Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Children's Hearings Project”

The 1940s and 1950s saw a widespread outcry over children's reading of comic books, most pronouncedly the often violent, gory and erotic crime and horror genres. Concern and outrage over the assumed effects of the ubiquitous magazines on young minds was expressed in a deluge of newspaper editorials, magazine articles, professional and academic journals, and elsewhere. A grassroots movement to restrict children's access to comics led to a Senate Subcommittee hearing in the US investigating links to juvenile delinquency and to legislation in several countries prohibiting the sale of certain comics to minors. Using Omeka publishing and exhibition software, this digital humanities project takes the form of an online exhibition and digital archive and considers the ways in which the comics crisis was structured around the idea of childhood innocence

The child recognizes the world through his senses: tasting, touching, smelling, seeing, hearing, and moving. Sensory experience - is the first cognition of the world. Therefore, we create a positive learning environment for children recognize and identify their feelings, understand new information. Children gain the experience and acquire knowledge first of all through the play. There are the certain tools, toys and materials which are needed to meet cognitive demand in each child's development level. The project "I will perceive the world in this way" has been lasted for one academic year in order to educate and empower the children's senses. The project goal: Encourage each child to explore the world through the basic 5 senses. The project participants: 4-5 years old children. Three new games have been played and practical activity has been organized each month. After project children have expanded empowerment of their senses. They gained not only theoretical, visual knowledge about nature and environment practice, but also had heightened tasting, hearing, touching senses and perception. Key words: sensory experience, cognition process, visual knowledge.

On the basis of the diagnostic results yielded by the international project “The Coordination between Musical Hearing and Vocal Apparatus of 6–8-Year-Old Children during the Process of Singing: Comparative Study in Latvia, Lithuania and Taiwan”, strategies for the development of 6–8-year-old children’s breathing for singing were formulated in three areas (breath support, formation of the sensation of inhalation and exhalation, and breath energy), as well as exercises for the development of correct breathing in singing were devised. Research aim: to design strategies for developing 6–8-year-old children’s breathing for singing.

An evaluation of pre-hearing conferences in the Children's Court of Victoria was carried out during 1994 by five members of staff from the School of Social Work at the University of Melbourne. An interesting theme which emerged from this evaluation is the role of the convenor as pivotal to the process of the pre-hearing conference. The convenor has emerged as a critical figure in the success of the mediation process, and the knowledge, skills, and values they are equipped with are seen as essential to their effective operation. This article describes the role of convenors and the many responsibilities they must juggle in fulfilling their role, and the characteristics which make for an effective and successful conference. As conferences become a more frequent method of resolving conflict between individuals, families and society, it is hoped that the principles which emerge from this article will be applied to other conference proceedings. It is clear that we are moving away from conventional adversarial methods, to mediative and conciliative modes, and in doing so we need to become clear about the characteristics which are required for such processes. This is one exploratory study of a pilot project in Victoria which should be of interest to other conferencing and mediation mechanisms.

Purpose This work describes community-based participatory research (CBPR) to support language and literacy development with Pre-K and kindergarten African American boys. Method The aim and goals of the project were designed using the CBPR model. Interventionists were trained with researcher-designed videos. Interventionist fidelity to training was assessed. Pre- and posttests of child language were completed after the 12 weeks of dialogic reading intervention. Results The CBPR team learned the dialogic reading protocol from the video trainings and provided the lessons with fidelity. Children's postintervention scores of sound-matching and nonword repetition increased significantly. Postintervention changes in lexical diversity and productive syntax were age graded, such that younger children's scores increased over time whereas older children's scores decreased. Conclusions CBPR is a viable method for speech-language pathologists seeking to develop language and literacy lessons for low resource communities. Self-paced videos can effectively train interventionists to provide dialogic reading lessons with fidelity. Young children's sound-matching and nonword repetition skills can improve significantly with 12 weeks of dialogic reading lessons.

On the basis of the diagnostic study carried out in the framework of the international project “Coordination between 6–8 Year-Old Children’s Musical Hearing and Vocal Apparatus during the Process of Singing: Comparative Study in Latvia, Lithuania and Taiwan” the following problems were defined for those involved in the experiment in Latvia: children’s voice diapason and intonation (undeveloped voice diapason, which does not at large surpass quarto-tertian; inaccurate intonation of melody, bordering “speaking voice”; intonation of the general ascending and descending movement of melody by inaccurate inner filling), typical cases of inaccurate intonation in the process of singing at every age group of children; as well as strategies and didactic material was elaborated for forming and developing singing intonation at different stages of 6–8 year-old children in the framework of case study.

Purpose – This paper aims to offer both a practical and reflective stance on a longitudinal multi-method interpretive consumer research project carried out with tween girls. Design/methodology/approach – This multi-layered approach to data collection, involving qualitative diaries, accompanied shopping trips, e-collages and in-depth interviews, addresses the need, as articulated by Morrow and Richards (1996, p. 96) to “move away from the narrow focus of socialization and child development” toward a research approach that prioritizes children’s own experiences of their lives as children, thereby reconsidering the richness of children’s voices. Findings – In line with those whose work seeks to privilege children’s knowledge of the world they inhabit while also emphasizing the need, as in the case of adult “doing” to place that existence within its broader social context (Russell and Tyler, 2005, p. 227), diaries, in-depth interviews, shopping trips, e-collages and researcher diaries were used to access the world of these social neophytes as they mediate their social worlds through the ever pervasive prism of consumer culture. The light and shade of their worlds cannot be captured by adult-oriented perspectives on research which assume that young consumers are incompetent, worthy of debate merely to ascertain levelness of agency or of interest merely to quantify degrees of participation in and comprehension of the semiotic markers of our consumer society. Research limitations/implications – Only female consumers were involved in this study which underlines the need to engage with both genders when it comes to researching young consumers. Practical implications – This paper offers a tangible contribution to the movement of research toward understanding young consumers’ worlds through engagement with multi-layered discourses and representations. Originality/value – This multi-layered, multi-method research project acknowledges the enthralling complexity of these young consumers’ social worlds, giving a richness and immediacy to their accounts of the compelling intimacy between young adolescent identity and the marketplace.

Background and aim: It is suggested that hearing impaired children with hearing aids and cochlear implant, showed poor pragmatic abilities. Pragmatic is the most related language component to social interaction. Further, it has effect on personality development and self-esteem. The main aim of the present study is investigating the relationship between pragmatic abilities and self-esteem in hearing impaired children. Materials and methods: sixty hearing impaired children with hearing aids or cochlear implant were included into this study according to inclusion and exclusion criteria. Then parents or other caregivers were asked to fulfill Children’s Communication Checklist (CCC) and self-esteem questionnaire. The participants were divided into three groups based on hearing impairment severity, including: severe, moderate and mild. The relationship between pragmatic ability and self-esteem was examined in three groups and without considering categorization, by Pearson correlation coefficient, significant level was 0.05. Ethical considerations: This project is approved in Arak university of medical sciences with ethical registration code IR.ARAKMU.REC.1399.150. All parents gave written informed consent form. findings: the results illustrated that there is significant relationship between pragmatic abilities and self-esteem in all hearing impairment children without considering categorization (p<0.05). By considering categorization, significant relationship was showed in self-esteem and pragmatic abilities in moderate and mild groups (p<0.05). Conclusion: according to our analysis, pragmatic abilities and self-esteem are related. This relationship is more obvious in low severity impairment.

Sociocultural factors effect the learning of deaf and hard-of-hearing (deaf/hh) children. Knowledge and sensitivity to children's home culture can assist the teacher in planning effective lessons. A three year project funded by the U.S. Department of Education is described which prepared 15 teachers of deaf/hh children in southeastern Kentucky. It is suggested that teacher-preparation programs include information on the sociocultural context of the communities where its graduates will work. The needs of preservice teachers for southeast Kentucky are conceptualized into four components: (a) Appalachian history, culture, and language; (b) deafness and learning strategies; (c) deaf culture and American Sign Language; and d) main-streaming competencies. Self-reports by the 15 trainees on their progress in the program are presented along with evaluations of teaching performance by their school supervisors.

Republic of Serbia has invested maximum efforts in adjusting national legislation with the international legal framework, as well in fulfilling its obligations foreseen in relevant international documents, including the Child Rights Convention. The purpose of this paper is to present Units for the Protection of Child Victims and Witnesses in the Criminal Proceedings that were developed within the IPA project ?Improvement of Children's Right through the System of Justice and Social Protection in Serbia?, funded by the EU, and implemented by the UNCEF in cooperation with the Ministry of Justice and Ministry of Labour, Employment, Veteran and Social Policy of the Republic of Serbia. The project was implemented from August 2014 to March 2017. The purpose of the Units is to ensure the best interest of children in situation when a child is identified as a victim or a witness of a crime and appears in the criminal or other court procedure. In this way, the state protects children who are important and infallible part of judicial proceedings from secondary victimization and traumatisation, given that the processes within institutions inevitably reflect on mental state of a child. Units were established in four cities: Belgrade, Nis, Novi Sad, and Kragujevac, and they operate at the regional level. This enables that all children, even those in rural areas, will be provided with adequate assistance and support during preparations for the hearing, during criminal proceedings, as well as in its aftermath. The role of the Units is multiple: along with the support to children, it also includes support to the judiciary agencies since the hearing may be performed with a help of professional personnel, psychologist, pedagogue or social worker. Since the members of the Units are trained for conducting forensic interviews according to the Protocol of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, their involvement by the judiciary becomes even more frequent. They try to avoid possible harmful effects of proceedings on children's health, their personality, growth and development. This paper particularly focuses on the legal position and protection of children as suggested by the international legal framework, and relevant legislation in Serbia, which present the basis for establishing the Units. Additionally, the paper pays special attention to psychological aspects of children's development and their position in the judicial proceedings. The so far results of the Units? work has shown that 103 children have been given support in judicial proceedings, 23 children have been given the status of a particularly vulnerable witness, 108 info-sessions have been organized for professionals in judiciary and the social welfare system in order to introduce the Units and enable them to use services that Units provide. The results also suggest that predictability reduces the feeling of uncertainty and contributes to strengthening children's trust in the judicial proceedings. However, this is only the beginning. A lot of efforts and work needs to be done in order to use the full potential of the Units. In this respect it is relevant to make a shift from project financing to the State funding.

This report provides an overview of many research projects conducted by the Dallas Cochlear Implant Program, a joint enterprise between the University of Texas at Dallas, the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, and Children’s Medical Center. The studies extend our knowledge of factors influencing communication outcomes in users of cochlear implants. Multiple designs and statistical techniques are used in the studies described including both cross sectional and longitudinal analyses. Sample sizes vary across the studies, and many of the samples represent large populations of children from North America. Multiple statistical techniques are used by the team to analyze outcomes. The team has provided critical information regarding electrode placement, signal processing, and communication outcomes in users of cochlear implants.

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between parent concerns about children's oral language, reading, and related skills and their children's performance on standardized assessments of language and reading, with a particular focus on whether those relationships differed between children recruited for in-school versus online participation. Method: This study used data from a larger, longitudinal project focused on children with and without developmental language disorder (DLD) and/or dyslexia. The “in-school” sample ( n = 133) completed assessments in-person before school closures, and the “online” sample ( n = 84) recruited via advertisements completed assessments online. Parents completed a checklist of concerns. All children completed norm-referenced assessments of language and reading. Results: The two recruitment strategies yielded samples that differed in racial diversity (higher in the in-school sample), caregiver education levels (higher in the online sample), and word reading test scores (higher in the online sample). Parents in both samples reported higher levels of concerns about literacy skills than oral language skills, and the correlation between parent concerns about literacy and children's word reading test scores was stronger than the correlation between parent concerns about oral language and children's language test scores. Conclusions: Researchers and clinicians should be aware of how recruitment strategies and assessment modalities (e.g., in-person vs. tele-assessment) may impact participation in studies and clinical service. A reliance on parent concerns about oral language to prompt a language evaluation may contribute to low rates of identification of children who meet criteria for DLD. Future research can consider parent concerns about literacy, attention, and executive functions as indicators of a need for language evaluation, especially considering the high comorbidity between language and other developmental disorders.

Abstract This study explores the impact of Strategic and Interactive Writing Instruction (SIWI) on six students’ written language skills through the application of a multiple-baseline probe single case design with embedded condition. This was part of a larger Institute of Education Sciences (IES)-funded project focused on the development and feasibility of implementation of SIWI. For the majority of skills analyzed, there were improvements in the mean level of performance with the implementation of SIWI, as well as more consistent responding and positive trends in the data. The study also revealed that teachers are in need of additional tools to aid the systematic identification and tracking of syntax skills in children’s written language development, and to distinguish these from other writing skills such as conventions or handwriting.

Abstract Background In recent years, china has paid more and more attention to the status and role of parenting style in the whole education system, and clearly proposed to “Give full play to the important role of family education in the growth of teenagers” In the national long-term education reform and development plan (2010-2020). The junior middle school stage is more important in the whole development process of middle school students, and junior middle school students are in puberty. At this stage, their rapid physical development and intense emotional fluctuations are the “Storm” of emotional development. After all, the education of emotional regulation ability infiltrated by school education and teaching in students' mental health education is limited, there is also a lack of corresponding guidance on whether students can master effective methods of emotional regulation, or some schools have not attracted attention. As the first caregiver of children, the influence of parents on students directly determines their relationship with others and their own management. In this special stage of junior middle school, students want to try their best to get rid of the control of their parents and let their parents treat themselves as “Adults”. Parents still treat them as “Children” As always. This huge contradiction determines that the parenting methods and methods of parents in their children's study and life will also have an impact on their children, thus affecting their emotional regulation. Because of these, this study aims to explore the relationship between parenting style, interpersonal skills and emotional regulation of junior middle school students with hearing impairment in southern minority areas. Subjects and Methods 123valid questionnaires were collected from several representative special schools. Taking the hearing impaired junior middle school students in special education schools in southern minority areas such as nanning, guilin, liuzhou and qinzhou as the main research object, the investigation was conducted through online electronic questionnaire. This study draws on the research results of scholars at home and abroad, and based on the existing relevant theories. The chinese version of the emotional regulation scale (revised by ji junmei (2009) and the chinese version of the chinese version of the chinese version of the chinese version of the chinese version of the chinese version of the emotional regulation scale (pbi) (revised by ji junmei (2010) and yang jiamei) 0 for descriptive analysis, analysis of variance and linear regression analysis. Results The rearing style of hearing-impaired junior middle school students tended to be negative. There were significant differences between men and women in father overprotection. The father overprotection of boys was significantly higher than that of girls; there are significant gender differences in interpersonal communication ability in conflict resolution ability, and boys are significantly better than girls in conflict resolution ability; there are significant differences in self disclosure ability in grades, showing an upward phenomenon in grades; the non only child is significantly better than the only child in moderate rejection ability. The emotional support ability of junior middle school students with hearing impairment in interpersonal communication is significantly stronger than that of single parent families. Conclusion There is a significant positive correlation between the rearing style and interpersonal communication ability of hearing impaired students in junior middle school, in which the emotional warmth of the mother is positively correlated with the ability of interpersonal relationship establishment and conflict resolution, and the refusal and overprotection of the mother are positively correlated with the ability of self disclosure. In terms of emotional ability, there is no difference between men and women, but there is a grade difference, and the third grade is significantly higher than the second grade; there is a significant negative correlation between the emotion regulation ability of junior middle school students and parental care. The more parents care for their children, the less their children's bad emotions will be; there is a significant positive correlation between junior middle school students' bad emotions and parental control. The more parents control their children, the higher the children's bad emotions will be. Parental care, parental encouragement and parental control can significantly predict children's emotional regulation ability; parental care and encouraging autonomy were significantly positive predictors, and parental control had a negative predictive effect on emotional regulation. Acknowledgements The authors acknowledge the project of Guangxi department of education: Research on the construction of early intervention support system for special children aged 3-6 in Guangxi (No.: 2020KY09008); study on the construction of psychological support system for sibling relationship of special children (No.: 2019KY0420) and general research project of humanities and social sciences of the ministry of education in 2021: Research on the strategy of improving the professional quality of county special education teachers in the western region in the new development stage(No.: 21YJA880046); the project of Guangxi department of education in 2022: Research and practice on the “compound” excellent special education teachers training based on the OBE concept.

The music that children are exposed to in their everyday lives plays an important role in shaping the way they interpret the world around them, and television soundtracks are, together with their direct experience of reality, one of the most significant sources of such input. This work is part of a broader research project that looks at what kind of music children listen to in a sample of Latin American and Spanish TV programmes. More specifically, this study focuses on children’s programmes in Spain, and was addressed using a semiotic theoretical framework with a quantitative and musical approach. The programme «Los Lunnis» was chosen as the subject of a preliminary study, which consisted in applying 90 templates and then analysing them in terms of the musical content. The results show that the programme uses music both as the leading figure and as a background element. The most common texture is the accompanied monody and the use of voice, and there is a predominance of electronic instrumental sounds, binary stress and major modes with modulations. Musical pieces are sometimes truncated and rhythmically the music is quite poor; the style used is predominantly that of foreign popular music, with a few allusions to the classical style and to incidental music. The data reveal the presence of music in cultural and patrimonial aspects, as well as in cognitive construction, which were not taken into account in studies on the influence of TV in Spain. Such aspects do emerge, however, when they are reviewed from the perspective of semiotics, musical representation, formal analysis and restructuring theories.La música de la vida cotidiana del niño tiene uno de sus referentes, junto a su experiencia real, en la banda sonora de la televisión, configurando una parte de su interpretación de la realidad. Este trabajo forma parte de una investigación más amplia sobre la escucha televisiva infantil en una muestra iberoamericana. El objetivo, conocer qué escuchan los niños en la programación infantil de «Televisión Española», ha sido estudiado desde un marco teórico semiótico con un enfoque cuantitativo y musical. El artículo presenta un resumen de los resultados obtenidos en un primer análisis del programa «Los Lunnis» mediante la aplicación de noventa plantillas y sus análisis musicales correspondientes. Estos resultados indican que el programa utiliza la música como fondo y figura, textura de monodía acompañada y utilización de la voz, predominio del sonido electrónico instrumental, acento binario y modo mayor con modulaciones. Aparecen piezas musicales cortadas y cierta pobreza rítmica, su opción estilística es la música popular no propia, con algunos guiños al estilo clásico y a la música incidental. Los datos muestran la presencia de la música en aspectos culturales, patrimoniales y de construcción cognitiva no considerados en los estudios sobre la influencia de la TV en España, pero que emergen cuando son revisados desde la semiótica, la representación musical, el análisis formal y las teorías de la reestructuración.

This paper reports on the results of a large project involving 7-year-old children attending language units in England. A group of 242 children with specific language impairment (SLI) were assessed on a battery of psychometric tests. In addition, teacher interviews were carried out to ascertain teachers’ opinions of the children’s difficulties. Cluster analysis revealed six robust subgroups of children with language difficulties. The findings are discussed in the context of other approaches to the classification of language impairment in children with special reference to the work of Rapin and Allen (1987).

В данной статье рассматривается создание инклюзивной среды в музеях как показатель толерантности отечественной музейной культуры. Особый акцент делается на необходимости адаптации музейных пространств и экспонатов для посетителей с ограниченными возможностями здоровья. Авторы, будучи студентами Новгородского государственного университета, разрабатывают проект, в котором будут созданы три варианта адаптированной экскурсии для детей: с нарушениями зрения, с нарушениями слуха, ментальными расстройствами. Проект реализуется на базе Детского музейного центра, а точнее открытого музейного пространства, которое называется «Город мальчика Онфима». В данном музейном пространстве проводится экскурсия «Игрушки для Онфима», которую авторы, собственно, и адаптируют в рамках своей деятельности. Студенты предполагают, что такая деятельность способствует формированию профессиональных компетенций будущих дефектологов – логопедов. Во время разработки музейного проекта авторы как раз и получили возможность овладеть рядом таких компетенций в различных направлениях: диагностико-прогностической, коррекционно-развивающей и социально-коммуникативной. В статье авторы подчеркивают важность взаимодействия музея и университета для создания новых успешных проектов. Между авторами и работниками музея уже установлено тесное сотрудничество, которое позволяет обеим сторонам получать новый опыт в сфере музейного искусства и дефектологии соответственно. В статье также отмечается роль Новгородского государственного объединенного Музея-заповедника в развитии региона и его особое внимание к детям, включая детский музейный центр, который проводит персональные и тематические выставки, мастер-классы и другие мероприятия для детей. Однако авторы отмечают, что появление новых ресурсов в музейном центре требует нового инклюзивного подхода. This article considers the creation of an inclusive environment in museums as an indicator of tolerance of museum culture in our country. Special emphasis is placed on the need to adapt museum spaces and exhibits for visitors with disabilities. The authors, being students of Novgorod State University, are developing a project that will create three variants of an excursion adapted for children: with visual impairments, with hearing impairments, with mental disorders. The project is being implemented on the basis of the Children's Museum Centre, or rather an open museum space called «Boy Onfim's Town». In this museum space there is an excursion «Toys for Onfim», which the authors are actually adapting as part of their activity. Students assume that such activities contribute to the formation of professional competences of future speech therapists. During the development of the museum project, the authors had an opportunity to master a number of such competences in different areas: diagnostic and prognostic, corrective-developmental and socio-communicative. In the article the authors emphasise the importance of interaction between the museum and the university for the creation of new successful projects. Close cooperation has already been established between the authors and the museum staff, which allows both parties to gain new experience in the field of museum art and defectology, respectively. The article also notes the role of the Novgorod State United Museum-Reserve in the development of the region and its special attention to children, including the Children's Museum Centre, which holds solo and thematic exhibitions, master classes and other events for children. However, the authors note that the emergence of new resources in the museum centre requires a new inclusive approach.

“Deep visual listening and children’s art during times of crisis” explores a way to understand children’s art created amidst crisis as well as the meanings we can discern from it through the lens of the “Uncaged Art Tornillo Detention Center” exhibit. In 2018, the U.S. government opened a detention center to hold youth who either crossed the border by themselves or were separated from their families through Trump’s Zero Tolerance policy. The youth were from Central America and came seeking asylum. Fleeing profound poverty and violence, they came to save their lives. To deter asylum-seekers through a series of cruel policies, the United States detained the youth in militarized camps where they were under constant surveillance. They did not know when or if they would be released and experienced depression and trauma. An art project at the detention center resulted in their creating approximately 400 pieces, of which 30 survived. “Uncaged Art” exhibited these works in 2019. This article answers the question “What can we learn about the children, the anonymous artists who created the works, through visual listening?” Visual listening is a process that involves all our senses. Listening requires conscious action, unlike hearing which is automatic and is one of the first senses we develop while still in our mother’s womb. This methodology allows us to engage with children’s art in times of crisis more profoundly than simply seeing the artwork. There are two parts to this practice: deep listening and visual listening. Combined, they provide a powerful way to listen to the stories, the histories, the memories, and the emotions embodied by the art and brought to life by our reflections and understanding

The World Health Organization (WHO) states that 10 percent of the total population of Indonesia has disabilities. The deaf occupies the second position with the largest number of people with disabilities in the world; Apart from that, it was reported by the Central Committee for the Management of Hearing Loss and Deafness that as many as 5,200 million children in Indonesia have the potential to be born deaf. Deafness refers to individuals who have lost part or all of their sense of hearing and therefore require hearing aids. However, with the limited supply of hearing aids, we need to provide alternatives to respond to the needs of the deaf community. The project target is aimed at deaf children aged 0-12 years so that the atmosphere created has a playful nuance; as one of the basic needs of children aged 0-12 years is to play. Research analysis uses a rationalistic approach with qualitative methods through interviews and observations. Play therapy is the main activity of the project which is used to improve children's interpersonal processes in learning and socializing as well as as an intervention for responsive parenting. The activity program offered is educational and recreational. In this way, the play therapy room is made of a variety of games. The room is designed simply and decorated with curved corners to give a soft and feminine impression. Keywords: Language; deaf person; play therapy; speech Abstrak Organisasi Kesehatan Dunia (WHO) menyatakan sebesar 10 persen dari total penduduk negara Indonesia menyandang disabilitas. Tunarungu atau biasa disebut sebagai Tuli menempati posisi kedua dengan jumlah penyandang disabilitas paling banyak di dunia; selain itu dilaporkan oleh Komite Pusat Penanggulangan Gangguan Pendengaran dan Ketulian sebanyak 5.200 juta anak di Indonesia berpotensi terlahir Tunarungu. Tunarungu merujuk kepada individu yang mengalami kehilangan sebagian atau seluruh indera pendengarannya sehingga memerlukan alat bantu dengar. Namun dengan keterbatasan pasokan alat bantu dengar, maka kita perlu memberikan alternatif untuk menanggapi kebutuhan masyarakat Tunarungu. Target proyek ditujukan untuk anak penyandang Tunarungu mulai dari usia 0-12 tahun sehingga atmosfer yang tercipta bernuansakan playful; sebagaimana salah satu kebutuhan dasar anak pada usia 0-12 tahun adalah bermain. Analisa penelitian menggunakan pendekatan rasionalistik dengan metode kualitatif melalui wawancara dan observasi. Terapi bermain menjadi kegiatan utama proyek yang digunakan untuk meningkatkan proses interpersonal anak dalam belajar dan bersosialisasi serta sebagai intervensi dari pola asuh orang tua yang responsif. Program kegiatan yang ditawarkan bersifat rekreasional edukatif. Dengan demikian ruangan terapi bermain dibuat bervariasi permainan. Ruangan didesain dengan sederhana dan dihiasi sudut yang melengkung untuk memberikan kesan yang halus dan feminim.

Abstract Many highly effective therapies used to treat cancer have been associated with irreversible development of detrimental neurological sequelae following the survival of childhood and adolescent cancer. While cancer treatment-induced late effects vary due to patient-related risk factors, cancer survivors who received chemotherapy or radiation may develop conductive or sensorineural hearing loss (SNHL). The purpose of this project is to determine which neuroinflammation-associated genes and biological pathways are affected by pediatric cancer treatments, and which treatment protocols are associated with increased ototoxicity. We hypothesize that cancer treatment causes abnormal gene expression of neuroinflammation and deafness-associated genes. The hypothesis will be tested with two specific aims. Aim I is to perform a retrospective review of diagnostic audiograms from pediatric cancer survivors enrolled in the Treatment After Cancer and Late Effects Center at Children’s Hospital New Orleans, Louisiana (CHNOLA). Aim II is to perform Nanostring neuroinflammation gene expression analysis followed by Ingenuity Pathway Analysis (IPA) of brain autopsy specimens from deceased pediatric patients who have previously undergone cancer treatment (Pathology Department, CHNOLA). Preliminary results revealed abnormal upregulation or downregulation of key genes, some of which are related to hearing loss and cochlear neuron degeneration when compared to age-matched controls (e.g., GJA1 and CASP3). The present study may provide information regarding which cancer treatment agents are ototoxic and reveal the candidate risk genes and pathways that contribute to auditory late effects. The long term goal of this project is to identify the needs of cancer survivors who are affected by treatment-induced hearing loss and provide them and their families with access to educational materials, medical resources, and social support to increase their health-related quality of life. Citation Format: Brittney T. Moore, Fern Tsien, Gabrielle Sheets, Ayesha Umrigar, Jordan Doss, Michael Norman, Matthew Stark, Pinki Prasad, Amanda Musso, Chindo Hicks, David Otohinoyi, Jovanny Zabaleta, Li Li. Ototoxicity of chemotherapy and radiation agents used in pediatric cancer treatment [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2022; 2022 Apr 8-13. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(12_Suppl):Abstract nr 3658.

The emphasis of the educational reform currently underway in Bulgaria is on the formation of key competencies of the pupils. Mathematical competence is one of them. The mastering of basic mathematical knowledge in primary grades remains a priority. At the same time, specific mathematics curricula are explicitly laid out such as solving practical tasks, forming teamwork skills, search of information from different sources by the students themselves, project work, etc. In my research work over the past few years, I have tried experimentally with my own ideas for project work with primary school pupils. In this publication, I will present my concept of work on the project “Sofia – Capital of Bulgaria” for students of the fourth grade. It will integrate mathematical knowledge and skills with knowledge of Man and Society and a number of components of civic education. Mathematical knowledge and skills will include: adding and subtracting numbers over 1000 without passing, finding an unknown subtrahend, solving numerical expressions with parenthesis and without parenthesis, units of measure (meters, grams, kilometer, centimeter). From the knowledge and skills of Man and Society (Man and Society curriculum for the fourth grade at https://mon.bg/bg/2190), the topic: “Sofia – Contemporary Capital” is taken and the related competencies (tell about the location of the capital of Bulgaria with the help of a map; recognize on image the famous cultural monuments and natural assets of the Bulgarian capital; connect important sights of the capital with the historical ages to which they belong; understand the importance of the capital as a modern administrative centre of the country). Working on this project, pupils in the fourth grade will also acquire the following competencies: digital competence (using information in electronic form to produce short presentations on geographic, historical, cultural themes; using electronic presentations as a source of information about events and individuals); learning skills (working with maps and reference books – guides, children's encyclopaedias, extracting information about the past and the present from illustrative material, searching for information on a particular problem from written documents in the textbook); social and civic competencies (solving of problematic situations requiring hearing, exposing the personal point of view and maintaining one's own opinion; collecting curious facts about popular personalities or events from Bulgarian history; making albums with personal photos from visiting cultural, historical and natural sites; drawing up tables for the holidays of different communities – religious and ethnic; creating projects on a studied historical or geographic theme; visiting the municipality, the mayoralty, the National Assembly etc.; cultural competence and skills to express through creativity (making of albums with drawings from exhibits of visited museums, observation of natural and historical sites, elaboration of group presentations for selected natural sites). One of the distinctive aspects of the project activity with primary school pupils is the integrative nature of the project activities. The project “Sofia – Capital of Bulgaria” presented in this article is suitable for the first school term of the fourth grade. This is a medium term project that lasts for a month or two. It finishes with an open lesson in mathematics (one or two study hours), during which pupils resolve mathematical and application-practical tasks and present the results of their preliminary project work (preliminary project activities). Tasks in the project are three types: individual, group and class. Each pupil receives from all three categories of tasks. The task of the teacher is the preparation and distribution of the individual, group and class-related tasks, the determination of the deadlines for the implementation of the commitments undertaken by the pupils, as well as the ongoing control over the tasks.

Past research suggests that when children’s communication skills do not match others’ expectations, children are likely to be perceived negatively and may consequently experience less academic and social success. This project focused on listeners’ perceptions of three children, one with specific language impairment (SLI) and two typically developing peers. The listeners consisted of teachers, speech-language pathologists, undergraduate students, and sixth-grade students. All four listener groups consistently perceived the child with SLI more negatively than the typically developing youngsters, thereby illuminating the need for clinicians to (a) increase their awareness of personal biases, (b) educate parents and teachers regarding the nature of SLI, (c) collaborate with teachers and other professionals to promote the social integration of children with language impairment in the classroom, and (d) consider the social impact of particular speech-language characteristics when prioritizing intervention targets.

A substantial contemporary research literature on the impact of otitis media with effusion (OME) on language development in young children currently exists. Compared to the reports of earlier retrospective research on the topic, the results of the more recent prospective studies may be viewed as less conclusive and more equivocal. Nonetheless, the negative impact of OME on young children’s language development appears to be a widely held belief. What is required now, in addition to the continuing primary research, and occasional qualitative/narrative reviews, is an objective quantitative analysis, synthesis, and evaluation of this research literature. The purpose of this project was to conduct such an examination employing the methodology of meta-analysis. The results of this meta-analysis of the contemporary primary research on OME and language development in young children show that the magnitude of the statistical population effect of OME is markedly low. Nevertheless, it should be acknowledged that the findings of low population effects in this meta-analysis may be related to certain vicissitudes of the primary research. Among these are failure to determine research participants’ hearing levels, other intrinsic and/or extrinsic individual differences among the research participants, as well as the sensitivity of language measures used.

This paper presents the findings of a qualitative research project concerned with child and family wellbeing. It highlights how, in the context of contemporary professional mental health practices, constructions of children’s behaviour are predominantly based on pathology and deficit. The research data included individual interviews and focus groups with professionals representing both universal and specialist child and family mental health services. This data was subjected to a critical examination including an analysis of the discursive practices and a range of discourses that professionals employ in their everyday practice. This in-depth analysis of the findings uncovered ways in which these practices and discourses reflect values and attitudes to meaning, power and the use of knowledge. Two key discourses were identified, the parent-blame discourse and the professional self-referential discourse. These contribute to levels of fragmentation in the delivery of services that in turn compromise the capacity for advocacy of the child and hearing the voice of the child. The results of the inquiry indicate that the construction of child and family mental health cannot be considered as discrete from the construction of child and family wellness. Improving services for children, parents and families would appear to be inextricably linked with improving the professional, relational and organizational environment in which these services are delivered. The outcome of this inquiry has led to the establishment of a Child and Family Wellness Consultancy.

The acquisition of phonotactics has not been studied as commonly as other aspects of children's development. A study was carried out on normally developing Maltese speaking children to collate a phonological development profile. One objective of this project was to identify trends of stages of the development of syllabic structure and to compare them cross-linguistically. Twenty-one children were recorded in their natural settings at four different stages between ages 2;0 and 3;6. As predicted, a change was observed in canonical syllabic structures used by the subjects as they grew older. A more complex structure seemed to become increasingly common among the children and their syllabic structures were progressively matching more with the corresponding adult ones. Most children mastered their phonotactics by the time they reached 3;6 years of age, irrespective of whether these involved multisyllabic words or words with syllabic complexity. Cross-linguistic comparison indicates that the phonotactic developmental profile for Maltese fits in with current theories highlighting universal phonotactic developmental trends. Some behaviour, specifically related to the structure of Maltese phonology, is also observed. Various implications for impairment and intervention are inferred. Findings in this study call for further cross-linguistic research in this area.

Purpose This research project examined the vocabulary growth patterns of typically developing (TD) Cantonese–English dual language learners (DLLs) and their peers who are at risk for language impairment. Method Two studies were done. Study 1 examined the concurrent validity of a pilot vocabulary screening measure, the Kai Ming Vocabulary Test, that was designed for Cantonese–English preschool DLLs. Participants were 53 preschool children who learned Cantonese as their first language (L1) and English as a second language (L2). Their scores on the Kai Ming Vocabulary Test were examined in relation to their language sample measures, including number of different words and mean length of utterance, in L1 and in L2. Study 2 examined the vocabulary growth patterns of 24 TD Cantonese–English DLL preschoolers and 24 DLLs who are at risk for language impairment (At-Risk group). Each child was tested 3 times during an academic year. Results Results of Study 1 showed that children's vocabulary scores ( n = 53) were significantly correlated with their language sample measures in each language. In Study 2, hierarchical linear models were used to compare the TD and At-Risk groups. Results showed that children in the At-Risk group had lower L1 receptive vocabulary scores and children in the TD group had relatively higher L2 expressive vocabulary gains. Conclusions Children who are at risk are likely to continue to have lower vocabulary knowledge compared to their TD peers. The growth trajectories of DLLs provide valuable information for early identification and intervention.

Despite evidence supporting the implementation of book sharing interventions, few studies have examined the value of providing caregiver training in these contexts. This study draws on the quantitative findings of a larger project that employed a non-randomized comparison group crossover repeated measures design as part of a mixed research approach. The goal of the study was to determine the outcome of a caregiver training video on the book sharing behaviours of 40 caregiver–child dyads in an impoverished peri-urban settlement in South Africa. Children in this study were aged 3 to 6 years of age. Caregivers included older siblings, parents, and other relatives. Findings revealed a significant improvement in caregiver shared reading behaviours in both experimental and comparison groups after viewing the caregiver training video, both within and between groups. The significant change in the shared reading behaviours of the caregivers and children, coupled with the positive impact observed in the children and the cost-effective nature of the intervention, suggest that training videos may constitute an effective intervention medium with the potential to promote children’s literacy as a population-based intervention in majority world settings.

EDITORIAL: Sweet Notes in the Projects The notion of letting children in Chicago Housing Authority developments take violins, cellos and string basses home to practice music composed a few centuries before the birth of Michael Jackson or Kool Moe Dee may seem bizarre to some, particularly those who have the benighted belief that nothing good can come out of “the projects.” It is a novel idea but, as Chicago has seen with CHA night basketball, the novel often sounds like nonsense but works quite nicely. The good that can be found in the quarter-million children who call CHA developments home is well represented in the 26 chosen so far for the Music Cultivation Program for CHA Youth. They range from kinder-garteners to 9th graders and were selected in July from four developments by teachers from the not-for-profit Merit Music Program. Officials of CHA and the 11-year-old Merit Music Program hope the Music Cultivation Program eventually will become a full symphony orchestra with bass, winds, percussion and strings. But for now, the children's parents must endure, like other good parents everywhere, the bittersweet joy and agony of hearing young hands become familiar with bows and strings. It may comfort them to know that the CHA's classical music pioneers are engaging in an experience that will help give structure and meaning to their lives no less than it does for children who live anywhere else. Whether or not they achieve their dreams of performing in Orchestra Hall someday—and who is to say some won't?—the lessons of form, grace, teamwork and discipline will serve them well, no matter what fields they pursue later in their lives. With determination on their part and support from others, the young musicians will find their horizons broadened and their self-esteem improved. And everyone else should have their hopes and dreams for the next generation boosted a little with the knowledge that, behind the torn window screens and graffiti-covered walls of public housing, some budding young talents are making beautiful music together.

IntroductionInvasive meningococcal disease (IMD) primarily causes disease in young children and adolescents and can cause long-term disability. Many countries are considering implementation of meningococcal B and/or meningococcal ACWY vaccines to control meningococcal disease. Estimating the cost-effectiveness of meningococcal vaccine programme is hampered due to a lack of good quality costing and burden of disease data. This study aims to address this evidence gap by assessing the clinical, physical, neurocognitive, economic and societal impact of IMD on adolescents and young adults.Methods and analysisA case–control study of 64 participants with confirmed IMD (15–24 years 11 months at time of disease) and 64 control participants (17–34 years 11 months) will be conducted in Australia from 2016 to 2020. All participants will undergo a neurocognitive assessment, full medical examination, pure tone audiometry assessment and complete quality of life and behavioural questionnaires. Meningococcal cases will be assessed 2–10 years posthospitalisation and a subset of cases will be interviewed to explore in depth their experiences of IMD and its impact on their life. Primary outcome measures include general intellectual functioning from the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale and overall quality of life from the Health Utilities Index. Secondary outcome measures include academic achievement, executive functioning, behaviour, hearing, psychological and physical functioning. Outcome measures will be compared between cases and controls using independent t-tests or ORs, or if any significant confounders are identified, adjusted analyses (analysis of covariance or adjusted ORs) will be conducted. Thematic analysis will be used to analyse transcribed interviews and a costing model will be used to project lifetime costs.Ethics and disseminationThe Adolescent MENingococcal Disease (AMEND) study has been approved by the Human Research Ethics Committee of the Women’s and Children’s Health Network (HREC/14/WCHN/024). The results will be disseminated via peer-reviewed publications, conference presentations, study participants, and meningococcal and meningitis foundations.Trial registration numberNCT03798574.

The paper presents research findings with 56 Roma children from Macedonia and Serbia between the ages of 3-6 years. The children’s knowledge of Romani as their mother tongue was assessed with a specially designed test. The test measures the children’s comprehension and production of different types of grammatical knowledge such as wh–questions, wh-complements, passive verbs, possessives, tense, aspect, the ability of the children to learn new nouns and new adjectives, and repetition of sentences. In addition, two pictured narratives about Theory of Mind were given to the children. The hypothesis of the authors was that knowledge of the complex grammatical categories by children will help them to understand better the Theory of Mind stories. The results show that Roma children by the age of 5 know most of the grammatical categories in their mother tongue and most of them understand Theory of Mind. References Bakalar, P. (2004). The IQ of Gypsies in Central Europe. 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Eight years of experience with the Communication Strategies Program have provided evidence that participation in a program of this type can lead to marked improvement in children's abilities to cope with communication breakdown. However, it is clear that children can not be expected to master every aspect of the program in 6 weeks. Most move through the program, learning the basic components during one summer, and then return in subsequent summers to expand their understanding of these concepts and/or to refine their application of the techniques they have been taught. Many children need work on specific vocabulary or syntax skills before they can tackle some of the issues related to causes of communication breakdown (e.g., unclear pronoun referents) or feelings encountered when communication breakdown occurs (e.g., frustration, confusion). This description of the program has focused on communication between a child who signs and children and adults who do not. However, the children were taught to use the same approach with individuals who do sign or can understand their speech. Marked improvement was seen in interactions among the children, between the children and the clinicians, and between the children and the dorm staff. Parent reports also indicate that benefits cut across many types of interactions. One mother told a local reporter that, "Jaclyn learned that there was a way to make herself understood— whether by sign, gestures, drawing, mimicking or pointing—and not to let anyone tell her anything different... . After the first summer in the University program, Jaclyn was much more sure of herself. She was willing to tackle anything" (Brown, 1989, p. 3). This program can be readily adapted to a variety of clinical and educational settings. The basic format can be varied to meet the needs of children of different ages, or with different degrees of hearing loss, cognitive abilities, or speech and language skills. The program can also be adjusted to fit within the time frame of school or clinic calendars. Within the SRP setting, the program has served as the foundation for discussing behavior in emergency situations, use of TDDs, and foreign languages. Formal descriptions of these aspects of the project are under development. It is likely that clinicians who experiment with the program will find additional ways to broaden the program's scope.

BackgroundSusac Syndrome (SS) is a rare autoimmune endotheliopathy that affects the brain, retina, and inner ear, characterized by a clinical triad of encephalopathy, branch retinal artery occlusion (BRAO), and sensorineural hearing loss (SNHL)[1]. Brain MRI, fluorescein angiogram (FA), and audiometry help to establish a diagnosis[2]. The clinical presentation of SS is often variable leading to a delay in the diagnosis.ObjectivesThis study aims to compare clinical features and therapeutic strategies in adult and pediatric populations with Susac Syndrome.MethodsThis was a retrospective chart review of cases with a diagnosis of SS from December 2010 to December 2020 at The Ohio State University Wexner Medical Center (OSUWMC) and Nationwide Children’s Hospital in Columbus, Ohio, USA (tertiary care centers). We analyzed the following: age, gender, ethnicity, symptoms at the time of presentation, diagnostic studies, autoimmune serologies, brain MRI, FA, audiometry, treatment approaches, and outcomes.ResultsAll the patients (seven adult- patients and two pediatric-onset patients) identified as females, and the majority (78%) were Caucasian. The age at presentation ranged from 10 to 45 years old with a mean age of 38 years. The time to diagnosis ranged from 3 to 17 months with a mean of 7.8 months. The most common symptoms at onset included dizziness, hearing loss, and visual change. ESR was elevated in 50% with a range of 23 to 52 mm/hr (normal<30 mm/hr). CRP was elevated in 22% of patients with a range of 11 to 22 mg/dl (normal <10 mg/dL). Low to medium titer ANA was positive in 30%. FA detected unilateral or bilateral BRAO in seven patients (78%). Sensorineural hearing loss was confirmed on audiogram testing in 7 of 9 patients, and 44% of patients had bilateral hearing loss. 88% of our patient population had evidence of corpus callosal involvement (“snowball lesions”) in the brain MRI. CSF study was done in 5 patients - 4/5 had elevated CSF protein at 77 mg/dL (range 15-45 mg/dL) and the mean cell count was <3 (normal), without any oligoclonal bands. One patient had a brain biopsy.The most common initial treatment was high-dose steroids followed by a taper. Oral immunosuppressive therapy with mycophenolate mofetil (MMF) was initiated in 78% and was maintained in 56% of patients, who remained stable. Intravenous immunoglobulin (IVIG) was initially used in 56% of patients. Two patients transitioned from MMF to azathioprine due to pregnancy. Due to the severity of the disease, one patient transitioned from MMF to tacrolimus and Rituximab. 20% had a disease flare after the initial therapy requiring additional immunosuppression.ConclusionOur series highlights the rarity of SS. A neurologic exam, brain MRI, fluorescein angiogram, and audiogram should be performed in every case. A brain biopsy is not necessary for the diagnosis, unless for exclusion. BRAO was detected in 75% of our patients, highlighting the importance of an ophthalmology evaluation with FA, even in the absence of visual symptoms. In our series, only 20% presented with the full clinical triad of visual, auditory, and central nervous system symptoms, indicating that presentation of SS is often incomplete and diagnosis relies on a high index of suspicion[3]. Treatment depends on the severity of the presentation and involves the use of high-dose corticosteroids along with immunosuppression including mycophenolate, IVIG, tacrolimus, rituximab, and cyclophosphamide[4].References[1] Rennebohm R, Susac JO, Egan RA, Daroff RB. Susac’s Syndrome--update.Journal of the neurological sciences2010;299(1-2): 86-91.[2] Kleffner I, Dörr J, Ringelstein M, et al. Diagnostic criteria for Susac syndrome.Journal of neurology, neurosurgery, and psychiatry2016;87(12): 1287-95.[3] Dörr J, Krautwald S, Wildemann B, et al. Characteristics of Susac syndrome: a review of all reported cases.Nature reviews Neurology2013;9(6): 307-16.[4] Rennebohm RM, Asdaghi N, Srivastava S, Gertner E. Guidelines for treatment of Susac syndrome - An update.International journal of stroke: official journal of the International Stroke Society2020;15(5): 484-94.AcknowledgementsThe project described was supported by Award Number UL1TR002733 from the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences or the National Institutes of Health.The authors have no conflict of interest to disclose.Disclosure of InterestsNone Declared.

In recent years, STEAM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Art, and Mathematics) has received wide attention. STEAM complements early childhood learning needs in honing 2nd century skills. This study aims to introduce a loose section in early childhood learning to pre-service teachers and then to explore their perceptions of how to use loose parts in supporting STEAM. The study design uses qualitative phenomenological methods. FGDs (Focus Group Discussions) are used as data collection instruments. The findings point to two main themes that emerged from the discussion: a loose section that supports freedom of creation and problem solving. Freedom clearly supports science, mathematics and arts education while problem solving significantly supports engineering and technology education. Keywords: Early Childhood Educators, Loose-part, STEAM References: Allen, A. (2016). Don’t Fear STEM: You Already Teach It! Exchange, (231), 56–59. Ansberry, B. K., & Morgan, E. (2019). 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Eeuwijk, P. Van, & Zuzana, A. (2017). How to Conduct a Focus Group Discussion ( FGD ) Methodological Manual. Flannigan, C., & Dietze, B. (2018). Children, Outdoor Play, and Loose Parts. Journal of Childhood Studies, 42(4), 53–60. https://doi.org/10.18357/jcs.v42i4.18103 Fleer, M. (1998). The Preparation of Australian Teachers in Technology Education : Developing The Preparation of Australian Teachers in Technology Education : Developing Professionals Not Technicians. Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education & Development, 1(2), 25–31. Freitas, H., Oliveira, M., Jenkins, M., & Popjoy, O. (1998). The focus group, a qualitative research method: Reviewing the theory, and providing guidelines to its planning. In ISRC, Merrick School of Business, University of Baltimore (MD, EUA)(Vol. 1). Gomes, J., & Fleer, M. (2019). The Development of a Scientific Motive : How Preschool Science and Home Play Reciprocally Contribute to Science Learning. 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Playing with nature: Supporting preschoolers’ creativity in natural outdoor classrooms. International Journal of Early Childhood Environmental Education, 4(1), 70–95. Kuh, L., Ponte, I., & Chau, C. (2013). The impact of a natural playscape installation on young children’s play behaviors. Children, Youth and Environments, 23(2), 49–77. Lachapelle, C. P., Cunningham, C. M., & Oh, Y. (2019). What is technology? Development and evaluation of a simple instrument for measuring children’s conceptions of technology. International Journal of Science Education, 41(2), 188–209. https://doi.org/10.1080/09500693.2018.1545101 Liamputtong. (2010). Focus Group Methodology : Introduction and History. In Focus Group MethodoloGy (pp. 1–14). Liao, C. (2016). From Interdisciplinary to Transdisciplinary: An Arts-Integrated Approach to STEAM Education. 69(6), 44–49. https://doi.org/10.1080/00043125.2016.1224873 Lindeman, K. W., & Anderson, E. M. (2015). Using Blocks to Develop 21st Century Skills. Young Children, 70(1), 36–43. Maxwell, L., Mitchell, M., and Evans, G. (2008). Effects of play equipment and loose parts on preschool children’s outdoor play behavior: An observational study and design intervention. Children, Youth and Environments, 18(2), 36–63. McClure, E., Guernsey, L., Clements, D., Bales, S., Nichols, J., Kendall-Taylor, N., & Levine, M. (2017). How to Integrate STEM Into Early Childhood Education. Science and Children, 055(02), 8–11. https://doi.org/10.2505/4/sc17_055_02_8 McClure, M., Tarr, P., Thompson, C. M., & Eckhoff, A. (2017). Defining quality in visual art education for young children: Building on the position statement of the early childhood art educators. Arts Education Policy Review, 118(3), 154–163. https://doi.org/10.1080/10632913.2016.1245167 Mishra, L. (2016). Focus Group Discussion in Qualitative Research. TechnoLearn: An International Journal of Educational Technology, 6(1), 1. https://doi.org/10.5958/2249-5223.2016.00001.2 Monhardt, L., & Monhardt, R. (2006). Creating a context for the learning of science process skills through picture books. Early Childhood Education Journal, 34(1), 67–71. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10643-006-0108-9 Monsalvatge, L., Long, K., & DiBello, L. (2013). Turning our world of learning inside out! Dimensions of Early Childhood, 41(3), 23–30. Moomaw, S. (2012). STEM begins in the early years. School Science & Mathematics, 112(2), 57–58. Moomaw, S. (2016). Move Back the Clock, Educators: STEM Begins at Birth. School Science & Mathematics, 116(5), 237–238. Moomaw, S., & Davis, J. A. (2010). STEM Comes to Preschool. Young Cihildren, 12–18(September), 12–18. Munawar, M., Roshayanti, F., & Sugiyanti. (2019). Implementation of STEAM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Art, Mathematics)-Based Early Childhood Education Learning in Semarang City. Jurnal CERIA, 2(5), 276–285. National Research Council. (1996). National Science Education Standards. Washington, DC: National Academy of Sciences. Nicholson, S. (1972). The Theory of Loose Parts: An important principle for design methodology. Studies in Design Education Craft & Technology, 4(2), 5–12. O.Nyumba, T., Wilson, K., Derrick, C. J., & Mukherjee, N. (2018). The use of focus group discussion methodology: Insights from two decades of application in conservation. Methods in Ecology and Evolution, 9(1), 20–32. https://doi.org/10.1111/2041-210X.12860 Padilla-Diaz, M. (2015). Phenomenology in Educational Qualitative Research : Philosophy as Science or Philosophical Science ? International Journal of Educational Excellence, 1(2), 101–110. Padilla, M. J. (1990). The Science Process Skills. Research Matters - to the Science Teacher, 1(March), 1–3. Park, D. Y., Park, M. H., & Bates, A. B. (2018). Exploring Young Children’s Understanding About the Concept of Volume Through Engineering Design in a STEM Activity: A Case Study. International Journal of Science and Mathematics Education, 16(2), 275–294. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10763-016-9776-0 Rahardjo, M. M. (2019). Implementasi Pendekatan Saintifik Sebagai Pembentuk Keterampilan Proses Sains Anak Usia Dini. Scholaria: Jurnal Pendidikan Dan Kebudayaan, 9(2), 148–159. https://doi.org/10.24246/j.js.2019.v9.i2.p148-159 Robison, T. (2016). Male Elementary General Music Teachers : A Phenomenological Study. Journal of Music Teacher Education, 26(2), 77–89. https://doi.org/10.1177/1057083715622019 Rocha Fernandes, G. W., Rodrigues, A. M., & Ferreira, C. A. (2018). Conceptions of the Nature of Science and Technology: a Study with Children and Youths in a Non-Formal Science and Technology Education Setting. Research in Science Education, 48(5), 1071–1106. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11165-016-9599-6 Sawyer, R. K. (2006). 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The following practice report is based on observational experiences of a project group running a research project on accessibility during the COVID-19 pandemic. The project aimed to provide accessibility using plain language in children’s programs on a public television channel. The project included three groups of end-users: Deaf, hard of hearing, and visually impaired children. An overview of the project is presented to provide background for the practice report. The second part of the report deals with changes encountered in the running of the project during the pandemic: compensating for the lack of interactivity, social interaction and collective experience; using video conferencing; monitoring research; at-home research spaces and technological availability; network availability and performance; dealing with home computers; communication load; workload and work-life balance. Some key concepts of actor-network theory are used to analyse new actors, networks and shifts encountered in the process of implementing the project in the “new normal” in comparison to its planned implementation pre-COVID-19. In conclusion, a summary of possible options is cited to provide food for thought in running such projects. Lay summary The following practice report is based on the observations of a group running a research project on accessibility for Deaf, Hard of Hearing and blind children to children’s programs during the Covid-19 pandemic. We aimed to provide accessibility using plain language (easy to understand and easy to follow language in subtitles, through sign language and audiodescription) in children’s’ programs on a public television channel. Initially, an overview of the project is presented to provide background, then the changes encountered in the running of the project due to the pandemic are studied. Some of the issues discussed are: How to compensate for the lack of interactivity and social interaction since there was no face-to-face interaction; using video conferencing, monitoring research; at home research spaces and technology availability; issues about network availability and performance; dealing with home computers; communication load, and workload. Some key concepts of the actor-network theory (ANT) are used to explain changes. ANT is concerned with exploring how networks come into existence, looking into which relations exist, how those relations are sustained, how actors come together to constitute and maintain a network and how networks maintain impermanent stability. In conclusion, a summary of possible options is cited to provide food for thought in running such projects.

AbstractBackgroundMore than 90% of deaf children are born to hearing families who know little about deafness. Benefits from hearing screening at birth are often lost, as families find little information about pathways for deaf children but are key to ensuring deaf children receive relevant language and communication support. Systems surrounding deaf children and family members are crucial for children's health and social development. Experiences of hearing parents raising deaf children and understanding factors that influence families' experience of navigating pathways for deaf children through health and education services are currently underreported.MethodsAn exploratory study was conducted in Wales, UK. Twenty participants were interviewed, including 10 hearing parents of deaf children and 10 people who work with deaf children using semistructured interviews. Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory was used as a lens to explore the micro‐, meso‐, exo‐, macro‐ and chronosystems that surround children and families. This study explores potential supports and barriers in those systems.FindingsFindings are reported under two broad headings: enablers and barriers. Under enablers, it was found that provision of resources, supporting people and knowledge were key factors. Under barriers, a lack of knowledge, lack of provision and battling services and attitudes were key issues that need addressing.ConclusionHearing parents of deaf children in Wales, UK reported experiencing a range of enablers and barriers that impact upon their experiences of raising a deaf child. Further provision is needed by policymakers and governments to recognise support needs to improve the outcomes for deaf children.Patient or Public ContributionThis project was developed from initial discussions with the stakeholder reference group and progressed with the group's deaf panel and hearing parents with deaf children. The project's steering group was involved in study design, recruitment and continuous feedback on all stages of the research process.

Purpose: This study investigates the perceptual and acoustic correlates of gender in prepubertal voices. The study is part of a longitudinal project analyzing recordings of circa 60 German primary school children from the first to fourth grades (6- to 10-year-olds). Method: Spontaneous and content-controlled audio recordings were made of 62 first-grade children (29 girls, 33 boys; age: 6- to 7-year-olds) from two German primary schools. Information on gender conformity was also recorded. A total of 167 listeners judged the gender of the voices on a 7-point scale. The results of the listening experiments and gender conformity ratings were related to a range of typical acoustic parameters. Results: Measures of self-reported gender conformity differ significantly between the boys and the girls. Sixteen of the 62 children show unambiguous gender attributions in the listening experiment. A hierarchical cluster analysis including gender perception, gender conformity, and acoustic parameters shows four different types of speakers. Two multiple regression models revealed a significant main effect of fundamental frequency on the gender perception ratings of the listening experiment across and within gender. Significant correlations were found between the center of gravity and skewness of the sibilants and gender conformity, especially for the male speakers. Conclusions: Fundamental frequency plays an important role in influencing perceptual judgments, whereas sibilant spectra are correlated with gender conformity. In further listening experiments, we will examine in more detail the role of individual acoustic parameters and analyze how the vocal expression of gender and gender conformity in individual children develops before reaching puberty.

Purpose The “Picture This, Picture Me” research project enabled young people who have experience of a parent in prison to challenge the narrow narrative of “prisoners’ children” by sharing their wider sense of identities and their needs. This paper aims to show the value of specialised voluntary sector support groups for children with a parent in prison as well as demonstrate that parental imprisonment, whilst significant, is only one part of their story. Design/methodology/approach Children’s experiences are explored through expressive and creative research methods informed by photovoice research, including taking and responding to photos and caption writing, short conversational interviews and curation of artefacts. Findings Children’s perspectives are presented: what matters to them, what makes them happy, how do they perceive themselves beyond the label of “a prisoner’s child”, how do community-based support services help and what they would like people to know about children who have been impacted by parental imprisonment. Research limitations/implications This research contributes to an emerging research area on the role of services from the community and voluntary sector and non-formal educational organisations that support children impacted by parental imprisonment at a personal and family level. Practical implications This research offers useful knowledge to professionals, including those in education, children’s services and non-formal community-based services, with an interest in holistically supporting children and families with a relative in prison. Social implications Children’s insights are offered on the value of peer-to-peer and community-based interventions that support them holistically, including articulating their self-identity, life and educational aspirations and practical issues for families. Originality/value There is minimal research on including and hearing the voices of children who have a family member in prison and their perspectives are invaluable.

<p>Although deaf role model projects have existed for some time and their benefits and outcomes for deaf children/young people and their parents have been recorded, almost no attention has been paid to the experiences of the deaf people who take on these roles. Additionally, the experiences of being a deaf role model have been little explored in the literature. This paper explores available literature on role models for supporting families of deaf children and hearing practitioners. Most deaf people (about 95%), all over the world, have hearing parents and do not meet deaf adults and sign language before the age that formal primary education starts. The majority of hearing parents do not come in touch with deafness even after their child is diagnosed of being deaf. But it’s really crucial for families to have resources that allow them to help their child develop language and have full interaction with their family. Additionally, deaf role models can play a vital role in the development of deaf children’s knowledge, skills, and perceptions. Further work would be also required to understand the longer-term benefits and further developments that deaf role models may wish to initiate.</p><p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0909/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

Purpose: This systematic review aimed to examine the effectiveness of the Social Communication, Emotional Regulation, and Transactional Support (SCERTS) Model–based interventions in supporting developmental skills of children who were diagnosed with or at increased likelihood of autism. Method: We searched six electronic databases, in addition to Google Scholar and the reference lists, using terms related to SCERTS, the Early Social Interaction project, and autism spectrum disorder. Of the 70 articles, six published between 2014 and 2021 (a total of 455 children) were eligible for inclusion and were analyzed in terms of study design, type of publication, participant characteristics, intervention procedures, and major findings. Results: Most reviewed studies that were relatively less vulnerable to the given risk of bias suggested that SCERTS may be an effective approach for promoting children's social communication skills, and implementers were able to achieve an adequate level of intervention fidelity through training. Further implications could not be drawn concerning children's language, reduction in restricted repetitive behaviors, emotional regulation, adaptive behavior, play, cognitive skills, academic competence, and motor skills due to contradicting findings within limited evidence. Conclusions: Although SCERTS is a promising intervention with emerging evidence, more methodologically rigorous studies are needed to progress the research base of SCERTS and draw firm conclusions about its effectiveness in improving a wide range of skills for children and implementers. Several areas for future research are discussed. Supplemental Material: https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.20151842

BackgroundPermanently Progressing? is the first cohort study in Scotland aimed at understanding the factors associated with achieving settled and secure permanent homes for children. One part of this study involves analysing the national Children Looked After Statistics (CLAS) collected by the Scottish Government, to follow a group of children who became ‘looked after’ or ‘looked after and accommodated’ aged five or under. However, important decisions about these children are made at Children’s Hearings and the information about these decisions is stored in a database collated by the Scottish Children’s Reporters Administration (SCRA). ObjectivesAs these two datasets have never before been linked, the researchers aim to test the feasibility and success of this linkage. In addition, analysis of the linked dataset will allow both a description of the pathways of children who became looked after in 2012-13, and a comparison of the pathways for children who have achieved permanence at the end of year 4 to those who are on a pathway to permanence, and those still accommodated with no evident permanence plan. MethodsIn this project, the anonymised CLAS data obtained from the Scottish Government are being brought together with anonymised data held by SCRA, using probabilistic linkage methodologies. FindingsThe linkage and analysis of this data is currently underway and will be discussed during this presentation. ConclusionsIf successful, this linkage will serve as a pilot study for future research, help inform policy and practice, and enable the researchers to gain a more in-depth picture of a child’s journey through the system and the factors associated with children achieving permanence. The success of this linkage and challenges encountered will be discussed.

Purpose: There is a shortage of available methods to accurately inform the developmental status of children whose cultural and linguistic backgrounds vary from the mainstream. The purpose of this review article was to describe different approaches used to support the accurate characterization of speech, language, and functional communication in children speaking Jamaican Creole and English, an understudied paradigm in the speech pathology research. Method: Approaches used across four previously published studies in the Jamaican Creole Language Project are described. Participants included 3- to 6-year-old Jamaican children ( n = 98–262) and adults ( n = 15–33). Studies I and II described validation efforts about children's functional communication using the Intelligibility in Context Scale (ICS; speech) and the Focus on the Outcomes of Communication Under Six (FOCUS; speech and language). Study III described efforts to accurately characterize difference and disorder in children's expressive grammar using adapted scoring, along with adult models to contextualize child responses. Last, Study IV applied acoustic duration (e.g., whole word) and an adapted scoring protocol to inform variation in speech sound productions in the Jamaican context where a post-Creole continuum exists. Results: Studies I and II offered promising psychometric evidence about the utility of the ICS and the FOCUS. Study III revealed strong sensitivity and specificity in classifying difference and disorder using adult models. Last, in Study IV, linguistically informed acoustic analyses and an adapted protocol captured variation in speech productions better than a standard approach. Conclusions: Applying culturally responsive methods can enhance the accurate characterization of speech, language, and functional communication in Jamaican children. The innovative methods used offer a model approach that could be applied to other linguistic contexts where a mismatch exists between speech-language pathologists and their clientele.

Abstract This article focuses on interviews with ‘birth mothers’ who experienced successive losses of their children to public care in one local area of London, England. Interviews were conducted during a project partnership between a London borough and university staff, aiming to provide a localised, pilot support initiative which responded to mothers’ viewpoints. To ‘hear’ mothers’ own voices more clearly, we analysed interview transcripts using a methodology which separates out elements of how the interviewee tells her story, how she speaks about herself and about her relationships, taking into account surrounding social complexities and researchers’ reactions to the story. To explain how professionals could subsequently draw upon these ‘mothers’ voices’ for a pilot support initiative, we identify some ‘key messages for professionals’ from these interviews, including women wanting clear and honest communication between themselves and workers, and between staff; women often feeling ‘let down’ by professional procedures and court processes that were moving too fast for them to keep up; and women wanting to be treated with more respect. Women respected some professionals but not others and this seemed to relate partly to personalities. Some mothers experienced being ‘left alone’ or ‘abandoned’ to deal with the aftermath of children’s removal and/or adoption.

Autumn is not only a gloriously colourful time of the year, it is a time when a plethora of children’s book related events and awards take place. Just see what is happening in the next few months:IBBY: “Silent Books: Final Destination Lampedusa” travelling exhibit In response to the international refugee crisis that began last year, the Italian arm of the International Board on Books for Young People has launched a travelling picture-book exhibit to support the first children’s library on the island of Lampedusa, Italy where many African and Middle Eastern refugees are landing. After stops in Italy, Mexico, and Austria, the exhibit is currently touring Canada. It premiered in Edmonton at the Stanley A. Milner Library in August. Next are three Vancouver locations: UBC Irving Barber Learning Centre (Oct. 1 to 23), Vancouver Public Library central branch (Oct. 8 to 18), and the Italian Cultural Centre (Oct. 10 to 22). Then the North York Central Library in Toronto from Nov. 2 to Dec 11. Recognizing Lampedusa island’s cultural diversity, the exhibit comprises exclusively wordless picture books from 23 countries, including three from Canada:“Hocus Pocus” by Sylvie Desrosiers & Rémy Simard’s (Kids Can Press), “Ben’s Big Dig” by Daniel Wakeman and Dirk van Stralen’s(Orca Book Publishers)“Ben’s Bunny Trouble” also by Wakeman and van Stralen (Orca Book Publishers). Other books are drawn from an honour list selected by a jury of experts from the 2015 Bologna Children’s Book Fair including Ajubel’s “Robinson Crusoe” (Spain), Ara Jo’s “The Rocket Boy”(Korea), and Madalena Matoso’s “Todos Fazemos Tudo” (Switzerland), among others. The full catalogue can be viewed online.TD Canadian Children’s Book Week.Next year’s TD Canadian Children’s Book Week will take place from May 7-14, 2016. Thirty Canadian children’s authors, illustrators and storytellers will be touring across Canada visiting schools, libraries, bookstores and community centres. Visit the TD Book Week site (www.bookweek.ca) to find out who will be touring in your area and the types of readings and workshops they will be giving. If your school or library is interested in hosting a Book Week visitor, you can apply online starting in mid-October.Shakespeare Selfie CBC Books will once again be running the Shakespeare Selfie writing challenge in April 2016. Shakespeare took selfies all the time but instead of a camera, he used a quill. And instead of calling them "selfies," they were called "soliloquies."The challenge: Write a modern-day soliloquy or monologue by a Shakespearean character based on a prominent news, pop culture or current affairs event from the last year (April 2015-April 2016). It can be in iambic pentameter or modern syntax with a word count from 200 to 400 words. There are two age categories: Grades 7-9 and 10-12. Details at: http://www.cbc.ca/books/2015/10/the-2016-shakespeare-selfie-writing-challenge-for-students.html Awards:The winners of this year’s Canadian Jewish Literary Awards, celebrating Jewish literature and culture in Canada, have been announced. Amongst the nine awards is one for Youth Literature which was awarded to Suri Rosen for “Playing with Matches” (ECW Press). See all the award winners here: http://www.cjlawards.ca/.The Canadian Children's Book Centre administers several awards including the TD Canadian Children’s Literature Award, the Marilyn Baillie Picture Book Award, the Monica Hughes Award for Science Fiction and Fantasy and the Norma Fleck Award for Canadian Children’s Non-Fiction. This year’s winners will be announced on November 18, 2015. http://www.bookcentre.ca/awardThe Fitzhenry Family Foundation has revealed the winners of its Lane Anderson Awards for the best Canadian science books published in the previous year. Selections are made based on a title’s pertinence to science in today’s world and the author’s ability to relate scientific issues to everyday life. Prolific Halifax kids’ science writer L.E. Carmichael was awarded the YA prize for “Fuzzy Forensics: DNA Fingerprinting Gets Wild” (Ashby-BP Publishing), about using forensic science to fight crimes against animals. Uxbridge, Ontario–based environmental journalist Stephen Leahy received the adult prize for “Your Water Footprint” (Firefly Books), which examines human usage of the valuable natural resource. http://laneandersonaward.ca/The Edmonton Public Library has named Sigmund Brouwer (author and Rock & Roll Literacy Show host) as the winner (by public vote) of Alberta Reader’s Choice Award. Sigmund’s “Thief of Glory” (WaterBrook Press) is about a young boy trying to take care of his family in the aftermath of the 1942 Japanese Imperialist invasion of the Southeast Pacific. The prize awards $10,000 to an Alberta-based author of a work of excellent fiction or narrative non-fiction. http://www.epl.ca/alberta-readers-choiceHarperCollins Canada, the Cooke Agency, and the University of British Columbia have announced the shortlist of the annual HarperCollins Publishers/UBC Prize for Best New Fiction awarded to students and alumni of UBC’s creative writing program, and offers the winner literary representation by the Cooke Agency and a publishing contract with HarperCollins Canada.“Between the Wind and Us” by Iranian-Canadian writer Nazanine Hozar, the story of a young abandoned girl set during the political unrest of 1953–1979 Iran.“Learning to Breathe” by B.C.-based Janice Lynn Mather, a young adult novel about a Caribbean teenager’s struggle to establish herself in a new city and home life.“At The Top of the Wall, Alight” by Sudbury, Ontario, author Natalie Morrill, which follows a Viennese Jew separated from his family during the Second World War. An early version of this novel was previously nominated for the award.Novelist and University of Guelph writing professor, Thomas King, and L.A.-based author, graphic novelist, and musician, Cecil Castellucci, have been named winners of this year’s Sunburst Awards for excellence in Canadian literature of the fantastic. Castellucci won in the YA category for “Tin Star” (Roaring Brook/Raincoast), the first novel in a planned series about a teenager who struggles to survive parent-less in a space station where she is the only human, and which played scene to a brutal assault that haunts her memory. King won in the adult category for his novel “The Back of the Turtle” (HarperCollins Canada), for which he also received a Copper Cylinder Award from the Sunburst Society last week. The book follows a First Nations scientist who finds himself torn after he’s sent to clean up the ecological mess his company has left on the reserve his family grew up on.Be sure to save October 28th on your calendar for the GG book awards announcement. Of course, “GG” stands for Governor-General. The short lists can be viewed here:http://ggbooks.ca/books/. There are categories in both English and French for both children’s text and illustration books.Online ResourcesPodcast: Yegs and Bacon: Episode 22: the full audio from our recent Indigenous Representation in Popular Culture panel. In the audio, you’ll be hearing from (in order of first vocal appearance) Brandon, who introduces the panelists, James Leask, Richard Van Camp, Kelly Mellings, and Patti Laboucane-Benson. Recorded on Monday, September 28th, 2015. http://variantedmonton.com/category/yegs-and-bacon/European Picture Book Collection: The EPBC was designed to help pupils to find out more about their European neighbours through reading the visual narratives of carefully chosen picture books. Here you can find out about how the project began, the theoretical papers that have been presented on European children's literature, and how the materials were initially used in schools. http://www.ncrcl.ac.uk/epbc/EN/index.aspMore next time around,Yours in stories, Gail de VosGail de Vos is an adjunct professor who teaches courses on Canadian children's literature, young adult literature, and comic books & graphic novels at the School of Library and Information Studies (SLIS) at the University of Alberta. She is the author of nine books on storytelling and folklore. Gail is also a professional storyteller who has taught the storytelling course at SLIS for over two decades.

ApproachUniquely governed by a broad range of consortium partners, SA NT DataLink’s business model operates with flexibility to adapt to researcher priorities and government requirements. Its Data Linkage Unit routinely links data from over 50 sources with more than 57 million records on approximately 2.9 million individuals. It arguably provides the broadest range of linked data sources in Australia, focusing on administrative datasets and clinical registries from various health and human services domains. Operating in strict adherence with the separation principal, SA NT DataLink’s Data Integration Unit separately manages anonymised clinical and service use data in collaboration with the respective data custodians through the Custodian Controlled Data Repository, allowing approved analysts to efficiently access high quality linked anonymised data. To protect individual privacy throughout the process of data linkage and data provision, SA NT DataLink’s processes align with state, territory and federal privacy legislations. Operating consistently with National Health and Medical Research Council guidelines, linkage projects are subject to approvals by the relevant data custodians and approved Human Research Ethics Committees. Noteworthy OutputsSA NT DataLink has provided linkage services to over 160 data linkage projects, informing nationally significant research and policy initiatives, including initiatives to improve indigenous children’s hearing and child development. ConclusionTo respond to a changing data linkage landscape, SA NT DataLink is continuously reviewing and improving its systems, linkage processes and governance, addressing administrative, funding, data access, social licence and data linkage challenges and opportunities to meet increasing demand and new business developments.

Of the numerous projects that involve ICTs to solve the problems of the developing world, many are unsuccessful. Reasons include lack of attention to how the human and social systems need to adapt to the new technologies, problems with the intent of the initiators, and lack of user involvement. Focusing on the design of ICT for education and acknowledging the range of complex reasons for possible failure, this article focuses on lack on involvement of end users (specifically children) in the design and development of ICT solutions. Children in the developing world are not given voice when it comes to the design of technology aimed at providing them with better education. Through examination of the concept of “children’s voice” as well as through discussion of a practical design case to support underprivileged children in South Africa, this article shows that (1) listening to children requires that adult co-designers have the correct attitude towards their child partners and that they are committed to really hearing them; (2) power relations and context plays an important role in the contribution children can make; and (3) South African children have the ability to provide essential input into the design of technology for education.

She leant lazily across the picnic hamper and reached for my hearing aid in my open-palmed hand. I jerked away from her, batting her hand away from mine. The glare of the summer sun blinded me. I struck empty air. Her tendril-fingers seized the beige seashell curve of my hearing aid and she lifted the cargo of sound towards her eyes. She peered at the empty battery-cage before flicking it open and shut as if it was a cigarette lighter, as if she could spark hearing-life into this trick of plastic and metal that held no meaning outside of my ear. I stared at her. A band of horror tightened around my throat, strangling my shout: ‘Don’t do that!’ I clenched my fist around the new battery that I had been about to insert into my hearing aid and imagined it speeding like a bullet towards her heart. This dream arrived as I researched my anthology of memoir-style essays on deafness, The Art of Being. I had already been reflecting and writing for several years about my relationship with my deaf-self and the impact of my deafness on my life, but I remained uneasy about writing about my deaf-life. I’ve lived all my adult life entirely in the hearing world, and so recasting myself as a deaf woman with something pressing to say about deaf people’s lives felt disturbing. The urgency to tell my story and my anxiety to contest certain assumptions about deafness were real, but I was hampered by diffidence. The dream felt potent, as if my deaf-self was asserting itself, challenging my hearing persona. I was the sole deaf child in a family of five muddling along in a weatherboard war commission house at The Grange in Brisbane during the nineteen fifties and nineteen sixties. My father’s resume included being in the army during World War Two, an official for the boxing events at the 1956 Melbourne Olympic Games and a bookie with a gift for telling stories. My mother had spent her childhood on a cherry orchard in Young, worked as a nurse in war-time Sydney and married my father in Townsville after a whirlwind romance on Magnetic Island before setting up home in Brisbane. My older sister wore her dark hair in thick Annie-Oakley style plaits and my brother took me on a hike along the Kedron Brook one summer morning before lunchtime. My parents did not know of any deaf relatives in their families, and my sister and brother did not have any friends with deaf siblings. There was just me, the little deaf girl. Most children are curious about where they come from. Such curiosity marks their first foray into sexual development and sense of identity. I don’t remember expressing such curiosity. Instead, I was diverted by my mother’s story of her discovery that I was deaf. The way my mother tells the story, it is as if I had two births with the date of the diagnosis of my deafness marking my real arrival, over-riding the false start of my physical birth three years earlier. Once my mother realized that I was deaf, she was able to get on with it, the ‘it’ being to defy the inevitability of a constrained life for her deaf child. My mother came out swinging; by hook or by crook, her deaf daughter was going to learn to speak and to be educated and to take her place in the hearing world and to live a normal life and that was that. She found out about the Commonwealth Acoustics Laboratory (now known as Australian Hearing Services) where, after I completed a battery of auditory tests, I was fitted with a hearing aid. This was a small metal box, to be worn in a harness around my body, with a long looping plastic cord connected to a beige ear-mould. An instrument for piercing silence, it absorbed and conveyed sounds, with those sounds eventually separating themselves out into patterns of words and finally into strings of sentences. Without my hearing aid, if I am concentrating, and if the sounds are made loudly, I am aware of the sounds at the deeper end of the scale. Sometimes, it’s not so much that I can hear them; it’s more that I know that those sounds are happening. My aural memory of the deep-register sounds helps me to “hear” them, much like the recollection of any tune replays itself in your imagination. With and without my hearing aids, if I am not watching the source of those sounds – for example, if the sounds are taking place in another room or even just behind me – I am not immediately able to distinguish whether the sounds are conversational or musical or happy or angry. I can only discriminate once I’ve established the rhythm of the sounds; if the rhythm is at a tearing, jagged pace with an exaggerated rise and fall in the volume, I might reasonably assume that angry words are being had. I cannot hear high-pitched sounds at all, with and without my hearing aids: I cannot hear sibilants, the “cees” and “esses” and “zeds”. I cannot hear those sounds which bounce or puff off from your lips, such as the letters “b” and “p”; I cannot hear that sound which trampolines from the press of your tongue against the back of your front teeth, the letter “t”. With a hearing-aid I can hear and discriminate among the braying, hee-hawing, lilting, oohing and twanging sounds of the vowels ... but only if I am concentrating, and if I am watching the source of the sounds. Without my hearing aid, I might also hear sharp and sudden sounds like the clap of hands or crash of plates, depending on the volume of the noise. But I cannot hear the ring of the telephone, or the chime of the door bell, or the urgent siren of an ambulance speeding down the street. My hearing aid helps me to hear some of these sounds. I was a pupil in an oral-deaf education program for five years until the end of 1962. During those years, I was variously coaxed, dragooned and persuaded into the world of hearing. I was introduced to a world of bubbles, balloons and fingers placed on lips to learn the shape, taste and feel of sounds, their push and pull of air through tongue and lips. By these mechanics, I gained entry to the portal of spoken, rather than signed, speech. When I was eight years old, my parents moved me from the Gladstone Road School for the Deaf in Dutton Park to All Hallows, an inner-city girls’ school, for the start of Grade Three. I did not know, of course, that I was also leaving my world of deaf friends to begin a new life immersed in the hearing world. I had no way of understanding that this act of transferring me from one school to another was a profound statement of my parents’ hopes for me. They wanted me to have a life in which I would enjoy all the advantages and opportunities routinely available to hearing people. Like so many parents before them, ‘they had to find answers that might not, for all they knew, exist . . . How far would I be able to lead a ‘normal’ life? . . . How would I earn a living? You can imagine what forebodings weighed on them. They could not know that things might work out better than they feared’ (Wright, 22). Now, forty-four years later, I have been reflecting on the impact of that long-ago decision made on my behalf by my parents. They made the right decision for me. The quality of my life reflects the rightness of their decision. I have enjoyed a satisfying career in social work and public policy embedded in a life of love and friendships. This does not mean that I believe that my parents’ decision to remove me from one world to another would necessarily be the right decision for another deaf child. I am not a zealot for the cause of oralism despite its obvious benefits. I am, however, stirred by the Gemini-like duality within me, the deaf girl who is twin to the hearing persona I show to the world, to tell my story of deafness as precisely as I can. Before I can do this, I have to find that story because it is not as apparent to me as might be expected. In an early published memoir-essay about my deaf girlhood, I Hear with My Eyes (in Schulz), I wrote about my mother’s persistence in making sure that I learnt to speak rather than sign, the assumed communication strategy for most deaf people back in the 1950s. I crafted a selection of anecdotes, ranging in tone, I hoped, from sad to tender to laugh-out-loud funny. I speculated on the meaning of certain incidents in defining who I am and the successes I have enjoyed as a deaf woman in a hearing world. When I wrote this essay, I searched for what I wanted to say. I thought, by the end of it, that I’d said everything that I wanted to say. I was ready to move on, to write about other things. However, I was delayed by readers’ responses to that essay and to subsequent public speaking engagements. Some people who read my essay told me that they liked its fresh, direct approach. Others said that they were moved by it. Friends were curious and fascinated to get the inside story of my life as a deaf person as it has not been a topic of conversation or inquiry among us. They felt that they’d learnt something about what it means to be deaf. Many responses to my essay and public presentations had relief and surprise as their emotional core. Parents have cried on hearing me talk about the fullness of my life and seem to regard me as having given them permission to hope for their own deaf children. Educators have invited me to speak at parent education evenings because ‘to have an adult who has a hearing impairment and who has developed great spoken language and is able to communicate in the community at large – that would be a great encouragement and inspiration for our families’ (Email, April 2007). I became uncomfortable about these responses because I was not sure that I had been as honest or direct as I could have been. What lessons on being deaf have people absorbed by reading my essay and listening to my presentations? I did not set out to be duplicitous, but I may have embraced the writer’s aim for the neatly curved narrative arc at the cost of the flinty self-regarding eye and the uncertain conclusion. * * * Let me start again. I was born deaf at a time, in the mid 1950s, when people still spoke of the ‘deaf-mute’ or the ‘deaf and dumb.’ I belonged to a category of children who attracted the gaze of the curious, the kind, and the cruel with mixed results. We were bombarded with questions we could either not hear and so could not answer, or that made us feel we were objects for exploration. We were the patronized beneficiaries of charitable picnics organized for ‘the disadvantaged and the handicapped.’ Occasionally, we were the subject of taunts, with words such as ‘spastic’ being speared towards us as if to be called such a name was a bad thing. I glossed over this muddled social response to deafness in my published essay. I cannot claim innocence as my defence. I knew I was glossing over it but I thought this was right and proper: after all, why stir up jagged memories? Aren’t some things better left unexpressed? Besides, keep the conversation nice, I thought. The nature of readers’ responses to my essay provoked me into a deeper exploration of deafness. I was shocked by the intensity of so many parents’ grief and anxiety about their children’s deafness, and frustrated by the notion that I am an inspiration because I am deaf but oral. I wondered what this implied about my childhood deaf friends who may not speak orally as well as I do, but who nevertheless enjoy fulfilling lives. I was stunned by the admission of a mother of a five year old deaf son who, despite not being able to speak, has not been taught how to Sign. She said, ‘Now that I’ve met you, I’m not so frightened of deaf people anymore.’ My shock may strike the average hearing person as naïve, but I was unnerved that so many parents of children newly diagnosed with deafness were grasping my words with the relief of people who have long ago lost hope in the possibilities for their deaf sons and daughters. My shock is not directed at these parents but at some unnameable ‘thing out there.’ What is going on out there in the big world that, 52 years after my mother experienced her own grief, bewilderment, anxiety and quest to forge a good life for her little deaf daughter, contemporary parents are still experiencing those very same fears and asking the same questions? Why do parents still receive the news of their child’s deafness as a death sentence of sorts, the death of hope and prospects for their child, when the facts show – based on my own life experiences and observations of my deaf school friends’ lives – that far from being a death sentence, the diagnosis of deafness simply propels a child into a different life, not a lesser life? Evidently, a different sort of silence has been created over the years; not the silence of hearing loss but the silence of lost stories, invisible stories, unspoken stories. I have contributed to that silence. For as long as I can remember, and certainly for all of my adult life, I have been careful to avoid being identified as ‘a deaf person.’ Although much of my career was taken up with considering the equity dilemmas of people with a disability, I had never assumed the mantle of advocacy for deaf people or deaf rights. Some of my early silence about deaf identity politics was consistent with my desire not to shine the torch on myself in this way. I did not want to draw attention to myself by what I did not have, that is, less hearing than other people. I thought that if I lived my life as fully as possible in the hearing world and with as little fuss as possible, then my success in blending in would be eloquence enough. If I was going to attract attention, I wanted it to be on the basis of merit, on what I achieved. Others would draw the conclusions that needed to be drawn, that is, that deaf people can take their place fully in the hearing world. I also accepted that if I was to be fully ‘successful’ – and I didn’t investigate the meaning of that word for many years – in the hearing world, then I ought to isolate myself from my deaf friends and from the deaf culture. I continued to miss them, particularly one childhood friend, but I was resolute. I never seriously explored the possibility of straddling both worlds, despite the occasional invitation to do so. For example, one of my childhood deaf friends, Damien, visited me at my parents’ home once, when we were both still in our teens. He was keen for me to join him in the Deaf Theatre, but I couldn’t muster the emotional dexterity that I felt this required. Instead, I let myself to be content to hear news of my childhood deaf friends through the grape-vine. This was, inevitably, a patchy process that lent itself to caricature. Single snippets of information about this person or that person ballooned into portrait-size depictions of their lives as I sketched the remaining blanks of their history with my imagination as my only tool. My capacity to be content with my imagination faltered. * * * Despite the construction of public images of deafness around the highly visible performance of hand-signed communication, the ‘how-small-can-we-go?’ advertorials of hearing aids and the cochlear implant with its head-worn speech processor, deafness is often described as ‘the invisible disability.’ My own experience bore this out. I became increasingly self-conscious about the singularity of my particular success, moderate in the big scheme of things though that may be. I looked around me and wondered ‘Why don’t I bump into more deaf people during the course of my daily life?’ After all, I am not a recluse. I have broad interests. I have travelled a lot, and have enjoyed a policy career for some thirty years, spanning the three tiers of government and scaling the competitive ladder with a reasonable degree of nimbleness. Such a career has got me out and about quite a bit: up and down the Queensland coast and out west, down to Sydney, Melbourne, Canberra, Adelaide and Hobart, and to the United Kingdom. And yet, not once in those thirty years did I get to share an office or a chance meeting or a lunch break with another deaf person. The one exception took place in the United Kingdom when I attended a national conference in which the keynote speaker was the Chairman of the Audit Commission, a man whose charisma outshines his profound deafness. After my return to Australia from the United Kingdom, a newspaper article about an education centre for deaf children in a leafy suburb of Brisbane, prompted me into action. I decided to investigate what was going on in the world of education for deaf children and so, one warm morning in 2006, I found myself waiting in the foyer for the centre’s clinical director. I flicked through a bundle of brochures and newsletters. They were loaded with images of smiling children wearing cochlear implants. Their message was clear: a cochlear implant brought joy, communication and participation in all that the world has to offer. This seemed an easy miracle. I had arrived with an open mind but now found myself feeling unexpectedly tense, as if I was about to walk a high-wire without the benefit of a safety net. Not knowing the reason for my fear, I swallowed it and smiled at the director in greeting upon her arrival. She is physically a small person but her energy is large. Her passion is bracing. That morning, she was quick to assert the power of cochlear implants by simply asking me, ‘Have you ever considered having an implant?’ When I shook my head, she looked at me appraisingly, ‘I’m sure you’d benefit from it’ before ushering me into a room shining with sun-dappled colour and crowded with a mess of little boys and girls. The children were arrayed in a democracy of shorts, shirts, and sandals. Only the occasional hair-ribbon or newly pressed skirt separated this girl from that boy. Some young mothers and fathers, their faces stretched with tension, stood or sat around the room’s perimeter watching their infant children. The noise in the room was orchestral, rising and falling to a mash of shouts, cries and squeals. A table had been set with several plastic plates in which diced pieces of browning apple, orange slices and melon chunks swam in a pond of juice. Some small children clustered around it, waiting to be served. When they finished their morning fruit, they were rounded up to sit at the front of the room, before a teacher poised with finger-puppets of ducks. I tripped over a red plastic chair – its tiny size designed to accommodate an infant’s bottom and small-sausage legs – and lowered myself onto it to take in the events going on around me. The little boys and girls laughed merrily as they watched their teacher narrate the story of a mother duck and her five baby ducks. Her hands moved in a flurry of duck-billed mimicry. ‘“Quack! Quack! Quack!” said the mother duck!’ The parents trilled along in time with the teacher. As I watched the children at the education centre that sunny morning, I saw that my silence had acted as a brake of sorts. I had, for too long, buried the chance to understand better the complex lives of deaf people as we negotiate the claims and demands of the hearing world. While it is true that actions speak louder than words, the occasional spoken and written word must surely help things along a little. I also began to reflect on the apparent absence of the inter-generational transfer of wisdom and insights born of experience rather than academic studies. Why does each new generation of parents approach the diagnosis of their newborn child’s disability or deafness with such intensity of fear, helplessness and dread for their child’s fate? I am not querying the inevitability of parents experiencing disappointment and shock at receiving unexpected news. I accept that to be born deaf means to be born with less than perfect hearing. All the same, it ought not to be inevitable that parents endure sustained grief about their child’s prospects. They ought to be illuminated as quickly as possible about all that is possible for their child. In particular, they ought to be encouraged to enjoy great hopes for their child. I mused about the power of story-telling to influence attitudes. G. Thomas Couser claims that ‘life writing can play a significant role in changing public attitudes about deafness’ (221) but then proceeds to cast doubt on his own assertion by later asking, ‘to what degree and how do the extant narratives of deafness rewrite the discourse of disability? Indeed, to what degree and how do they manage to represent the experience of deafness at all?’ (225). Certainly, stories from the Deaf community do not speak for me as my life has not been shaped by the framing of deafness as a separate linguistic and cultural entity. Nor am I drawn to the militancy of identity politics that uses terms such as ‘oppression’ and ‘oppressors’ to deride the efforts of parents and educators to teach deaf children to speak (Lane; Padden and Humphries). This seems to be unhelpfully hostile and assumes that deafness is the sole arbitrating reason that deaf people struggle with understanding who they are. It is the nature of being human to struggle with who we are. Whether we are deaf, migrants, black, gay, mentally ill – or none of these things – we are all answerable to the questions: ‘who am I and what is my place in the world?’ As I cast around for stories of deafness and deaf people with which I could relate, I pondered on the relative infrequency of deaf characters in literature, and the scarcity of autobiographies by deaf writers or biographies of deaf people by either deaf or hearing people. I also wondered whether written stories of deafness, memoirs and fiction, shape public perceptions or do they simply respond to existing public perceptions of deafness? As Susan DeGaia, a deaf academic at California State University writes, ‘Analysing the way stories are told can show us a lot about who is most powerful, most heard, whose perspective matters most to society. I think if we polled deaf/Deaf people, we would find many things missing from the stories that are told about them’ (DeGaia). Fighting my diffidence in staking out my persona as a ‘deaf woman’ and mustering the ‘conviction as to the importance of what [I have] to say, [my] right to say it’ (Olsen 27), I decided to write The Art of Being Deaf, an anthology of personal essays in the manner of reflective memoirs on deafness drawing on my own life experiences and supported by additional research. This presented me with a narrative dilemma because my deafness is just one of several life-events by which I understand myself. I wanted to find fresh ways of telling stories of deaf experiences while fashioning my memoir essays to show the texture of my life in all its variousness. A.N.Wilson’s observation about the precarious insensitivity of biographical writing was my guiding pole-star: the sense of our own identity is fluid and tolerant, whereas our sense of the identity of others is always more fixed and quite often edges towards caricature. We know within ourselves that we can be twenty different persons in a single day and that the attempt to explain our personality is doomed to become a falsehood after only a few words ... . And yet ... works of literature, novels and biographies depend for their aesthetic success precisely on this insensitive ability to simplify, to describe, to draw lines around another person and say, ‘This is she’ or ‘This is he.’ I have chosen to explore my relationship with my deafness through the multiple-threads of writing several personal essays as my story-telling vehicle rather than as a single-thread autobiography. The multiple-thread approach to telling my stories also sought to avoid the pitfalls of identity narrative in which I might unwittingly set myself up as an exemplar of one sort or another, be it as a ‘successful deaf person’ or as an ‘angry militant deaf activist’ or as ‘a deaf individual in denial attempting to pass as hearing.’ But in seeking to avoid these sorts of stories, what autobiographical story am I trying to tell? Because, other than being deaf, my life is not otherwise especially unusual. It is pitted here with sadness and lifted there with joy, but it is mostly a plateau held stable by the grist of daily life. Christopher Jon Heuer recognises this dilemma when he writes, ‘neither autobiography nor biography nor fiction can survive without discord. Without it, we are left with boredom. Without it, what we have is the lack of a point, a theme and a plot’ (Heuer 196). By writing The Art of Being Deaf, I am learning more than I have to teach. In the absence of deaf friends or mentors, and in the climate of my own reluctance to discuss my concerns with hearing people who, when I do flag any anxieties about issues arising from my deafness tend to be hearty and upbeat in their responses, I have had to work things out for myself. In hindsight, I suspect that I have simply ignored most of my deafness-related difficulties, leaving the heavy lifting work to my parents, teachers, and friends – ‘for it is the non-deaf who absorb a large part of the disability’ (Wright, 5) – and just got on with things by complying with what was expected of me, usually to good practical effect but at the cost of enriching my understanding of myself and possibly at the cost of intimacy. Reading deaf fiction and memoirs during the course of this writing project is proving to be helpful for me. I enjoy the companionability of it, but not until I got over my fright at seeing so many documented versions of deaf experiences, and it was a fright. For a while there, it was like walking through the Hall of Mirrors in Luna Park. Did I really look like that? Or no, perhaps I was like that? But no, here’s another turn, another mirror, another face. Spinning, twisting, turning. It was only when I stopped searching for the right mirror, the single defining portrait, that I began to enjoy seeing my deaf-self/hearing-persona experiences reflected in, or challenged by, what I read. Other deaf writers’ recollections are stirring into fresh life my own buried memories, prompting me to re-imagine them so that I can examine my responses to those experiences more contemplatively and less reactively than I might have done originally. We can learn about the diversity of deaf experiences and the nuances of deaf identity that rise above the stock symbolic scripts by reading authentic, well-crafted stories by memoirists and novelists. Whether they are hearing or deaf writers, by providing different perspectives on deafness, they have something useful to say, demonstrate and illustrate about deafness and deaf people. I imagine the possibility of my book, The Art of Being Deaf, providing a similar mentoring role to other deaf people and families.References Couser, G. Thomas. Recovering Bodies: Illness, Disablity, and Life Writing. Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1997. Heuer, Christopher Jon. ‘Deafness as Conflict and Conflict Component.’ Sign Language Studies 7.2 (Winter 2007): 195-199. Lane, Harlan. When the Mind Hears: A History of the Deaf. New York: Random House, 1984 Olsen, Tillie. Silences. New York: Delta/Seymour Lawrence. 1978. Padden, Carol, and Tom Humphries. Deaf in America: Voices from a Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998. Schulz, J. (ed). A Revealed Life. Sydney: ABC Books and Griffith Review. 2007 Wilson, A.N. Incline Our Hearts. London: Penguin Books. 1988. Wright, David. Deafness: An Autobiography. New York: Stein and Day, 1969.

Background. Working memory-based spatial cognition has attracted the attention of the scientific community in navigation and reorientation projects. The dominant approach considers that spontaneous spatial navigation behavior is based merely on environmental geometry (built and natural environmental objects). In this domain, DCD (Developmental Coordination Disorder) motor skill orientation problems have been frequently associated with poor visuospatial cognition, while immersive VR environments encourage more repetition, allowing for faster motor skill development and recovery. Objective. This pilot study tested the functionality of an immersive VR environment with environmental geometry (rectangular arena rich in symmetry) and featural landmark cues (striped wall, flora) as a route-learning tool for children with motor skill disorders. Methods. Forty DCD children aged 5 to 8 years (20 boys and 20 girls); five (5) 3D reality modeling setups with orthogonality, symmetry, and striped walls as design parameters; and trial walk-through coordination exercises using a predefined visual pathway with different motor control conditions (daylight, darkness). Participants’ path completion rate, path completion time, and walk-through satisfaction were recorded as route-learning performance variables and analyzed statistically. Results/findings. DCD children’s spatial orientation was statistically shown to be more stable and robust (in path completion rates, termination time, and walk-through level of satisfaction) in a virtual 3D environment rich in orthogonality, symmetry, and featural cues as landmarks. In this compound environmental geometry setup, training functionality and immersive learning performance enjoyed an 8.16% better path completion rate, a 12.37% reduction in path completion time, and 32.10% more walk-through satisfaction than reality modeling setups poor in geometry and landmarks. The effectiveness and robustness were validated statistically. Conclusion. Children with motor skill difficulties train and learn better in virtual 3D environments that are rich in orthogonality, symmetry, and featural landmark cues.

I sat alone on the beach under the shade of a big umbrella. My husband, Bill, and our three children were in the condo taking a break from the Florida sunshine. Dreamily, I gazed at the vast Gulf of Mexico, the brilliant blue sky stretching endlessly above. I was sitting about 50 feet from the surf, but I couldn't actually see the waves hitting the beach; I was almost blind. It was a windy day in late May and I loved feeling the ocean breeze sweeping over me. I imagined I could hear the waves crashing onto the surf, but the sound was only a memory. I was totally deaf. Although I had a cochlear implant and could hear the waves, the cry of sea gulls, and many other sounds with the technology, I wasn't wearing it at the moment and everything I heard was in my mind. As a child, my understanding of speech was better and my vision was clearer. My diagnosis was optic atrophy at age 5 and my vision gradually degenerated over the years. For unknown reasons, nerve damage caused hearing loss and during my teens, my hearing grew worse and worse until by the time I was ready for college, I was profoundly deaf. I chose to attend Gallaudet University because my high school teachers and my parents felt I would receive better services as a deaf and blind student. I feel it was a very good decision; when I entered Gallaudet, it was like entering a new and exhilarating world. Before attending Gallaudet, while I struggled to cope with hearing loss combined with severely low vision, my world grew smaller and smaller, not being able to communicate efficiently with others. At Gallaudet, I suddenly found I could communicate with almost anybody I met on campus using sign language. Thus, my self-confidence and independence grew as I proceeded to get a college education.It wasn't an easy route to follow. I didn't know Braille at the time and depended on using a CCTV (closed captioned television) electronic aid which magnified text, enabling me to read all my college books. I also relied on the assistance of a class aid who interpreted all my teachers' lectures and class discussions because I was unable to see people's signing unless they signed right in front of my face. It was slow going and often frustrating, trying to keep involved socially and keeping up with my coursework but when I was 13 years old, my vision specialist teacher who had worked with me from 5th grade until I graduated from high school, wrote a note for me saying, "Anything worthwhile seldom comes easy." The phrase stuck in my mind and I tried to follow this philosophy. In 1989 after 7 years of persistence, I graduated with a Bachelor's of Arts degree in psychology. With the B.A. in hand and having developed good communication skills with deaf and deaf-blind people using sign language and ASL (American Sign Language), I was ready to face the world. But I wasn't exactly ready; I knew I wanted a professional job working with deaf-blind people and the way to get there was to earn a master's degree. I applied for admission into Gallaudet's graduate school and was accepted into the vocational rehabilitation counselling program. While I thoroughly enjoyed graduate school experience, I got to work with my class mates one-on-one more often and there were a lot more hands-on activities, it became obvious to me that I wasn't prepared for graduate school. I needed to learn Braille and how to use Braille technology; my vision had worsened a lot since starting college. In addition, I needed a break from school and needed to gain experience in the working world. After completing one and a half years and earning 15 credit hours in the master's program, I left Gallaudet and found a job in Baltimore, Maryland.The job was with a new program for adults who were visually and hearing impaired and mentally disabled. My job was assisting the clients with independent living and work related skills. Most of the other staff were deaf, communicating via ASL. By then, I was skilled using tactile signing, putting my hand on the back of the signer's hand to follow movements by touch, and I made friends with co-workers. I felt grown up and independent working full-time, living in my own apartment, using the subway train and bus to travel to and from work. I didn't have any serious problems living on my own. There was a supermarket up the road to which I could walk or ride a bus. But I needed a taxi ride back to the apartment when I had more groceries than I could carry. I would leave a sign I made out of cardboard and wrote my address in big black numbers, on my apartment door to help the driver find my place. I used a white cane and upon moving to Baltimore, an Orientation and Mobility (O and M) teacher who worked with blind people, showing them how to travel in the city, taught me the route to my work place using the subway and bus. Thus, I was independent and knew my way to work as well as to a nearby shopping mall. One day as I stood on the subway station platform holding my white cane, waiting for my train, the opposite train pulled in. As I stood watching passengers hurrying to board, knowing my train would arrive soon on the other side, a woman ran up to me and started pulling my arm. I handed her my notebook and black marker I used for communicating with people in the public, telling her I couldn't hear and would she please write in large print? She frantically scribbled something, but I couldn't read the note. She then gave me back the pen and pad, grabbed my arm again and started pulling me towards the train. I refused to budge, gesturing towards the opposite tracks, clearly indicating I was waiting for the other train. Finally, she let go, dashed into the train before the doors closed. I watched the train pull away, sadly reflecting that some people who wanted to help, just didn't understand how to approach disabled people. As a deaf-blind traveller, it was my duty to help educate the general public how to assist disabled persons in a humane way. After I established my new life for a few months, Bill was offered a position in the same program and moved to Baltimore to join me. He had worked at the Helen Keller National Centre in New York where I met him while doing a summer internship there three years before. I was thrilled when he got the job working beside me and we got to know each other on a daily basis. We had been dating since we met although I was in college and he was working and living in New York and then Cleveland, Ohio. Bill being hearing and sighted, was skilled in sign language and communication techniques with deaf-blind people. He had a wonderful attitude towards disabled people and made me feel like a normal person who was capable of doing things. We shared a lot and were very comfortable with each other. After nearly six months together in Baltimore, we married in May 1992, several weeks before my 28th birthday.After our first year of marriage living in Maryland, Bill and I moved to Little Rock, Arkansas. We wanted to live closer to my family and parents, Ron and Judy Cummings, who lived in Poplar Bluff, Missouri, 176 miles north of Little Rock. I wanted to go back to school and entered the deaf education program at the University of Arkansas at Little Rock with the goal of becoming a teacher for deaf-blind students. I never dreamed I would have a deaf-blind child of my own one day. My vision and hearing loss were caused by nerve damage and no one else in my family nor Bill's had a similar disability.I was pregnant with our first child when I entered UALR. In spite of my growing belly, I enjoyed the teacher training experience. I worked with a deaf-blind 12-year-old student and her teacher at the Arkansas School for the Deaf; observed two energetic four-year-olds in the pre-school program. But when my son, Joe was born in June 1994, my world changed once again. School became less important and motherhood became the ultimate. As a deaf-blind person, I wanted to be the best mom within my abilities.I decided that establishing good communication with my child was an important aspect of being a deaf-blind mom. Bill was in full agreement and we would set Joe on the kitchen table in his infant carrier, reciting together in sign language, "The three Bears". I could see Joe's tiny fists and feet wave excitedly in the air as he watched us signing children's stories. I would encourage Joe to hold my fingers while I signed to him, trying to establish a tactile signing relationship. But he was almost two years old when he finally understood that he needed to sign into my hands. We were sitting at the table and I had a bag of cookies. I refused to give him one until he made the sign for "cookie" in my hand. I quickly rewarded him with a cookie and he got three or four each time he made the sign in my hand. Today at 16, Joe is an expert finger speller and can effectively communicate with me and his younger deaf-blind brother, Ben.When Joe was two and a half, I decided to explore a cochlear implant. It was 1996 and we were living in Poplar Bluff by then. My cousin, who was studying audiology, told me that people using cochlear implants were able to understand sound so well they didn't need good vision. I made an appointment with the St. Louis cochlear implant program and after being evaluated, I decided to go ahead. I am glad I have a cochlear implant. After months of practice I learned to use the new sound and was eventually able to understand many environmental sounds. I never regained the ability of understanding speech, though, but I could hear people's voices very clearly, the sound of laughter, birds singing, and many more. Being able to hear my children's voices is especially wonderful, even when they get noisy and I get a headache. That fall I went to Leader Dogs School for the Blind (LDSB) where I met Milo, a large yellow Labrador retriever. At LDSB I learned how to care for and work with a dog guide. Having Milo as my companion and guide was like stepping into another new and wonderful world of independence. With Milo, I could walk briskly and feel secure. Milo was a big help as a deaf-blind mom, too. With Milo's guiding help, it was wonderful following my children while they rode tricycles or bikes and the whole family enjoyed going out for walks together. Our second son, Ben, was born in February 1999. He was a perfectly healthy little boy and Bill and I were looking forward to raising two sons. Joe was four and a half years old when Ben was born and was fascinated in his new brother. But when Ben was 5 months old, he was diagnosed with Langerhans Cell Histiocytosis (LCH), a rare childhood disease and in some cases, fatal. It was a long, scary road we followed as Ben received treatment at the children's hospital in St. Louis which involved making the 150 mile trip almost weekly for chemotherapy and doctor check-ups. Through it all, Ben was a happy little boy, in spite of the terrible rash that affected his scalp and diaper area, a symptom of LCH. Bill and I knew that we had to do everything possible to help Ben. When he was a year old, his condition seemed stable enough for me to feel comfortable leaving my family for two months to study Braille and learn new technology skills at a program in Kansas City. My vision had deteriorated to a point where I could no longer use a CCTV.Bill's mom, Marie Reid, who lived in Cleveland, Ohio, made a special trip to stay at our home in Poplar Bluff to help Bill with the boys while I was gone. I was successful at the program, learning Braille, making a change from magnification to Braille technology. Upon returning home, I began looking for a job and found employment as a deaf-blind specialist in a new project in Mississippi. The job was in Tupelo and we moved to northern Mississippi, settling into a new life. We transferred Ben's treatment to St. Judes Children's hospital located in Memphis, 94 miles west of Tupelo. I went to work and Bill stayed home with the boys, which worked well. When Ben had to go to St. Judes every three weeks for chemotherapy, Bill was able to drive him. The treatment was successful, the rash had disappeared and there were no traces of LCH in Ben's blood tests. But when he was almost 3 years old, he was diagnosed with optic atrophy, the same eye disease I suffered from and an audiologist detected signs of inner ear hearing loss.Shocked at the news that our little son would grow up legally blind and perhaps become deaf, Bill and I had to rethink our future. We knew we wanted Ben to have a good life and as a deaf-blind child, he needed quality services. We chose to move to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania because I knew there were good services for deaf-blind people and I could function independently as a stay-home mom. In addition, Cleveland, Ohio, where Marie Reid and several of Bill's siblings lived, was a two hour's drive from Pittsburgh and living near family was important to us. With regret, I left my job opportunity and new friends and we re-located to Pittsburgh. We lived on a quiet street near Squirrel Hill and enrolled Joe into a near-by Catholic school. Ben received excellent early intervention services through the Pittsburgh public school, beginning Braille, using a white cane and tactile signing. The Pennsylvania services for the blind generously purchased a wonderful computer system and Braille display for me to use at home. I was able to communicate with Joe's and Ben's teachers and other contacts using e-mail. Ben's Braille teacher provided us with several print/Braille books which I read to the boys while Ben touched the tactile pictures. I made friends in the deaf and deaf-blind community and our family attended social events. Besides the social benefits of a deaf community, Pittsburgh offered a wonderful interpreting service and I was able to take Ben to doctor appointments knowing an interpreter would meet me at the hospital to assist with communication. I also found people who were willing to help me as volunteer SSPs (support Service Providers), persons whose role is to assist a deaf-blind person in any way, such as shopping, going to the bank, etc. Thus, I was able to function quite independently while Bill worked. Perhaps Bill and I were a bit crazy; after all, we had enough on our plate with a deaf-blind son and a deaf-blind mom, but love is a mysterious thing. In October 2003, Tim was born and our family was complete. Having two school-aged children and a baby on my hands was too much for me to handle alone. Bill was working and busy with culinary arts school. We realized we needed more help with the children, plus the high cost of living in the city was a struggle for us. We decided for the family's best interest, it would be better to move back to Poplar Bluff. After Joe and Ben were out of school in June, my mom flew out to Pittsburgh to escort them back to her home while Bill finished his externship for his culinary arts degree and in the late summer of 2004, we packed up our apartment, said good-bye to Pittsburgh, and drove to Missouri. The move was a good decision in many ways. Poplar Bluff, a rural town in south-eastern Missouri, has been my hometown since I was 10 years old. My extended family live there and the boys are thriving growing up among their cousins. Ben is receiving Braille and sign language services at public school and reads Braille faster than me!While both Bill and I are deeply satisfied knowing our children are happy, we have made personal sacrifices. Bill has given up his career satisfaction as a professional cook, needing to help look after the children and house. I have given up the benefits of city life such as interpreting and SSP services, not to mention the social benefits of a deaf community. But the children's well-being comes first, and I have found ways to fulfil my needs by getting involved with on-line groups for deaf-blind people, including writers and poets. I have taken a great interest in writing, especially children's stories and hope to establish a career as a writer. While I work on my computer, Bill keeps busy engaging the boys in various projects. They have built a screened-in tree house in the backyard where Ben and Tim like to sleep during warm summer nights.“It's almost 5 o'clock," Bill signed into my hand, rousing me from my thoughts. Time to prepare for our homeward journey the next day to Poplar Bluff, Missouri.Christy and Family

Apparently some people upon coming across [Down Syndrome dolls] were offended. […] Still, it’s curious, and telling, what gives offense. Was it the shock of seeing a doll not modeled on the normative form that caused such offense? Or the assumption that any representation of Down Syndrome must naturally intend ridicule? Either way, it would seem that we might benefit from an examination of such reactions—especially as they relate to instances of the idealisation of the human form that dolls […] represent. (Faulkner) IntroductionWhen Joanne Faulkner describes public criticism of dolls designed to look like they have Down Syndrome, she draws attention to the need for an examination of the way discourses of disability are communicated. She calls, in particular, for an interrogation of people’s reactions to the disruption of the idealised human form that most dolls adopt. The case of Down Syndrome dolls is fascinating, yet critical discussion of these dolls from a disability or cultural studies perspective is conspicuously lacking. To address this lack, this paper draws upon theories of the cultural construction of disability, beauty, and normalcy (Garland-Thompson, Kumari Campbell, Wendell), to explore the way ideas about disability are communicated and circulated. The dominant discourse of disability is medical, where people are diagnosed or identified as disabled if they meet certain criteria, or lists of physical impairments. These lists have a tendency to subsume the disparate qualities of disability (Garland-Thompson) and remove people considered disabled from the social and cultural world in which they live (Snyder and Mitchell 377). While Down Syndrome dolls, produced by Downi Creations and Helga’s European Speciality Toys (HEST) in the US and Europe respectively, are reflective of such lists, they also perform the cultural function of increasing the visibility of disability in society. In addition, the companies distributing these dolls state that they are striving for greater inclusion of people with Down Syndrome (Collins, Parks). However, the effect of the dominance of medicalised discourses of disability can be seen in the public reaction to these dolls. This paper seeks also to bring an interrogation of disability into dialogue with a critical analysis of the discursive function of lists.The paper begins with a consideration of lists as they have been used to define disability and organise knowledge within medicine, and the impact this has had on the position of disability within society. In order to differentiate itself from medical discourses, the emerging social model also relied on lists during the 1980s and 1990s. However, these lists also decontextualised disability by ignoring certain factors for political advantage. The social model, like medicine, tended to ignore the diversity of humanity it was apparently arguing for (Snyder and Mitchell 377). The focus then shifts to the image of Down Syndrome dolls and the ensuing negative interpretation of them focusing, in particular, on reader comments following a Mail Online (Fisher) article. Although the dolls were debated across the blogosphere on a number of disability, special needs parenting, and Down Syndrome specific blogs, people commenting on The Mail Online—a UK based conservative tabloid newspaper—offer useful insights into communication and meaning making around disability. People establish meanings about disability through communication (Hedlund 766). While cultural responses to disability are influenced by a number of paradigms of interpretation such as superstition, religion, and fear, this paper is concerned with the rejection of bodies that do not ascribe to cultural standards of beauty and seeks to explore this paradigm alongside and within the use of lists by the various models of disability. This paper interrogates the use of lists in the way meanings about disability are communicated through the medical diagnostic list, the Down Syndrome dolls, and reactions to them. Each list reduces the disparate qualities and experiences of disability, yet as a cultural artefact, these dolls go some way towards recognising the social and cultural world that medicalised discourses of disability ignore. Drawing on the use of lists within different frameworks of disability, this paper contrasts the individual, or medical, model of disability (that being disabled is a personal problem) with the social model (that exclusion due to disability is social oppression). Secondly, the paper compares the characteristics of Down Syndrome dolls with actual characteristics of Down Syndrome to conclude that these features aim to be a celebrated, not stigmatised, aspect of the doll. By reasserting alternative notions of the body, the dolls point towards a more diverse society where disability can be understood in relation to social oppression. However, these aims of celebration have not automatically translated to a more diverse understanding. This paper aims to complicate perceptions of disability beyond a rudimentary list of characteristics through a consideration of the negative public response to these dolls. These responses are an example of the cultural subjugation of disability.Lists and the Creation of Normative Cultural ValuesFor Robert Belknap, lists are the dominant way of “organizing data relevant to human functioning” (8). While lists are used in a number of ways and for a variety of purposes, Belknap divides lists into two categories—the practical and the literary. Practical lists store meanings, while literary lists create them (89). Belknap’s recognition of the importance of meaning making is particularly relevant to a cultural interrogation of disability. As Mitchell and Snyder comment:Disability’s representational “fate” is not so much dependant upon a tradition of negative portrayals as it is tethered to inciting the act of meaning-making itself. (6)Disability unites disparate groups of people whose only commonality is that they are considered “abnormal” (Garland-Thompson). Ableism—the beliefs, processes, and practices which produce the ideal body—is a cultural project in which normative values are created in an attempt to neutralise the fact that all bodies are out of control (Kumari Campbell). Medical models use diagnostic lists and criteria to remove bodies from their social and cultural context and enforce an unequal power dynamic (Snyder and Mitchell 377).By comparison, the social model of disability shifts the emphasis to situate disability in social and cultural practices (Goggin and Newell 36). Lists have also been integral to the formation of the social model of disability as theorists established binary oppositions between medical and social understandings of disability (Oliver 22). While these lists have no “essential meaning,” through discourse they shape human experience (Liggett). Lists bring disparate items together to structure meaning and organisation. According to Hedlund, insights into the experience of disability—which is neither wholly medical nor wholly social—can be found in the language we use to communicate ideas about disability (766). For example, while the recent production of children’s dolls designed to reflect a list of the physical features of Down Syndrome (Table 2) may have no inherent meaning, negative public reception reveals recognisable modes of understanding disability. Down Syndrome dolls are in stark contrast to dolls popularly available which assume a normative representation. For Blair and Shalmon (15), popular children’s toys communicate cultural standards of beauty. Naomi Wolf describes beauty as a socially constructed normative value used to disempower women in particular. The idealisation of the human form is an aspect of children’s toys that has been criticised for perpetuating a narrow conception of beauty (Levy 189). Disability is likewise subject to social construction and is part of a collective social reality beyond diagnostic lists (Hedlund 766).Organising Knowledge: The Social vs. Medical Model of DisabilityDisability has long been moored in medical cultures and institutions which emphasise a sterile ideal of the body based on a diagnosis of biological difference as deviance. For example, in 1866, John Langdon Down sought to provide a diagnostic classification system for people with, what would later come to be called (after him), Down Syndrome. He focused on physical features:The hair is […] of a brownish colour, straight and scanty. The face is flat and broad, and destitute of prominence. The cheeks are roundish, and extended laterally. The eyes are obliquely placed, and the internal canthi more than normally distant from one another. The palpebral fissure is very narrow. The forehead is wrinkled transversely from the constant assistance which the levatores palpebrarum derive from the occipito-frontalis muscle in the opening of the eyes. The lips are large and thick with transverse fissures. The tongue is long, thick, and is much roughened. The nose is small. The skin has a slight dirty yellowish tinge, and is deficient in elasticity, giving the appearance of being too large for the body. (Down)These features form what Belknap would describe as a “pragmatic” list (12). For Belknap, scientific classification, such as the description Langdon Down offers above, introduces precision and validation to the use of lists (167). The overt principle linking these disparate characteristics together is the normative body from which these features deviate. Medicalised discourses, such as Down’s list, have been linked with the institutionalisation of people with this condition and their exclusion from the broader community (Hickey-Moody 23). Such emphasis on criteria to proffer diagnosis removes and decontextualises bodies from the world in which they live (Snyder and Mitchell 370). This world may in fact be the disabling factor, rather than the person’s body. The social model emerged in direct opposition to medicalised definitions of disability as a number of activists with disabilities in the United Kingdom formed The Union of Physically Impaired Against Segregation (UPIAS) and concluded that people with disability are disabled not by their bodies but by a world structured to exclude their bodies (Finkelstein 13). By separating disability (socially created) from impairment (the body), disability is understood as society’s unwillingness to accommodate the needs of people with impairments. The British academic and disability activist Michael Oliver was central to the establishment of the social model of disability. Following the activities of the UPIAS, Oliver (re)defined disability as a “form of social oppression,” and created two lists (reproduced below) to distinguish between the social and individual (or medical) models of disability. By utilising the list form in this way, Oliver both provided a repository of information regarding the social model of disability and contextualised it in direct opposition to what he describes as the individual model. These lists present the social model as a coherent discipline, in an easy to understand format. As Belknap argues, the suggestion of order is a major tool of the list (98). Oliver’s list suggests a clear order to the emerging social model of disability—disability is a problem with society, not an individual. However, this list was problematic because it appeared to disregard impairment within the experience of disability. As the “impersonal became political” (Snyder and Mitchell 377), impairment became the unacknowledged ambiguity in the binary opposition the social model was attempting to create (Shakespeare 35). Nevertheless, Oliver’s lists successfully enforced a desired order to the social model of disability. The individual modelThe social modelPersonal tragedy theorySocial oppression theoryPersonal problemSocial problemIndividual treatmentSocial actionMedicalisationSelf helpProfessional dominanceIndividual and collective responsibilityExpertiseExperienceAdjustmentAffirmationIndividual identityCollective identityPrejudiceDiscriminationAttitudesBehaviourCareRightsControlChoicePolicyPoliticsIndividual adaptation Social changeTable 1 The Individual v Social Model of Disability (Oliver)The social model then went through a period of “lists,” especially when discussing media and culture. Positive versus negative portrayals of disability were identified and scholars listed strategies for the appropriate representation of disability (Barnes, Barnes Mercer and Shakespeare). The representations of impairment or the physical markers of disability were discouraged as the discipline concerned itself with establishing disability as a political struggle against a disabling social world. Oliver’s lists arrange certain “facts” about disability. Disability is framed as a social phenomenon where certain aspects are emphasised and others left out. While Oliver explains that these lists were intended to represent extreme ends of a continuum to illustrate the distinction between disability and impairment (33), these are not mutually exclusive categories (Shakespeare 35). Disability is not simply a list of physical features, nor is it a clear distinction between individual/medical and social models. By utilising lists, the social model reacts to and attempts to move beyond the particular ordering provided by the medical model, but remains tied to a system of classification that imposes order on human functioning. Critical analysis of the representation of disability must re-engage the body by moving beyond binaries and pragmatic lists. While lists organise data central to human functioning, systems of meaning shape the organisation of human experience. Down Syndrome dolls, explored in the next section, complicate the distinction between the medical and social models.Down Syndrome DollsThese dolls are based on composites of a number of children with Down Syndrome (Hareyan). Helga Parks, CEO of HEST, describes the dolls as a realistic representation of nine physical features of Down Syndrome. Likewise, Donna Moore of Downi Creations employed a designer to oversee the production of the dolls which boast 13 features of Down Syndrome (Velasquez). These features are listed in the table below. HEST Down Syndrome Dolls Downi CreationsSmall ears set low on head with a fold at the topSmall ears with a fold at the topEars set low on the headSmall mouthSmall mouthProtruding tongueSlightly protruding tongueShortened fingers Shortened fingersPinkie finger curves inwardAlmond shaped eyesAlmond-shaped eyesHorizontal crease in palm of handHorizontal crease in palm of handGap between first and second toeA gap between the first and second toesShortened toesFlattened back of headFlattened back of headFlattened bridge across nose Flattened bridge across noseOptional: An incision in the chest to indicate open-heart surgery Table 2: Down Syndrome Dolls (Parks, Velasquez) Achieving the physical features of Down Syndrome is significant because Parks and Moore wanted children with the condition to recognise themselves:When a child with Down’s syndrome [sic.] picks up a regular doll, he doesn’t see himself, he sees the world’s perception of “perfect.” Our society is so focused on bodily perfection. (Cresswell)Despite these motivations, studies show that children with Down Syndrome prefer to play with “typical dolls” that do not reflect the physical characteristics of Down Syndrome (Cafferty 49). According to Cafferty, it is possible that children prefer typical dolls because they are “more attractive” (49). Similar studies of diverse groups of children have shown that children prefer to play with dolls they perceive as fitting into social concepts of beauty (Abbasi). Deeply embedded cultural notions of beauty—which exclude disability (see Morris)—are communicated from childhood (Blair & Shalmon 15). Notions of bodily perfection dominate children’s toys and Western culture in general as Cresswell comments above. Many bodies, not just those deemed “disabled,” do not conform to these cultural standards. Cultural ideals of beauty and an idealisation of the human body according to increasingly narrow parameters are becoming conflated with conceptions of normality (Wendell 86). Recognition of disability as subject to cultural rejection allows us to see “beauty and normalcy [as] a series of practices and positions [taken] in order to avoid the stigmatization of ugliness and abnormality” (Garland-Thompson). The exaggerated features of the doll problematise the idea that people with disability should strive to appear as nondisabled as possible and in turn highlights that some people, such as those with Down Syndrome, cannot “pass” as nondisabled and must therefore navigate a life and community that is not welcoming. While lists of the features of Down Syndrome store associated medicalised meanings, the discussion of the dolls online (the medium through which they are sold) provides insight into the cultural interpretation of disability and the way meaning is made. The next section of the paper considers a selection of negative responses to the Down Syndrome dolls that followed an article published in Mail Online (Fisher). What Causes Offence? Prior to Down Syndrome dolls, the majority of “disability dolls” were constructed through their accessories rather than through the dolls’ physical form and features. Wheelchairs, white canes, guide dogs and harnesses, plastic walkers, leg braces, and hearing aids could be purchased for use with dolls. Down Syndrome dolls look different as the features of impairment are embedded in the dolls’ construction. While accessories have a more temporary feel about them, the permanence of the impairments attributed to the doll was problematic for some who felt it projected a negative image of disability. Listed below are several negative comments following an article published in Mail Online (Fisher):What a grim world we are living in. No longer are dollies for play, for make believe, or for fun. Now it all about self image and psychological “help.” We “disabled” know we are “disabled”—we don’t need a doll to remind us of that! Stop making everything PC; let children be children and play and laugh once again!I think it’s sick and patronising.Who on earth are those education “experts?” Has nobody told them that you don’t educate children by mirroring their defects/weaknesses/negative traits but by doing exactly the opposite, mirroring back the BEST in them?The Downs Syndrome doll looks like they took the physical traits and presented them in an exaggerated way to make them more noticeable. That doll does not look attractive to me at all. If someone has a child that WANTS such a doll, fine. I can’t really see how it would help many of them, it would be like a huge sign saying “You are different.”The terminology used (grim, sick, patronising, defect, weak, negative, unattractive, different) to describe disability in these posts is significant. These descriptions are ideological categories which disadvantage and devalue “bodies that do not conform to certain cultural standards” (Garland-Thompson). Implicit and explicit in all of these comments is the sense that disability and Downs Syndrome in particular is undesirable, unattractive even. When listed together, like Belknap’s literary lists, they are not random or isolated interpretations; they form part of a larger system of meaning making around disability.These responses are informed by the notion that in order to gain equality in society, people with disability must suppress their difference and focus instead on how they are really just like everybody else. However, this focus ignores barriers to inclusion, such as in the rejection of bodies that do not ascribe to cultural standards of beauty. An increasing visibility of impairment in popular culture such as children’s toys advances an understanding of disability as diversity through difference and not something inherently bad. ConclusionPeter Laudin of Pattycake Doll, a company which sells Black, Hispanic, Asian, and Disabled dolls, has found that children “love all dolls unconditionally whether it’s special needs or not” (Lee Adam). He suggests that the majority of the negative responses to the Down Syndrome dolls stem from prejudice (Lee Adam). Dolls popularly available idealise the human form and assume a normative representation. While this has been criticised for communicating damaging standards of beauty from childhood (Levy, Blair and Shalmon), critiques about disability are not as widely understood. The social and medical models of disability focus attention on certain aspects of disability through lists; however, the reduction of diagnostic criteria in the form of a list (whether medical or social) decontextualises disability from the social and cultural world. Thus, the list form, while useful, has elided the disparate qualities of disability. As Belknap argues, lists “ask us to make them meaningful” (xv). Although the dolls discussed in this paper have been criticised for stereotyping and emphasising the difference between children with disability and those without, an inclusion of the physical features of Down Syndrome is consistent with recent moves within critical disability studies to re-engage the body (Shakespeare 35). As Faulkner notes in the epigraph to this paper, an examination of negative reactions to these dolls reveals much about the cultural position of people with disability. References Abbasi, Jennifer. “Why 6-Year Old Girls Want to be Sexy.” Live Science 16 July (2012). 30 Aug. 2012 ‹http://www.livescience.com/21609-self-sexualization-young-girls.html›. Barnes, Colin. Disabling Imagery and the Media: An Exploration of the Principles for Media Representations of Disabled People. 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