An international review of the formation of transnational educational mobility in higher education abroad is analyzed. The research results by foreign scientists dealing with this empirical issue are presented. The role of educational mobility in the formation of transnational human and cultural capital, the influence of educational mobility on the formation of an individual educational and career path of a person is shown on the example of such countries as: Great Britain, USA, China, Australia and Western European countries. Transnational educational mobility is considered in the context of the formation of cultural capital as the acquisition of international experience, the expansion of linguistic and professional knowledge, the development of social and intercultural skills that contribute to the creation of a new cultural identity and the strengthening of transnational identity, personality identification. Giving rise to cosmopolitanism, person’s educational mobility contributes to the creation of a new cultural identity and transnational identification strengthening. A man who is able to see and understand intercultural differences, to solve intercultural problems, is able to form his identity in the context of intercultural and multicultural relations. It is emphasized that with the development of transnational educational mobility, the term “international professional competence” appears in the scientific and pedagogical literature, associated with the formation of transversal personality skills. Transversal skills are analyzed as basic skills, independent of a person’s professional qualifications and not tied to any particular profession, but are applicable to a wide range of situations in life. It is emphasized that the strengthening of cross-border educational mobility is observed not only in the public sector of higher education, but also in the private sector, which contributes to an increase in the number of educational institutions leading to the expansion of availability of higher education and obtaining various academic degrees and titles.
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Atkinson, Joel. "Vanuatu in Australia–China–Taiwan relations". Australian Journal of International Affairs 61, nr 3 (wrzesień 2007): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710701531529.
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Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China". China Quarterly 136 (grudzień 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.
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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
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Baginda, Abdul Razak, i Mustafa Izzuddin. "China-Malaysia Relations and Foreign Policy". Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, nr 1 (30.04.2016): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-1k.
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Cai, Congyan. "Chinese Foreign Relations Law". AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 336–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.91.
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Curtis Bradley has observed that, apart from in the United States, foreign relations law generally has not been treated as a separate academic field, but that this situation is starting to change. This observation can also find evidence in China. In March 2016, I hosted a conference on “Chinese Foreign Relations Law: A New Agenda” at Xiamen University School of Law, where I am a faculty member. This is the first conference engaging with this field in China. Also in 2016, a Chinese professor of private international law published the first article discussing Chinese foreign relations law in a general way, the main argument of which is that foreign relations law should be a component of the “rule of law” in China.
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Harris, Stuart. "Australia‐China political relations: From fear to friendly relations?" Australian Journal of International Affairs 49, nr 2 (listopad 1995): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719508445159.
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McDougall, Derek. "Foreign Policy Studies in Australia". Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, nr 3 (wrzesień 2009): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.1523a.x.
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