Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / China Foreign relations Australia

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „China Foreign relations Australia”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021

Data aktualizacji: 29 stycznia 2023

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "China Foreign relations Australia"

YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50". East Asian Policy 14, nr 02 (kwiecień 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.

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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937". Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, nr 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.

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Garin, Artyom. "THE FEATURES OF MODERN SINO-AUSTRALIAN TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING ASIA-PACIFIC". Eastern Analytics, nr 2 (2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-032-042.

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Australia successfully combines a unique geopolitical position in the Asia- Pacific, as well as economic potential. At the same time, the emerging trade dependence of the Fifth Continent on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy year by year. The aggravation of Sino- U.S. relations has also led to tension between Australia and China. In 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused negative impacts on the global economy, and trade tensions began between the two states. In early 2021 Beijng also suspended all activity under the China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue for an indefinite period. All these events give the research of trade and economic relations between Australia and the PRC a great practical focus, including allowing us to more specifically identify the degree of dependence of the economy of the Fifth Continent on the situation in China or the degree of Sino- Australian relation. This article examines the consequences of the suspension China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue, in particular, its impact on the future prospects for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of China’s economic growth rates on the Australian economy. At the same time, the author aggregates the trade and economic strategies of Australia as a middle power, considering Canberra’s response to the transformation of the regional architecture in the Asia- Pacific. The provisions and conclusions presented in this article are based on the study of the works of leading international researchers specializing in foreign policy and economic issues of Australia, as well as Sino- Australian relations.

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Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation". South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, nr 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.

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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.

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Taylor, Brendan. "Is Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy an illusion?" International Affairs 96, nr 1 (1.01.2020): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz228.

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Abstract Australia has been among the most prominent advocates of the increasingly popular Indo-Pacific concept. This article argues that Canberra's enthusiasm for the concept stems from its appeal to the two dominant traditions of Australian foreign policy—a ‘dependent ally’ tradition and a ‘middle power’ approach. While these two traditions are typically seen as being in tension, the Indo-Pacific concept provides a rare point of convergence between them. The article begins by outlining the appeal of the Indo-Pacific concept to each of these traditions. Using a case-study of recent Australian policy toward the South China Sea disputes, however, the article then demonstrates that Australia has in practice implemented its stated Indo-Pacific strategy far less consistently than its very vocal support would appear to suggest. This disjuncture is attributed to the growing influence of a third, generally understudied, ‘pragmatic’ Australian foreign policy tradition. Because Australia has been such a prominent champion of the Indo-Pacific concept, the article concludes that this divergence between the rhetoric and the reality of Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy threatens to have a negative impact on the concept's broader international appeal and sustainability, particularly among Australia's south-east Asian neighbours.

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Xi, Junfang, i Weihuan Zhou. "Chinas Liberalization of Legal Services Under the ChAFTA: Market Access or Lack of Market Access for Australian Legal Practices". Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 2 (1.04.2017): 233–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017010.

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This article explores China’s commitments to liberalizing legal services under the recently concluded China – Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA). While China’s ChAFTA commitments extend beyond its commitments on legal services under the World Trade Organization and under most of China’s other Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), we argue that the degree of liberalization under the ChAFTA has been over-stated. The ChAFTA does not create additional market access for Australian legal practices as it merely recognizes the existing practice in the Chinese market and the same market access granted to Australia has been extended to all other foreign legal practices by initiatives launched in the Shanghai Free Trade Zone. Further, the ChAFTA fails to lift the major regulatory barriers to foreign legal practices in China. Consequently, Australian law firms will continue to compete with other foreign law firms in the same regulatory environment. China is likely to continue to unilaterally liberalize its legal services market via the free trade zones; but such liberalization is likely to be applied to all foreign legal practices. Towards this end, the benefits that the ChAFTA would bring to Australian legal practices are likely to be two-fold: (1) increased business opportunities in cross-border transactions, and (2) strengthened confidence in doing business in China.

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Tisdell, Clem. "Foreign Tourism in China, in Australia, and between Australia and China: Some Observations and Comparisons". China Report 26, nr 3 (lipiec 1990): 261–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559002600303.

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Grunberg, Benjamin, i Jadranka Petrovic. "Intersecting Trade, Politics and Human Rights: The Negotiation Phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement". Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 1 (1.02.2017): 67–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017004.

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This article concerns a free trade agreement (FTA) between Australia and China signed on 17 June 2015. It has been acclaimed that this agreement lays the foundation for the next phase of Australia’s economic relationship with China and predicted that it will unlock significant opportunities for Australia as China is Australia’s largest export market for both goods and services, accounting for nearly a third of total exports, and a growing source of foreign investment. However, concerns have been expressed that the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement is likely to have a number of retrogressive effects on the protection and promotion of human rights, including labour standards. This article explores differences between the free trade agreement negotiating precepts and cultures of China and Australia and the status of human rights in those negotiations, with an emphasis on understanding representative Australian attitudes. Although those negotiations are now a faint accompli, they are nevertheless of great interest. The article’s focus on the fate of human rights in the negotiation phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement from the Australian perspective, together with the dynamics and nuances of the negotiation process giving rise to the Agreement, provides timely and significant insight on the implementation process, as well as a lesson-learned for future free-trade negotiations. The article argues that human rights should not be overlooked in the negotiations that lead to a free trade agreement. The article comprises seven parts. Section 1 introduces the subject-matter. Section 2 provides a historical overview of trade relations between Australia and China. Section 3 considers the complexity of negotiations between the two States and their different expectations and approaches. Section 4 outlines Australia’s major international human rights obligations including labour standards. Section 5 highlights specific human rights concerns raised in Australia during the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement negotiations. Section 6 observes other States’ approaches to human rights issues when negotiating their FTAs with China. Section 7 concludes that robust safeguards must be embedded and that a close consideration should be given to the implementation process, including the ex post human rights impact assessment of the Australia- China Free Trade Agreement.

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GARIN, Artyom A. "AUKUS AND THE SOUTH PACIFIC: FOREIGN POLICY AND SECURITY IMPLICATIONS FOR AUSTRALIA". Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, nr 1 (54) (2022): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-223-233.

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The United States, the UK and Australia continue to enhance defence cooperation in the dual space of the Indian and Pacific Oceans. These powers announced the establishing of a trilateral security pact AUKUS on September 15, 2021. The U.S. will transfer nuclear submarine technology to Australia but the nature of AUKUS implies a broader technological interaction between the parties. Despite the Anglosphere's attempts to indicate that their actions aren't directed against any power, all their actions reveal intensifying rivalry with the People's Republic of China (PRC). This article examines the nature of AUKUS and the reasons for its appearance. Special attention is paid to the influence of the alliance on the Fifth Continent's defense capabilities and its domestic policy dimension. At the same time, the author analyzes the impact of AUKUS on Australia's relations with the countries of Southeast Asia and Oceania.

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Krivushin, I. V. "Russia-Australia Relations before and after the Ukrainian Crisis". Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, nr 1 (1.04.2019): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-133-158.

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The crisis of Australian-Russian relations after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and the set of factors that caused it have received little attention from scholars of international affairs. The article contributes to addressing this research lacuna. It examines the 2014–2015 crisis in bilateral relations from the point of view of both Moscow and of Canberra. The author analyses the evolution of these relations before 2014 to understand whether the Ukrainian crisis was the cause of their sharp deterioration in 2014–2015, or it only accelerated the process that began much earlier. He demonstrates that Australia had no close political and economic ties with Russia, and the two countries did not consider each other as priority partners. The article finds that in 2014–2015 the Kremlin did not take into account a number of factors, such as very limited interest of Australia in commercial exchanges with Russia, Canberra’s growing suspicions about Moscow’s foreign policy intentions and view of Russia as a revisionist power (especially after the 2008 Russia-Georgia war), a strong sense of solidarity with the West among Australia’s political elites, and Russia’s increasingly worsening public image in Australia, that negatively affected Canberra’s stance towards the Kremlin even before 2014, and which greatly contributed to the crisis in bilateral relations. As for future development, the author identifies two factors that may have a negative impact on Russian-Australian relations: 1) rising energy demand in China and India, making Russia and Australia potential competitors in Asia’s gas markets; 2) a too close rapprochement of Moscow with Beijing, fraughtwith the risk of embroiling Russia in a web of conflicts in the Western Pacific.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "China Foreign relations Australia"

de, Somer Gregory John Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.

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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.

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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.

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Whittington, Sherrill. "China's contemporary foreign relations and defence developments". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112027.

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After four decades of post-war revolutionary struggle, erratic swings of domestic policies and dramatic changes in leadership style, the People's Republic of China (PRC) is apparently set on a stable pragmatic path which is intended to take a technologically advanced nation into the twenty-first century. An international policy based on extensive economic relations with both Western and Eastern blocs, coupled with the promotion of global conciliation is the foreign policy formula which Beijing considers will best promote its domestic interests. Throughout the Maoist period which dominated almost thirty years of the Republic's existence, the global policy was one promoting a 'United Front' with fellow Third World nations based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, while simultaneously attempting to extricate the nation from the overriding influence of the Soviet Union. To avoid "leaning to one side", being overdependent on any one major power, thereby became the leitmotif of Beijing's foreign policy as Sino-Soviet discord was parallelled by open criticism of the imperialistic aggression of the capitalist superpower, the United States. However, shifts in the global balance by the early 1970s and Washington's desire to conciliate with the People's Republic led to a reappraisal of Beijing's international posture, with the U.S.A. coming to be regarded more benignly.

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Xia, Lan Yan. "The change and challenge of Chinese overseas interest in post 9/11 era". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554620.

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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion". Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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Que, Wen Jun. "String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.

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Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. "The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

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This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.

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Mead, Jonathan, i mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship". Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.

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Fang, Xiaodong. "Anti-China rhetoric, presidential elections and U.S. foreign policy towards China". Thesis, Georgetown University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10128065.

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Is anti-China rhetoric an effective strategy in U.S. presidential campaigns? If the answer is Yes, then to what extent does anti-China rhetoric affect them? If the answer is No, then why have so many presidential candidates used anti-China rhetoric in recent campaigns? Is anti-China rhetoric only election-driven? Is it also policy-driven? Do presidential candidates use anti-China rhetoric to seek voter support, as well as propose changes in U.S. foreign policy towards China?

Conventional wisdom and scholars like Robert Sutter suggest that foreign policy has little effect on American presidential elections and anti-foreign rhetoric by presidential candidates does not matter to American foreign policy and foreign relations. In this dissertation, however, I argue the opposite that anti-China rhetoric exercises significant influence on American presidential elections and foreign policy towards China. The dissertation addresses two fundamental questions: 1) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American presidential elections? And 2) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American foreign policy towards China, American public opinion towards China, and U.S.-China relationship? To answer the first question about elections, I focus on televised campaign commercials and statistically estimate the effect of anti-China rhetoric on seeking voter support in the presidential election. The data I examine come from the “Wisconsin Advertising Project” and various election polls in 2008. I answer the second question about foreign policy by exploring the contents of anti-China rhetoric in campaign activities including ads, candidates’ speeches and debates, and public statements about policy towards China and how that rhetoric affects subsequent American foreign policy towards China, as well as public opinion of China and U.S.-China relations. My statistical and qualitative analyses find that airing ads using anti-China rhetoric increases the presidential candidate’s voter support in target states; that the administration is more likely to make tough foreign policies towards China when there is more anti-China rhetoric by presidential candidates; and thirdly, that anti-China rhetoric during the election year negatively affects American opinions of China but produces a positive impact on U.S.-China relations.

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Książki na temat "China Foreign relations Australia"

Australia-China relations post 1949: Sixty years of trade and politics. Farnham: Ashgate, 2012.

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Doran, Stuart. Australia and recognition of the People's Republic of China, 1949-1972. Canberra: Dept. of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2002.

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Mackerras, Colin. The Beijing tragedy: Implications for China and Australia. Nathan, Qld., Australia: Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations, Division of Asian and International Studies, Griffith University, 1989.

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Beeson, Mark. China's regional relations: Evolving foreign policy dynamics. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2014.

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Colin, Mackerras, red. From fear to friendship: Australia's policies towards the People's Republic of China, 1966-1982. St. Lucia, Queensland, Australia: University of Queensland Press, 1985.

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Fitzgerald, Stephen. Australia's China. Canberra: Australian National University, 1989.

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Australia's China: Changing perceptions from the 1930s to the 1990s. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

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Foundation, Australian Business. Engaging China: The realities for Australian business. North Sydney, N.S.W: Australian Business Foundation, 2009.

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Foundation, Australian Business. Engaging China: The realities for Australian business. North Sydney, N.S.W: Australian Business Foundation, 2009.

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Attorney-General, Victoria, i International Trade Law Conference (1974- ) (12th : 1985 : Beijing, China and Shanghai, China), red. Australia-China Trade and Investment Law Conference: Incorporating the 12th International Trade Law Conference : Beijing/Shanghai, October 1985. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1986.

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Części książek na temat "China Foreign relations Australia"

Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China". W Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

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David Walton. "China and Japan in Australian Foreign Policy". W China-Japan Relations in the 21st Century, 355–75. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4373-4_15.

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Heikkila, Eric J. "Foreign Relations". W China from a U.S. Policy Perspective, 173–95. New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003021209-13.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo i Andrew T. H. Tan. "China-Asia relations". W China's Foreign Policy, 102–18. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-9.

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Loewe, Michael. "Relations with Foreign Peoples". W Imperial China, 247–75. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003242710-9.

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Roy, Denny. "China and Global Politics". W China’s Foreign Relations, 128–57. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26364-6_7.

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Rajagopalan, Rajeswari Pillai. "India–China relations". W Chinese Foreign Policy Under Xi, 95–106. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. | Series: Politics in Asia series: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315628981-7.

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Roy, Denny. "China and the World Economy". W China’s Foreign Relations, 77–104. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26364-6_5.

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Moens, Alexander. "Normalizing Relations with China". W Foreign Policy Under Carter, 109–34. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429045592-6.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo i Andrew T. H. Tan. "China-Soviet Union/Russia relations". W China's Foreign Policy, 69–83. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-7.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "China Foreign relations Australia"

Chen, Jinling, i Zhongyi Bao. "History of Russia China Foreign Trade Relations". W 2022 3rd International Conference on Language, Art and Cultural Exchange（ICLACE 2022). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220706.015.

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Prakoso, Fauzi Firmansyah, i Baiq Wardhani. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy: Australia Turn Back the Boats Policy under Tony Abbott". W Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279004770483.

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Rahmadini, Anggia, i Citra Hennida. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy China Aggressive Stance in South China Sea under Xi Jinping". W Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278404340440.

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Selminskaya, O. N., i N. A. Babkina. "FOREIGN ECONOMIC SECURITY OF RUSSIA: CONTENT AND ASSESSMENT". W CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.63.

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The article defines the essence of economic security in the context of the global crisis during the pandemic, analyzes the state of foreign economic security of the Russian Federation using the coefficient of import coverage by export, its dynamics, and compliance of indicators of foreign economic relations with the limit value.

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Ponka, Tatiana, i Evgeniya Katkova. "Cooperation in Science and Education as an Instrument for Strengthening Relations between China and Australia". W 3rd International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities (ICCESSH 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccessh-18.2018.24.

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Sivtsova, Nadezhda, Yulia Boltenkova i Jin Changhao. "Foreign Economic Relations Between China and Countries of Central Asia: Trends and Development Prospects". W 8th International Conference on Contemporary Problems in the Development of Economic, Financial and Credit Systems (DEFCS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201215.031.

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Rodionova, Olga Yu. "Technologization of Higher Education in Russia and China". W Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-157-165.

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Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962". W The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.

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Shishikin, Vitaliy G. "Royal Dutch Shell Activities in China in the 1940s — 1960s". W Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-46-51.

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Filippov, Sergey I. "Protests in the USSR and China in the Late 1980s — Early 1990s". W Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-52-54.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "China Foreign relations Australia"

Cao, Shoufeng, Uwe Dulleck, Warwick Powell, Charles Turner-Morris, Valeri Natanelov i Marcus Foth. BeefLedger blockchain-credentialed beef exports to China: Early consumer insights. Queensland University of Technology, maj 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.200267.

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The BeefLedger Export Smart Contracts project is a collaborative research study between BeefLedger Ltd and QUT co-funded by the Food Agility CRC. This project exists to deliver economic value to those involved in the production, export and consumption of Australian beef to China through: (1) reduced information asymmetry; (2) streamlined compliance processes, and; (3) developing and accessing new data-driven value drivers, through the deployment of decentralised ledger technologies and associated governance systems. This report presents early insights from a survey deployed to Chinese consumers in Nov/Dec 2019 exploring attitudes and preferences about blockchain-credentialed beef exports to China. Our results show that most local and foreign consumers were willing to pay more than the reference price for a BeefLedger branded Australian cut and packed Sirloin steak at the same weight. Although considered superior over Chinese processed Australian beef products, the Chinese market were sceptical that the beef they buy was really from Australia, expressing low trust in Australian label and traceability information. Despite lower trust, most survey respondents were willing to pay more for traceability supported Australian beef, potentially because including this information provided an additional sense of safety. Therefore, traceability information should be provided to consumers, as it can add a competitive advantage over products without traceability.

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Béraud-Sudreau, Lucie, Xiao Liang, Siemon T. Wezeman i Ming Sun. Arms-production Capabilities in the Indo-Pacific Region: Measuring Self-reliance. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, wrzesień 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/xgre7769.

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Armed forces in the Indo-Pacific region remain dependent on weapon systems imported from foreign suppliers. This is despite the efforts of many governments in the Indo-Pacific to implement policies that support the development of local arms industrial capabilities with the aim of increasing self-reliance. This report develops three indicators to give a score and regional ranking of self-reliance to twelve jurisdictions in the Indo-Pacific region: Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Viet Nam. Overall, this report contributes to knowledge and debates on armament trends and military modernization in the Indo-Pacific. In a region where tensions among neighbours are rising, it further contributes to transparency with regard to levels of self-reliance in domestic arms production, allowing for an independent assessment of the region’s respective arms industries.

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