Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Capitalism – scandinavia

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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Capitalism – scandinavia”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 30 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Capitalism – scandinavia"

Ingebritsen, Christine. "Ecological Institutionalism: Scandinavia and the Greening of Global Capitalism". Scandinavian Studies 84, nr 1 (2012): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scd.2012.0011.

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Ingebritsen, Christine. "Ecological Institutionalism: Scandinavia and the Greening of Global Capitalism". Scandinavian Studies 84, nr 1 (1.04.2012): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/23343478.

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Kane, Anne, i Michael Mann. "A Theory of Early Twentieth-Century Agrarian Politics". Social Science History 16, nr 3 (1992): 421–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016564.

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The pre-world war I period decisively structured modern class relations in Europe and the United States. Farmers, the largest population group, greatly influenced the development of capitalism and states. Scholars have demonstrated farmers’ significance in particular areas (e.g., Blackbourn in Germany and Esping-Andersen in Scandinavia), but there has been little comparative analysis. Farmer politics, and thus modern class relations in general, have been inadequately theorized. Most existing work on agrarian classes has also been economistic, neglecting politics. We fill the gaps by analyzing agrarian politics in the United States, France, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia.

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Wilks, Mary-Collier. "Activist, Entrepreneur, or Caretaker? Negotiating Varieties of Women in Development". Gender & Society 33, nr 2 (23.11.2018): 224–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243218809665.

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Most studies examining gender and development programs in international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) consider how these organizations construct global policy agendas, or how such policies are implemented in local contexts. However, INGOs originate in specific countries. Drawing on the varieties of capitalism literature, this article analyzes the impact of “national gender imaginaries” on gender and development programs implemented by INGOs in Cambodia. Based on 43 in-depth interviews, I argue that INGOs from Scandinavia, the United States, and South Korea, informed by different gender imaginaries, pursue different ways of promoting women in development. Local Cambodian nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), aware of this variation in national models among INGOs, employ distinct strategies to appeal to donors while adapting the models to the Cambodian context.

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Derluguian, Georgi. "The Bronze Age as the First World-System: Theses for aResearch Agenda". Analytical Bulletin 15 (27.12.2022): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.15-22.

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Bronze Age is traditionally viewed as historical period in the third and second millennia BCE. My key contention is that it is more meaningfully considered in geographic terms, as interconnected space of trade and cultural exchanges encompassing Afro-Eurasia but not Tropical Africa, let alone Australia and the Americas. The Bronze-age world-system extended from Scandinavia and British Isles to Egypt and Mesopotamia, from the Indus valley civilization and ancient Arabia to the Urals and western Siberia, possibly, also China and South-East Asia. Geologically, copper and tin as two metal components of bronze are randomly distributed on the planet which necessitated long-distance trade. In turn, the world trade in metals created whole cascades of logistical needs and opportunities. The consequences included the emergence of social complexity: chiefly powers, diplomacy, merchants, specialist coppersmiths and weapons-makers, professional warriors. New means of transportation emerged such as sailed ship and domesticated pack animals (donkey, camel, horse). The exchange in secondary products (wine, cloth, elaborate pottery) led to a revolution in conspicuous consumption. These theses are intended to generate a discussion about the earliest world-system, its morphology and flows. This may also extend to the comparative analysis of later world-systems known to us Antiquity, the Medieval ‘Silk Roads’, and modern capitalism.

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Musa, Oriola. "Towards Which Model of Capitalism Are the Countries of Central and Eastern Europe Going to? Comparative Analysis of this Trajectory and Its Post-Transition Issues". European Journal of Marketing and Economics 2, nr 1 (30.04.2019): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejme-2019.v2i1-65.

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The end of the Socialist System marked the apparent victory of his adversary: the Capitalist System. Meanwhile the "Recipes" for building the Capitalism in the Countries of the East were Standard and fully complied with the "Washington Consensus" led by the IMF and the World Bank, the reality itself nowadays is facing these Countries with two different challenges. On the one hand, their individual developments during the transition process were very different and their situations quite specific, on the other hand, today they should answer the question towards which model of Capitalism are they going to or privileging: The Anglo-Saxon Model? The German-Scandinavian Model? The French State Capitalism Model, or the Japanese Co-Operative Model?

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Honey, Michael. "Norway’s Democratic Challenge". Labor 17, nr 4 (1.12.2020): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8643472.

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This article provides an overview of Norwegian labor history and social democracy, which challenges American capitalism and the labor movement to consider Martin Luther King, Jr.’s call for a “third way,” a more humane system mixing highly regulated and taxed capitalism with a strong social system powered by strong unions and a truce between workers and capitalists. The Nordic model flies in the face of American avaricious capitalism and challenges us to consider how a better society might exist even within capitalism. The author, a specialist in southern labor and civil rights history and Martin Luther King studies, urges historians to explore Norwegian and Scandinavian labor history and social democracy to see what it can teach us.

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MARCELA CHIANCA DE GUSMÃO LIMA LINS, ANNA. "A MANUTENÇÃO DO WELFARE STATE COMO MECANISMO DE COMBATE À CRIMINALIDADE ECONÔMICA". Revista Científica Semana Acadêmica 11, nr 240 (13.11.2023): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35265/2236-6717-240-12822.

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The core of this work is to address the origins of the Welfare State, albeit succinctly, its crisis and whether there is any connection between the crisis and the increase in economic crime in the countries. We observe the structuring of the Welfare State at the beginning of the 20th century and took place in the leading countries of European capitalism as a result of the growing working mass. As it could not be otherwise, the social framework of the social policies developed at that time were predominantly of a social security nature and those resulting from accidents at work, taking advantage, above all, of the increase in trade union organizations in their greatest concentration in countries such as England, France and Germany. Currently in the context of globalization, the welfare state encounters a series of difficulties and the need to recalibrate itself. What we try to demonstrate is that there is a relationship between countries that have not abandoned the roots of their “social heart” and countries that today appear to have the lowest rates of economic crime, according to studies by international organizations. In other words, there is a relationship between the maintenance – recalibrated – of public policies with a lower incidence of financial crimes, the reasons range from reducing levels of social inequality, improving purchasing power, but mainly promoting the notion of social integration, as demonstrated using applied management in Scandinavia as the study premise.

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Eichberg, Henning. "Organizing Sports around the Workplace - some Experiences from Scandinavian Company Sport". Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 46, nr 1 (1.12.2009): 130–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-009-0011-3.

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Organizing Sports around the Workplace - some Experiences from Scandinavian Company SportThere are different ways of placing sports in social life, and the workplace is one of them. The Scandinavian countries are internationally renowned for their particular development of company sport. This is linked to the dynamics of the Nordic welfare society and political concern about ‘public health’. On the basis of recent Danish research, current practices of company sport are examined. There is social change inside company sport, and new strata demand more and wider offers of sport in the workplace. Side by side with sport in specialized clubs, sport in local-cultural ‘popular’ associations and sport in commercial institutes, sport in the workplace, thus, has a future. This challenges the traditional division of everyday life under capitalist conditions: collective work here, private leisure there. People's health as a human right under the conditions of developing capitalism changes the agenda, also for sports.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Capitalism – scandinavia"

Glomm, Anna Sandaker. "Graphic revolt! : Scandinavian artists' workshops, 1968-1975 : Røde Mor, Folkets Ateljé and GRAS". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3171.

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This thesis examines the relationship between the three artists' workshops Røde Mor (Red Mother), Folkets Ateljé (The People's Studio) and GRAS, who worked between 1968 and 1975 in Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Røde Mor was from the outset an articulated Communist graphic workshop loosely organised around collective exhibitions. It developed into a highly productive and professionalised group of artists that made posters by commission for political and social movements. Its artists developed a familiar and popular artistic language characterised by imaginative realism and socialist imagery. Folkets Ateljé, which has never been studied before, was a close knit underground group which created quick and immediate responses to concurrent political issues. This group was founded on the example of Atelier Populaire in France and is strongly related to its practices. Within this comparative study it is the group that comes closest to collective practises around 1968 outside Scandinavia, namely the democratic assembly. The silkscreen workshop GRAS stemmed from the idea of economic and artistic freedom, although socially motivated and politically involved, the group never implemented any doctrine for participation. The aim of this transnational study is to reveal common denominators to the three groups' poster art as it was produced in connection with a Scandinavian experience of 1968. By ‘1968' it is meant the period from the late 1960s till the end of the 1970s. It examines the socio-political conditions under which the groups flourished and shows how these groups operated in conjunction with the political environment of 1968. The thesis explores the relationship between political movements and the collective art making process as it appeared in Scandinavia. To present a comprehensible picture of the impact of 1968 on these groups, their artworks, manifestos, and activities outside of the collective space have been discussed. The argument has presented itself that even though these groups had very similar ideological stances, their posters and techniques differ. This has impacted the artists involved to different degrees, yet made it possible to express the same political goals. It is suggested to be linked with the Scandinavian social democracies and common experience of the radicalisation that took place mostly in the aftermath of 1968 proper. By comparing these three groups' it has been uncovered that even with the same socio-political circumstances and ideological stance divergent styles did develop to embrace these issue.

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Portin, Carina Gisela Theresé. "Protectionist leftists and right wing capitalists? : The role of labor and capital as determinants for labor immigration policy preferences in Scandinavian parliamentary debates". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-74293.

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The aim of the paper is to investigate to what extent political parties in the Scandinavian parliaments express opinions on labor immigration in line with the policy preferences predicted by the Stolper-Samuleson theorem. A hypothesis derived from the theorem suggests that left wing parties traditionally connected to labor interests should favor restrictions on labor immigration to a greater extent than right wing parties traditionally connected to businesses and market interests. To establish any such trend, parties are placed on a left-right axis according to their given Rile scores. The findings indicate that there is some evidence for a left-right divide regarding parties' assumed factor interests labor and capital, but the basis for these findings are limited and inferences should be made with care.

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Thorsteinsson, Vidar. "Diachronic Binding: The Novel Form and the Gendered Temporalities of Debt and Credit". The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1460469341.

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Gebert, Raoul. "Réponses syndicales stratégiques à l'intégration européenne : les syndicats nordiques entre complémentarités institutionnelles et gouvernance multiniveau". Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/8785.

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L'intégration européenne occasionne de multiples dilemmes pour les organisations syndicales, habitués à exercer leurs répertoires d'action dans un espace d'État-nation. Parmi les dilemmes spécifiquement liés à la gouvernance multiniveaux européenne, nous comptons la mobilité de la main-d'œuvre et la création d'un marché unique pour les services. Cette thèse examine les stratégies des organisations syndicales danoises et suédoises de trois secteurs pour s'attaquer à ces deux dilemmes. Des approches néo-institutionnalistes, notamment celle concernant les « variétés du capitalisme », s'attendraient à des réponses relativement uniformes, axées sur les fortes complémentarités institutionnelles nationales, tenant compte de la nature coordonnée des relations industrielles scandinaves. Notre thèse confirme que les institutions nationales jouent un rôle important pour atténuer les impacts de l'intégration économique, au fur et à mesure que l'intégration progresse. L'analyse de nos cas, basée sur plus de soixante entretiens semi-dirigés effectués en Europe, nous permet cependant d'affirmer un rôle également important pour des facteurs endogènes, notamment l'entrepreneuriat institutionnel et les capacités stratégiques.
European integration induces multiple dilemmas for trade unions whose repertories of action are normally limited to the scope of the nation state. Free movement of workers and the establishment of a common market for services are among said dilemmas that surface specifically in the context of European multilevel governance of industrial relations. This doctoral thesis examines trade union strategies in Denmark and Sweden in three sectors that address these two dilemmas. Neo-institutionalism, specifically “varieties of capitalism” literature, suggests that responses should be relatively uniform, centred around strong institutional complementarities on the national level, because of the strongly coordinated nature of the Nordic economies and industrial relations model. Our thesis confirms that national institutions play an important role in order to mitigate pressures of economic integration, in the long run. However, based on over sixty semi-structured interviews in Europe, our cases also ascertain an important role for endogenous factors, such as institutional entrepreneurship and strategic capabilities.

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Książki na temat "Capitalism – scandinavia"

Álvarez, Jorge, i Svante Prado, red. Scandinavia and South America—A Tale of Two Capitalisms. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09198-8.

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Thue, Lars. Creating Nordic Capitalism. Bloomsbury UK, 2008.

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Mjoset, Lars. The Nordic Varieties of Capitalism. Emerald Group Publishing Limited, 2011.

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Creating Nordic Capitalism: The business history of a competitive periphery. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

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Nordic Varieties of Capitalism. Emerald Publishing Limited, 2011.

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Kenworthy, Lane. Social Democratic Capitalism. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190064112.001.0001.

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What configuration of institutions and policies is most conducive to human flourishing? The historical and comparative evidence suggests that the answer is social democratic capitalism — a democratic political system, a capitalist economy, good elementary and secondary schooling, a big welfare state, pro-employment public services, and moderate regulation of product and labor markets. Lane Kenworthy shows that this system improves living standards for the least well-off, enhances economic security, and boosts equality of opportunity. And it does so without sacrificing other things we want in a good society, from liberty to economic growth to health and happiness. Its chief practitioners have been the Nordic nations. The Nordics have gone farther than other rich democratic countries in coupling a big welfare state with public services that promote high employment and modest product- and labor-market regulations. Many believe this system isn’t transferable beyond Scandinavia, but Kenworthy shows that social democratic capitalism and its successes can be replicated in other affluent nations, including the United States. Today, the U.S. lags behind other countries in economic security, opportunity, and shared prosperity. If the U.S. expanded existing social programs and added some additional ones, many Americans would have better lives. Kenworthy argues that, despite formidable political obstacles, the U.S. is likely to move toward social democratic capitalism in coming decades. As a country gets richer, he explains, it becomes more willing to spend more in order to safeguard against risk and enhance fairness. He lays out a detailed policy agenda that could alleviate many of America’s problems.

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Nordic Capitalisms And Globalization New Forms Of Economic Organization And Welfare Institutions. Oxford University Press, USA, 2012.

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Capitales culturelles en Europe du Nord: Kulturhauptstädte Nordeuropas. Strasbourg: Université de Strasbourg, service des publications, 2009.

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Kuokkanen, Rauna. Restructuring Relations. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190913281.001.0001.

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This book interrogates normative conceptions of Indigenous self-determination and the structures of Indigenous self-government institutions, arguing that Indigenous self-determination is not achievable without restructuring all relations of domination beyond that with the state; nor can it be secured in the absence of gender justice. It demonstrates that the current rights discourse and focus on Indigenous–state relations is limited in scope and fails to convey the full meaning of self-determination for Indigenous peoples. Besides settler colonialism and neoliberal capitalism, relations of domination include racism, sexism, homophobia, misogyny, and gender violence, including violence against women, queer, trans and gender-nonconforming persons, and structural violence. Drawing on extensive participant interviews in Canada, Greenland, and Scandinavia, this book theorizes Indigenous self-determination as a foundational value, informed by the norm of integrity. This norm has two interrelated dimensions: bodily integrity and integrity of the land, both of which are a sine qua non for Indigenous gender justice. Conceptualizing self-determination as a foundational value seeks to restructure all relations of domination, including the hierarchical relation between self-determination and gender created and maintained by international law, Indigenous political discourse, and Indigenous institutions. The book argues that the persistent separation of issues between self-determination/self-government and gender/social is a major obstacle in implementing, realizing, and exercising Indigenous self-determination. Restructuring relations of domination further entails examining the gender regimes present in existing Indigenous self-government institutions, interrogating the relationship between Indigenous self-determination and gender violence, and considering future visions of Indigenous self-determination, including rematriation of Indigenous governance and an independent statehood.

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Prado, Svante, i Jorge E. Alvarez Scanniello. Scandinavia and South America - a Tale of Two Capitalisms: Essays on Comparative Developments in Trade, Industrialisation and Inequality Since 1850. Springer International Publishing AG, 2022.

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Części książek na temat "Capitalism – scandinavia"

Basu, Dipak, i Victoria Miroshnik. "Socialism Within a Democracy, Fabian Socialism, Yugoslavia, Scandinavia, India". W Imperialism and Capitalism, Volume II, 39–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54891-9_3.

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Boterbloem, Kees. "Dutch Activity in Scandinavia". W The Dirty Secret of Early Modern Capitalism, 147–63. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315531618-7.

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Martin, Cathie Jo. "Social Solidarity in Scandinavia after the Fall of Finance Capitalism". W The Consequences of the Global Financial Crisis, 187–205. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641987.003.0010.

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Vike, Halvard, Anette Fagertun i Heidi Haukelien. "1. Introduction: Welfare State Capitalism, Universalism, and Social Reproduction in Scandinavia". W The Political Economy of Care, 9–40. Scandinavian University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/9788215057880-24-01.

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Hilson, Mary. "Scandinavia". W Twisted Paths, 8–32. Oxford University PressOxford, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199281855.003.0002.

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Abstract For a sparsely populated and relatively peripheral area of Northern Europe, the three Scandinavian countries— Denmark, Norway, and Sweden— generated a considerable amount of international interest during the inter-war period. By 1939, Sweden in particular had gained an international reputation as a model state, which had responded successfully to the economic and political crisis of the 1930s. Particularly influential was a book by the American journalist Marquis Childs, Sweden: The Middle Way (1936), which helped to establish the idea of the Swedish and Scandinavian ‘middle way’ as a compromise between free-market capitalist democracy and fascist or communist totalitarianism.

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Manow, Philip. "Conclusion". W Social Protection, Capitalist Production, 140–48. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842538.003.0007.

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This final chapter of the book summarizes the argument, discusses its main findings, and situates the German case in a broader comparative framework. The chapter mentions possible extensions of the argument especially with respect to the role of the education system for Germany’s variant of coordinated capitalism (in particular in contrast to its Scandinavian homologue). It then summarizes the argument of how the German welfare state provided capital and labor with functional equivalents for the structures of neo-corporatist concertation which Germany’s federal and “economically liberal” polity lacks. Finally, the chapter discusses the implications of the argument for a comparative political economy of advanced capitalisms.

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"Passages to Feudalism in Medieval Scandinavia". W Studies on Pre-Capitalist Modes of Production, 141–57. BRILL, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004263703_006.

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Nölke, Andreas. "Welfare State: Restoration or Universal Basic Income?" W Post-Corona Capitalism, 18–23. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529219425.003.0003.

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Generally, welfare state reactions to the coronavirus pandemic show a high degree of path dependency. Bismarck-style welfare states continue their path of dualization between even more comprehensive coverage for the middle classes and marginalization of those with atypical work. Scandinavian countries continued their generous welfare provision. The introduction of the novel furlough scheme in the UK seems to be the exception proving the rule, but this hardly will become permanent. Finally, we may be witnessing a new round of welfare state austerity, if the experience of the Global Financial Crisis further indicates the direction of events. Austerity may somewhat increase the attractiveness of universal basic income (UBI) schemes. The Coronavirus crisis erupted after four decades during which welfare systems in most Northern countries became somewhat less decommodifying. Whereas governments did not fundamentally reduce social spending, labor activation policies exposed workers to precariousness, instability, and social risks. Correspondingly, UBI concepts have gained some ground in public discussions. The coronavirus pandemic seemed to further this trend, given that economic stimulation programmes in some countries had UBI-like traits. Still, it is highly unlikely that the pandemic will lead to a general turn towards UBI.

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Moller, Dan. "Justice and the Wealth of Nations II". W Governing Least, 201–19. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190863241.003.0013.

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This chapter takes up three lessons that people have taken from the history of economic growth. The first two are that Scandinavian-style success stories prove that more libertarian systems give up a “free lunch,” and that work on inequality by writers like Piketty shows that a relatively unfettered capitalism would be unbearable. Against this, it is argued that the “free lunch” idea ignores the moral significance of redistribution, and that historical criticisms of inequality neglect improvements in the absolute level of welfare. The third lesson is from Kant, and says that certain features of market-oriented capitalism are inevitable on broadly Darwinian grounds, and constitutes a far more plausible thesis.

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Manow, Philip. "Modell Deutschland as an Interdenominational Compromise". W Social Protection, Capitalist Production, 36–53. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842538.003.0003.

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Chapter 3 argues that the cooperation in the interwar period between, economically, unions and employers and, politically, between Social and Christian Democracy, estranged the liberal Protestant camp from its former pet project, social reform. An important consequence of this estrangement was the birth of ordoliberalism. Ordoliberalism, however, was much less influential in the postwar period than usually claimed. It legitimized a politics of non-intervention, which rather left a void for the corporate actors to fill, so it involuntarily furthered corporatism, not liberalism. Otherwise it provided the inability of the central state to actively manage the economy with a post hoc ideological justification. Thus, Germany’s postwar compromise was “bipolar,” combining corporatist cooperation between capital and labor, heavily reliant on the organizational and material resources of the welfare state, with a central government with limited capacity for macroeconomic steering and without the means of credibly issuing promises of full employment (as the main difference in comparison to the Scandinavian cases).

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