Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Canadian”
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1
Harrington, Joanna. "Exploring the “Canadian” in the Canadian Yearbook of International Law". Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 50 (2013): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800010808.
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SummaryThe first volume of The Canadian Yearbook of International Law/ Annuaire canadien de droit international (CYIL/ACDI) was published in 1963. Anniversaries being a time for reflection, this article examines the Canadian aspect of the CYIL/ACDI’s heritage, aspirations, and contributions on the occasion of its fiftieth year of publication. In addition to indicating its locality, the Canadian identity of the CYIL/ACDI also serves to highlight the journal’s important role as an outlet for scholarship by academics and practitioners based in Canada, resulting in a collection of works that provides insight into the views of Canadians on matters of international law. Mention is also made of the professional value of the CYIL/ACDI in its provision of an authoritative record of Canadian practice in the field.
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Mashevs’kyi, Oleg, i Myroslav Baraboi. "Anglo-Canadian Historiography Genesis of the French Canadian Nationalism". European Historical Studies, nr 7 (2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.64-83.
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The article investigates the genesis of the French-Canadian nationalism in the Anglo-Canadian historiography. The essence of debate that arose among English-Canadian historians about the conquest of New France (Quebec) by Great Britain as one of the main causes of the French-Canadian problem is analyzed. In particular, as opposed to the pro-British point of view, which considers this conquest as a progress and benefit for the residents of French Canada, its opponents considered the issue as a tragedy for the French Canadians. Particularly the attention is drawn to the changes of the historiographical paradigm after the Second World War, when even pro-British historians had to reconsider their attitude to conquest Canada by Great Britain and recognize its consequences for the French Canadians. Special attention is paid to the reflection of the Anglo-Canadian historiography upon the uprising in 1837-1838 in Quebec on as one of the first manifestations of the radical French-Canadian nationalism. The basic approach in the Anglo-Canadian historiography about members of radical and liberal leaders of French-Canadian nationalism (H. Bourassa, L. Groulx, J. P Tardivel, H. Mercier), which contributed to the institutionalization and politicization of French-Canadian nationalism have been disclosed. The article also clarifies the position of the Anglo-Canadian historiography about the genesis of the “Quiet revolution” in Quebec as of the highest expression of French-Canadian nationalism.
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Ripley, Gord, i Gordon Adshead. "Libris Canadiana: indexing historically significant Canadian periodicals". Indexer: The International Journal of Indexing: Volume 39, Issue 1 39, nr 1 (1.03.2021): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/indexer.2021.4.
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Libris Canadiana provides access to Canadian periodicals of historical significance. The centrepiece of the database is the Annotated Index to Maclean’s, 1905-1976, but it also includes comprehensive annotated indexes to the Financial Post, the University Magazine, the Canadian Bookman, the Monetary Times of Canada, Massey’s Magazine, Canadian Forum, Everywoman’s World, The Rebel, Descant, Saturday Night, the Canadian Magazine and the recently added Canadian Illustrated News. In this article, the developer and publisher and the principal indexer and editor of Libris Canadiana provide a tour of the content and explain the indexing process.
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Kalplata, Kalplata. "L’identite Canadienne Française : Une Analyse De Les Anciens Canadiens De Philippe Aubert De Gaspé". European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, nr 2 (29.01.2016): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n2p184.
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Philippe Aubert de Gaspé establishes French Canadian identity through his book Les Anciens Canadiens written in 1863. This work announces already the start of nationalism in this part of the world, Canada, which is cold and isolated by its climate but where warmth and humanity are present in every heart. Les Anciens Canadiens is a book which is primarily Canadian. Through this novel, the author unveils Canadian characteristics, its local colour, its land and its language. In this article we discuss mainly the style used by the author which makes this book a Canadian book. This style comes from the environment, from the cold weather and the silence of Canada. We analyse also the character of José who represents the Canadian innocence. Like José, Canada is fresh, welcoming, kind, endowed with ancient tradition. He is witness to Canadian pride and love.
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Gravelle, Timothy B. "Friends, Neighbours, Townspeople and Parties: Explaining Canadian Attitudes toward Muslims". Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, nr 3 (7.02.2018): 643–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917001470.
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AbstractThe 2015 Canadian federal election campaign put into focus relations between Muslim communities in Canada and wider Canadian society, featuring debates around banning the niqab, and a “barbaric cultural practices” hotline. At the same time, challenges in relations between Muslims and majority-group Canadians were not a new development in 2015: they had in the past faced periodic strains due to terrorism-related events, and attacks targeting Muslims in Canada. The Canadian case is in fact reflective of a challenge in intergroup relations facing several Western democracies. In light of this, what accounts for majority-group Canadians’ attitudes toward Muslims in Canada? Drawing on data from the 2011 and 2015 Canadian Election Studies and theories linking outgroup perceptions to intergroup contact (friends), local demographic context at both the micro-level (neighbours) and meso-level (townspeople), and political factors (parties), this article seeks to explain why majority-group Canadians hold alternately positive or negative views of Muslims.
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Rehaag, Sean. "Restricted Access to Justice for Canadians Mistreated Abroad: Abdelrazik v Canada (Re: Interim Costs)". Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 29 (1.02.2011): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v29i0.4486.
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Abousfian Abdelrazik is a Canadian citizen who, after having his name added to various anti-terrorism lists, and after being tortured by Sudanese officials, found himself unable to return home from Sudan largely because of Canadian government actions.Abdelrazik sought to challenge the constitutionality of these restrictions on his ability to return to Canada. However, he had no money and no means of support, as he was unable to leave the Canadian embassy in Sudan where he had sought refuge to avoid further torture by Sudanese officials. He therefore brought a motion for interim costs in Canada’s Federal Court. If granted, this interim costs award would require the Canadian government to pay his legal fees so that his constitutional challenge could proceed.In Abdelrazik v Canada, the Federal Court denied the request for interim costs – a decision that has serious implications not only for interim cost awards jurisprudence, but also for litigation involving citizens who allege that their rights under section 6 of the Charter have been violated.This comment critically analyzes the access to justice implications of the Federal Court decision in light of both the principle that courts may use costs awards to promote access to justice, and the unique challenges faced by Canadians mistreated abroad by the Canadian government.Abousfian Abdelrazik est ce citoyen canadien dont le nom avait été ajouté à diverses listes de personnes soupçonnées de terrorisme, qui avait été torturé par les autorités soudanaises et qui a appris qu’il ne pouvait pas revenir au Canada principalement en raison des mesures que le gouvernement du Canada avait prises.Abdelrazik souhaitait contester la constitutionnalité des limites à sa capacité de rentrer au Canada. Toutefois, il n’avait pas d’argent ni aucun moyen de subsistance puisqu’il ne pouvait pas quitter l’ambassade du Canada au Soudan, où il s’était réfugié pour éviter d’être torturé de nouveau par les autorités soudanaises. Il a donc déposé une requête en vue d’obtenir une provision pour les frais devant la Cour fédérale du Canada. Si sa requête avait été accueillie, le gouvernement du Canada aurait été tenu de payer ses honoraires d’avocats, et le tribunal aurait entendu sa contestation de la constitutionnalité des mesures que le Canada avait prises.Dans Abdelrazik v Canada, la Cour fédérale a rejeté la requête. Cette décision aura de graves répercussions non seulement sur la jurisprudence relative aux requêtes en vue d’obtenir une provision pour les frais, mais également sur les instances mettant en cause des citoyens qui allèguent qu’il y a eu violation des droits qui leur sont garantis par l’article 6 de la Charte.Dans cet article, l’auteur procède à une analyse critique des implications de la décision de la Cour fédérale sur l’accès à la justice à la lumière du principe voulant que les tribunaux puissent accorder des dépens pour promouvoir l’accès à la justice et des défis uniques que doivent relever les Canadiens qui sont maltraités à l’étranger par le gouvernement canadien.
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Russell, Peter A. "Public Support for Canals: Lower versus Upper Canada". Canadian Historical Review 104, nr 4 (1.12.2023): 545–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-2022-0023.
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A false image dominates too many recent surveys of Canadian history: that Lower Canada opposed canals, which Upper Canada supported. This pervasive image is not borne out by an examination of the public support for canals in the two legislatures. Both supported large-scale ventures (Lachine and Welland). French Canadians also supported smaller regional canals as well as canals above Montreal. Upper Canadians were more sharply divided along regional and party lines in support for the Welland Canal than were Lower Canadians over any canal. Legislatures in both the Canadas supported canals that they saw as most beneficial for their supporters whether conceived as a region or a party.
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FORCESE, CRAIG, i LEAH WEST SHERRIFF. "Killing Citizens: Core Legal Dilemmas in the Targeted Killing Abroad of Canadian Foreign Fighters". Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 54 (18.07.2017): 134–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cyl.2017.13.
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AbstractFor the first time since the introduction of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Canada is in an armed conflict with an insurgency that has actively recruited Canadians and directed them to use or promote violence against Canada. In the result, the Canadian government may ask its soldiers to target and kill fellow Canadians abroad or to assist allies in doing so. This situation raises a host of novel legal issues, including the question of “targeted killing.” This matter arose for the United Kingdom in 2015 when it directed the use of military force against several Britons believed to be plotting a terrorist attack against the United Kingdom from abroad. This incident sparked a report from the British Parliament highlighting legal dilemmas. This article does the same for Canada by focusing on the main legal implications surrounding a targeted killing by the Canadian government of a Canadian citizen abroad. This exercise shows that a Canadian policy of targeted killing would oblige Canada to make choices on several weighty legal matters. First, the article discusses the Canadian public law rules that apply when the Canadian Armed Forces deploy in armed conflicts overseas. It then analyzes international law governing state uses of military force, including the regulation of the use of force (jus ad bellum) and the law of armed conflict (jus in bello). It also examines an alternative body of international law: that governing peacetime uses of lethal force by states. The article concludes by weaving together these areas of law into a single set of legal questions that would necessarily need to be addressed prior to the targeted killing of a Canadian abroad.
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Wilson, Ann. "Editorial". Canadian Theatre Review 105 (styczeń 2001): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.105.fm.
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The theme of this issue of Canadian Theatre Review was suggested by Marc Maufort, a professor at Université Libre de Bruxelles whose area of specialization is Canadian and Australian theatre. I want to thank Professor Maufort for reminding the editors that Canadian practitioners and their work have an impact beyond the boundaries of Canada. Professor Maufort’s own commitment to Canadian drama serves as a salient reminder that Canadian studies is an important part of the curricula of universities located in countries which were once the Commonwealth, and now, as the relationship between the imperial centre and its colonies is being rethought through postcolonial studies, drama written by Canadians is being positioned in site-specific ways. As Geeta Budhiraja’s commentary on two productions directed by Robert Fothergill, a Canadian playwright and academic, suggests, within the particular space of an academically sponsored institute, Canadian drama reads as “foreign,” so that the audience identifies with in it ways that resonate with its experience. Joanne Tompkins suggests that the classes in which she teaches Canadian drama in Australia, a settler colony like Canada, offer the discursive space to address commonality and difference between Australia and Canada.
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Stewart, Gail, i Andrea Strachan. "Sustaining an Occupation-Specific Language Assessment for the Canadian Healthcare Field". TESL Canada Journal 38, nr 1 (31.12.2021): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18806/tesl.v38i1.1366.
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Since its implementation in 2004, the Canadian English Language Benchmark Assessment for Nurses (CELBAN) has been accepted as evidence of language ability for licensure of internationally educated nurses (IENs) in Canada. This article focuses on the complexities of sustaining an occupation-specific assessment over time. The authors reference the seminal work of Epp and Lewis, who developed the original CELBAN test forms and aligned the test results with the Canadian Language Benchmarks (CLB), and then go on to describe a research and development project that was carried out under the direction of Touchstone Institute and overseen by the Centre for Canadian Language Benchmarks (CCLB) to renew the test model and develop additional content. This is followed by a discussion of the maintenance strategies required to sustain a secure assessment within the evolving Canadian context.
Depuis sa mise en place en 2004, le Canadian English Language Benchmark Assessment for Nurses (CELBAN) a été accepté comme preuve de compétence linguistique pour l’obtention du permis d’exercer au Canada pour le personnel infirmier formé à l’étranger. Cet article porte sur les complexités liées au maintien d’une évaluation propre à une profession au fil du temps. Les auteurs font référence au travail précurseur d’Epp et Lewis qui ont mis au point les formulaires du test CELBAN original et aligné les résultats du test avec les niveaux de compétences linguistiques canadiens, ensuite ont décrit un projet de recherche et de développement qui s’est effectué sous la direction du Touchstone Institute et a été supervisé par le Centre des niveaux de compétence linguistique canadiens pour renouveler le modèle de test et mettre au point des contenus supplémentaires. Cet article est suivi d’une discussion des stratégies d’entretien nécessaires pour maintenir une évaluation sûre dans le contexte évolutif canadien.
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Maharjan, Nabin, i Tom O’Neill. "Mandatory Community Service Program: A Case Study of Young Nepalese Canadians Experiences". Journal of Education and Learning 7, nr 6 (7.09.2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v7n6p13.
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Canadian schools introduced community service program in 1999 to engage youth in diverse communities of Canada. Many studies have identified the gap in understanding immigrant youths’ experience on mandatory community service but has yet to study immigrant youth’s experience. Therefore, this paper explores the experiences of young Nepalese Canadians aged 18- 24 who participated in mandatory community involvement for graduating from high schools in Ontario, Canada. The findings are based on qualitative data gathered from ten interviews with young Nepalese Canadians who went to Canadian high schools, and are currently living in the Greater Toronto area (GTA). The study provides a nuanced understanding of visible minority immigrant youth’s experiences of mandatory community service in high school. The findings suggest that participants experience the program as merely an obligatory requirement to graduate from high school rather than a platform for learning civic skills and engaging in diverse Canadian communities. In addition, this case study of Nepalese Canadian youth depicts how young Nepalese Canadians depend on informal sources, mainly peer-to-peer sharing, for engaging in community, and illustrates how they conceptualize what community involvement means to them. Finally, based on this study, we argue that amendment to this mandatory program is an urgent call for engaging visible minority immigrant youth civically and meaningfully in Canadian communities.
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Omori, Hisako. "Rite of Redemption." Paragrana 22, nr 1 (czerwiec 2013): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/para.2013.0007.
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Abstract Across Canada, people commemorate the lives of fallen soldiers by wearing red poppy flower pins for Remembrance Day on November 11. In recent years, Canadians have increasingly taken pride in the symbols used in Remembrance Day, such as poppy flowers and a poem called In Flanders Fields. The day celebrates the notions of sacrifice, belonging, and the nation state of Canada. Japanese Canadians also celebrate this holiday by wearing poppies and remembering the war dead. World War II, however, marked a turning point for the lives of second generation Japanese Canadians. The majority of them were interned in the “relocation camps” during the war years as “enemy aliens” irrespective of their Canadian citizenship status. This paper will describe a present-day Remembrance Day service held in a Japanese Canadian Christian congregation in Ontario, in which its veterans are remembered. The article argues that this ritual of remembrance reverses the historical and social location of Japanese Canadians from those who were the victims of the war to those who were contributors to it, enabling Japanese Canadians to assert their rightful position in Canadian society. This paper also includes a discussion of the author’s personal transformation of historical consciousness about World War II and being Japanese in Canada during this research.
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Mwamwenda, Tuntufye S., i Bernadette B. Mwamwenda. "Formal Operational Thought among African and Canadian College Students". Psychological Reports 64, nr 1 (luty 1989): 43–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1989.64.1.43.
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The purpose of this study was to examine evidence for formal operational thought among Canadian and African college students, drawn from Edmonton, Canada and Umtata, Transkei, South African, who were tested on propositional and proportional reasoning. Both Canadian and African students surpassed the 75% criterion for propositional reasoning, whereas only Canadians attained the 50% success criterion on proportional reasoning. There was a cultural difference in favour of Canadians on performance of both tasks.
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Patrick, Margie. "Political neoconservatism: A conundrum for Canadian evangelicals". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 38, nr 3-4 (wrzesień 2009): 481–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00084298090380030501.
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This essay examines the relationship between Canadian evangelicals and political neoconservatism. While some evangelicals support neoconservatism to advance a socially conservative platform, neoconservatism as it developed in Canada is unable to protect the traditional family as evangelicals desire, thereby creating a political conundrum for evangelicals. Dynamics within the evangelical community contribute to the dilemma, for key leaders espouse social and economic commitments that are not neoconservative. The conundrum also demonstrates the degree to which both Canadian neoconservatism and the Canadian “religious right” differ from their American counterparts. La relation entre les chrétiens évangéliques canadiens et le néoconservatisme politique est l’objet de cet article. Les chrétiens évangéliques appuient le néoconservatisme afin de promouvoir un programme social conservateur. Cependant, le néoconservatisme n’arrive pas à protéger la famille traditionnelle, contrairement au souhait des chrétiens évangéliques. Ce paradoxe politique est entretenu par une tension interne de la communauté évangélique, notamment par le fait que certains leaders ont des engagements socio-économiques qui ne cadrent pas avec le néoconservatisme. Ce paradoxe montre en quoi le néoconservatisme canadien et la droite religieuse canadienne diffèrent de leurs vis-à-dis états-uniens.
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Islam, Syed Serajul, i Ishtiaq Hossain. "Canadian Muslims and Canada's Domestic and Foreign Policy Issues: An Analysis". ICR Journal 3, nr 2 (15.01.2012): 300–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v3i2.557.
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This article analyses the participation of Canadian Muslims in debates affecting Canada’s domestic and foreign policy issues. Here, the Canadian Muslim identity is first of all briefly spelled out. Then a detailed discussion is made of their role in debates affecting the country’s domestic affairs. In addition, the Canadian foreign policy issues which are of interest to Canadian Muslims are identified and their stand on those issues are analysed. The discussion in this article demonstrates that the Muslim citizens of Canada are conscious of their own Canadian Muslim identity. It also shows that, like other Canadians, the Muslim citizens of Canada express their opinion freely on matters, which are of importance to the country. Although their impact on policy-making remains negligible, their increasing participation in the political process of the country beacons hope for their more lasting impact on the country’s public policy-making in future.
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Fitzsimmons, Scott, Allan Craigie i Marc André Bodet. "Canadian Public Opinion about the Military: Assessing the Influences on Attitudes toward Defence Spending and Participation in Overseas Combat Operations". Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, nr 3 (7.08.2014): 503–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914000754.
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AbstractDespite more than a decade of heightened defence spending and active fighting in the War in Afghanistan, the longest combat operation in the history of the Canadian Forces, scholars know precious little about how the socio-demographic characteristics and attitudes of Canadians may influence their views about taking part in overseas combat operations and funding the institution charged with carrying out these dangerous activities. By testing a range of hypotheses, which purport to explain the influence of multiple socio-demographic and attitudinal factors on Canadians' attitudes toward defence spending and the participation of the Canadian Forces in overseas combat operations, against data from the 2004 and 2011 Canadian Election Study, this article ascertains the most important determinants of Canadians' preferences about defence spending and the use of military force by the Government of Canada.
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Batut, Laurent. "Mgr Fallon et la crise du règlement XVII : le bilinguisme en question dans les écoles catholiques séparées". Recherches anglaises et nord-américaines 32, nr 1 (1999): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ranam.1999.1611.
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The British North America Act had settled the language question in Canada, or so English Canadians thought at the turn of the century. The rapid changes undergone by Canadian society in the 1890s and 1900s : massive immigration, industrialisation and urbanisation, put an end to a fragile societal and constitutional compromise. The border separating an English Canada from a French Canada, two distinct entities, was crossed by an increasing number of French Canadians. For some Ontarians, the loyalist province was faced with a French invasion that would endanger the principles on which the English-speaking community was founded. Once again the language question came to the forefront. French Canadians had to be linguistically assimilated, and the sooner the better. Regulation XVII was to be the most efficient weapon in this fight for linguistic domination. It struck at the heart of French Canadian identity and triggered a ten-year long battle for the recognition of the rights of French Canadians to preserve their language outside Quebec. Quite unexpectedly, no sympathy was expressed by English-speaking Catholics. On the contrary they sided with the English-speaking majority. The Canadian Catholic Church was divided on the language issue and the debates remained fierce in the Catholic community before a new compromise could be reached.
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Hayday, Matthew. "Brought To You by the Letters C, R, T, and C: Sesame Street and Canadian Nationalism". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 27, nr 1 (18.07.2017): 95–137. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1040526ar.
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The wildly popular educational program Sesame Street arrived in Canada during a key transitional period for Canadian broadcasting policy in the early 1970s. An American-made program, it was threatened with cancellation by stations seeking to meet their Canadian content (CanCon) quotas with the least possible financial cost. A heated debate that included public protests and lobbying ensued, involving the Canadian Radio-Television Commission (CRTC), the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), the media, parliamentarians, parents and even children. Each group advanced their particular interests regarding the issue of Canadianizing television. Ultimately, the CBC provided a compromise solution with the Canadianization of Sesame Street, whereby a portion of the program’s segments would be replaced by Canadian-made material that aimed to provide messages about Canada for young children. This tumultuous debate and its ultimate solution reveal the ambivalent attitudes held by Canadians, private broadcasters, and even the CBC about both the CRTC’s Canadianization policies and the quantitative approaches used to meet its objectives. It also demonstrates the roles that activist groups and more established interests such as broadcasters have played in shaping Canadian broadcasting policy.
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Smith, Mary, i Nazilla Khanlou. "An Analysis of Canadian Psychiatric Mental Health Nursing through the Junctures of History, Gender, Nursing Education, and Quality of Work Life in Ontario, Manitoba, Alberta, and Saskatchewan". ISRN Nursing 2013 (28.04.2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/184024.
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A society that values mental health and helps people live enjoyable and meaningful lives is a clear aspiration echoed throughout our Canadian health care system. The Mental Health Commission of Canada has put forth a framework for a mental health strategy with goals that reflect the virtue of optimal mental health for all Canadians (Mental Health Commission Canada, 2009). Canadian nurses, the largest group of health care workers, have a vital role in achieving these goals. In Canada, two-thirds of those who experience mental health problems do not receive mental health services (Statistics Canada, 2003). Through a gendered, critical, and sociological perspective the goal of this paper is to further understand how the past has shaped the present state of psychiatric mental health nursing (PMHN). This integrative literature review offers a depiction of Canadian PMHN in light of the intersections of history, gender, education, and quality of nursing work life. Fourteen articles were selected, which provide a partial reflection of contemporary Canadian PMHN. Findings include the association between gender and professional status, inconsistencies in psychiatric nursing education, and the limitations for Canadian nurse practitioners to advance the role of the psychiatric mental health nurse practitioner.
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Colpitts, David B., i Christian L. Freitag. "Organ Donation and Transplantation in the Canadian Healthcare System". Journal of Transplant Coordination 7, nr 2 (czerwiec 1997): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/090591999700700204.
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Healthcare in Canada differs significantly from that in the United States. All Canadians have access to healthcare, and all 10 provinces of Canada have universal healthcare insurance plans that cover hospitalization and physician care. Each province administers its own healthcare system financed on an equal basis with the federal government, and each provincial resident is issued a health card that must be presented at hospitals or physicians' offices whenever medical care is requested. Canadian healthcare provides coverage for organ and tissue donation, transplantation, and cyclosporine for life for all transplant recipients. Canadian healthcare encompasses four basic principles: (1) universal coverage, (2) comprehensive coverage, (3) accessible care for all Canadians, and (4) portability of care. Canada has no national organization for organ donation and transplantation. The organ donation rates in Canada have averaged 14.1 donors per million population over the last 5 years, and are unchanged from previous years.
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Kailo, Kaarina. "Jocelyne Mathieu : Canadian Folklore canadien". Recherches féministes 7, nr 2 (1994): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/057801ar.
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Noll, Mark A. "What Happened to Christian Canada?" Church History 75, nr 2 (czerwiec 2006): 245–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070011131x.
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By asking “what happened to Christian Canada,” I begin with an assumption that there once was a Christian Canada which is now gone. That assumption is intentional. It is intended to highlight not only the dramatic changes that have taken place in Canadian religious life over the last sixty years, but also substantial contrasts between the religious histories of Canada and the United States, which otherwise are so similar in so many respects. This paper explores the question primarily with American observers in mind, for whom the Canadian past is often as much a shadowy mystery as the great expanse of Canadian geography. But I hope Canadians who read this account may benefit from observing how one sympathetic American views their history and also from realizing that the splendid array of marvelous historical studies that have been produced by a splendid array of marvelous Canadian historians have reached at least some appreciative readers in the United States.
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Law, Harmony Ki Tak. "Activism and Assimilation: The Political Memoirs of Olivia Chow and Adrienne Clarkson". Anglica Wratislaviensia 57 (4.10.2019): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0301-7966.57.4.
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While the history of Chinese settlement in Canada is touted as an example of perseverance despite racist opposition and of socio-economic success under Canada’s immigration and multiculturalism policies, it is important to remember the very active role that Chinese Canadians played in their own trajectory. Throughout its history, the Chinese Canadian community has engaged in civic and political activism, on the one hand, and the promotion of positive stereotypes associated with assimilation into Euro-Canadian society on the other. Both of these approaches can be seen in the political memoirs of two prominent Chinese Canadian women: My Journey by Olivia Chow, a Member of Parliament who focused her career on a plethora of social justice initiatives; and Heart Matters by Adrienne Clarkson, a former Governor General who deemphasizes her Chinese heritage in order to mould herself into the ideal Canadian citizen. Despite these clear differences in political ideology and personal identity, both Chow and Clarkson’s memoirs reveal the ways in which Chinese Canadians can not only claim full belonging as Canadian citizens, but also interrogate systemic forms of racism and inequality.
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Khan, Sarah, i Mahmoud Eid. "A New-Look for Muslim Women in the Canadian Media: CBC's Little Mosque on the Prairie". Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 4, nr 2 (2011): 184–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398611x571355.
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AbstractThe coverage of Muslim women in Western media has long been using Orientalist stereotypes and portrayals of Muslims as outsiders. Even though racist stereotypes exist in Canada, Canadian legislation and the media are attempting to portray an idealistic form of multiculturalism. Recently, Canadian mainstream media have refrained from stereotypical representations of Muslims, especially women, and shifted toward non-Orientalist representations. CBC's Little Mosque on the Prairie (LMP), a satirical Canadian comedy sitcom, is one of the first such instances. LMP criticizes and refutes negative stereotypes, portraying Muslims as ordinary Canadians with problems and lifestyles that are shared across Canada. A qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the first season's eight episodes investigates how Muslim women have been portrayed in LMP, drawing on Luhmann's (1987) theory on representation of society, Millar's (1793) observations about women in society, Hall's (1997) Other, Said's (1978) Orientalism, Kristeva's (1991) theories on foreigners, and Bhabha's (1994) Third Space. Findings demonstrate that Muslim women on CBC are not oppressed or stereotyped; instead, they participate normally in Canadian culture and the workplace and are not considered outsiders. Muslim women in Canada exist in Third Spaces that allow Canadian and Islamic practices to merge, resulting in a uniquely Canadian artifact like LMP.
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Kollek, Daniel. "Terrorism in Canada". Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, nr 2 (czerwiec 2003): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000790.
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AbstractThis paper reviews terrorism in Canada, assessing the incidence and nature of terrorist activity, the potential targets of terrorist attacks, risk factors to Canadian nationals and institutions, and the responses of the Canadian government in dealing with the threat and the effectiveness of those responses.Despite the fact that there have been no recent high-profile terrorist events in Canada, this country has a serious terrorism problem, the key manifestation of which is the multitude of terrorist organizations that have designated Canada as a base of operations. In addition, Canadians have been attacked overseas and Canadian organizations, both local and abroad, are potential targets of terrorist activity. Canadian attempts to deal with terrorism through foreign and domestic policy have been ineffective, primarily because the policies have been poorly enforced. Until recently, terrorist organizations legally could raise funds in Canada, in direct contravention of international treaties signed by Canada. It is possible that the ineffectiveness in enforcing the anti-terrorism legislation stems from hope that placating terrorist organizations, and the countries that support them, will prevent Canada from becoming a target. Unfortunately evidence from other countries has shown this strategy to be ineffective.
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Asbury, Michelle. "An Exploration of the Methodological Flaws for Assessing Fibre Intakes Among Canadians". Revue interdisciplinaire des sciences de la santé - Interdisciplinary Journal of Health Sciences 9, nr 1 (17.11.2019): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/riss-ijhs.v9i1.4139.
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According to the 2004 Canadian Community Health Survey-Nutrition, the majority of Canadians are consuming fibre below the adequate intake (AI) level. Although an intervention by Health Canada to improve fibre intakes may seem appropriate, there is insufficient evidence to warrant an intervention given the methodological flaws for assessing fibre intakes in the Canadian population. This paper explores these limitations by reviewing how the AI for fibre was developed, by examining how fibre intakes are assessed by the 2004 Canadian Community Health Survey-Nutrition, and by outlining the limitations of using an AI to draw conclusions about fibre inadequacy. Recognizing the pitfalls of this methodology is the first step to improving the assessment of fibre intakes in Canada, which is needed before any intervention by Health Canada is implemented.
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Rawson, Nigel S. B. "The Timeliness of New Drug Approvals in Canada". International Journal of Health Services 25, nr 1 (styczeń 1995): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/3xhm-ew8f-5hjy-2d5n.
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In a recent article, Lexchin asks “who needs faster drug approval times in Canada?” and, on the basis of extremely limited and selective data, draws the conclusion that neither the public nor the pharmaceutical industry does. Whether the Canadian system is really slower is investigated by comparing Canadian and U.S. marketing approval dates and by using information on regulatory approval times from the two countries and elsewhere. Marketing approval dates in Canada are significantly later than those in the United States, although not consistently across all therapeutic categories; anti-cancer and gastrointestinal drugs have earlier approval dates in Canada. However, Canadian and U.S. regulatory approval times are not significantly different, indicating that marketing applications are submitted later in Canada, but both are considerably longer than those in the United Kingdom. The evidence shows that Canadians need faster drug approval times if individuals requiring the medications are not to suffer unnecessarily. A significant decrease in drug approval times and the establishment of comprehensive and effective postmarketing surveillance would reduce the time it takes for new drugs to be made available to Canadians while, at the same time, providing a high level of drug safety.
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SIROMSKYI, Ruslan. "The Freedom to Choose a Country of Residence: Re-emigration from Canada to the Ukrainian SSR (1955–1960-ies)". Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, nr 23 (8.06.2022): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2022.22-23.3598.
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The article examines the peculiarities of the Soviet policy of return-to-the-homeland campaign from Canada to the Ukrainian SSR, which since 1955 was conducted by the Committee for Repatriation to the Motherland. The Ukrainian Diaspora in Canada occupied a special place in the committee’s efforts. The propaganda campaign for re-emigration was aimed at forming a positive images of the Soviet Union / Ukrainian SSR, in particular their economic achievements. The emotional component that was used to stir up nostalgia among the Diaspora was also fully used. The Ukrainian pro-communist press published numerous letters by Ukrainians who had lived in Canada but returned to their native land as evidence of the wonderful life in Ukraine. The return-to-the-homeland campaign was helped by leftist Canadian organizations (such as Association of United Ukrainian Canadians) through their own newspapers. It regularly published letters to friends in Canada from recent returnees. The return-to-the-homeland campaign was conducted in the context of the Cold War and the difficult relationship between Canada and the Soviet Union. However, re-emigration from Canada did not become so massive, as hoped for by its organizers, and by its scale was inferior to reminiscences from other countries (for example, from Argentina). The hundreds of Canadians who resettled in the Soviet Union in the second half of the 1950s represented only a small part of the Ukrainian origin community in Canada. But even in this situation, the Canadian government’s position on the return-to-the-homeland campaign was clearly considered too passive by members of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee. Canadians who returned to the U.S.S.R. felt duped and were not easily integrated into Soviet life. Those who succumbed to the manipulation of Soviet propaganda were quickly disappointed with the realities of life in the Ukrainian SSR and began to appeal for a return. Such persons immediately fell within the sight of the Committee of State Security, whose staff conducted “preventive conversations” with them. From the Canadian government’s perspective, there were no problems for people who had been born in Canada and they were eligible for Canadian citizenship. From the Soviet point of view, such steps were equivalent to political betrayals and were completely prevented. Separate cases of successful returns to the ocean were fixed at the beginning of the 1970s, which became possible due to the detente of international tensions during the Cold War and more persistent actions by Canadian authorities. A small number of repatriates managed with considerable difficulty to return to Canada. Some of them (N. Demydenko, E. Lenko) have been seeking permission to go to Canada for several years.
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Harrison, Scott Michael, i Quinton Huang. "Canadian twinning in the Indo-Pacific: the agency of subnational actors in present relationships and future strategies". Canadian Political Science Review 17, nr 1 (3.11.2023): 25–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231863.
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AbstractTwinning relationships—that is, formalized long-term partnerships between two municipalities or provinces—have been a longstanding facet of Canadian foreign relations. They present a challenge to conceptions of foreign policy limited to sovereign states and national governments, particularly in Canada’s unique federal context, and serve as an entry point to a wider landscape of non-central government diplomacy, paradiplomacies and “other diplomacies.” Yet Canadian twinning relationships in the Indo-Pacific have been sorely understudied and underutilized. We therefore assembled the first comprehensive dataset of Canadian twinning in the Indo-Pacific to give an overview of the actors, drivers, chronology, and geography of these agreements. Many latent opportunities for new twinning and other diplomatic relationships still exist. Putting forward three possible trajectories for the future of Canadian twinning in the Indo-Pacific, we argue that Canada should pursue closer collaboration between federal, provincial and municipal governments and civil society by incorporating them as partners in the Indo-Pacific Strategy.Résumé Les relations de jumelage, c'est-à-dire des partenariats officiels à long terme entre deux municipalités ou provinces, sont depuis longtemps une facette des relations étrangères du Canada. Ils remettent en question les conceptions de la politique étrangère limitées aux États souverains et aux gouvernements nationaux, en particulier dans le contexte fédéral unique du Canada, et servent de point d'entrée à un paysage plus large de diplomatie non gouvernementale, de para-diplomaties et d'« autres diplomaties ». Pourtant, les relations de jumelage canadien dans l'Indopacifique ont été sérieusement sous-étudiées et sous-utilisées. Nous avons donc rassemblé le premier ensemble de données complet sur les jumelages canadiens dans l'Indopacifique pour donner un aperçu des acteurs, des moteurs, de la chronologie et de la géographie de ces accords. De nombreuses opportunités latentes de nouveaux jumelages et autres relations diplomatiques existent encore. Proposant trois trajectoires possibles pour l'avenir du jumelage canadien dans l'Indopacifique, nous soutenons que le Canada devrait poursuivre une collaboration plus étroite entre les gouvernements fédéral, provinciaux et municipaux et avec la société civile en les incorporant comme partenaires dans la Stratégie Indopacifique.Key Words: Twinning, city diplomacy, paradiplomacy, non-central governments, Indo-Pacific StrategyMots-clés : jumelages entre villes; la diplomatie des villes; paradiplomatie; gouvernements non centraux; stratégie Indopacifique
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Stimpson, Owen. "Canada, the Congo, and Why Mining Is Good for Both Us". General Assembly Review 1, nr 1 (12.03.2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/tgar.v1i1.7971.
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Canada is one of the world’s leading mining powerhouses, but in order to stay that way it needs access to new mineral reserves - and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has trillions worth. Due to the scale of the DRC's mineral deposits, Canadian mining companies have sought to explore and develop assets in the Central African nation in the past. These Canadian firms, however, have been the subject to corrupt governments and other issues. In the past, Canadian governments have sought to protect Canadian mining assets in the DRC only when they came under attack. That is to say, Canada's approach to foreign policy in the DRC has been reactionary. This paper argues that Canada ought to take a proactive approach to foreign policy in the DRC by supporting institution building and economic development which will, ultimately, benefit both Canadians and the Congolese. Canadian mining firms will be able to develop new assets, increasing profits for Canadian workers and shareholders. On the other hand, the Congolese will benefit from stronger institutions, economic development, and the ability for their country to effectively allocate the capital generated from a robust mining sector.
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Thompson, Cheryl. "Black Canadians in the Canadian Journal of Communication: A Critical Reading of Language and Voice in Its Publishing History". Canadian Journal of Communication 47, nr 3 (1.09.2022): 440–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjc.2022-0029.
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Background: This article is a response to #CommunicationSoWhite—Canadian style. It probes what articles about Black Canadians have been published in the Canadian Journal of Communication’s (CJC’s) history, and what has been the focus of these articles in terms of race, racism, and colonialism. Analysis: Using critical discourse analysis, this article examines language and voice in seven articles that focus on media representation of Blackness and/or Black visibility/invisibility. Conclusion and Implications: Over a 20-year period, the CJC’s corpus on Black Canadians changed. The articles moved from simplified or stereotypical representations of Black culture to giving agency and voice to a heterogeneity of Black experiences. This article asks readers to consider how and when Black Canada will move from the margins of Canadian communication studies to the centre.
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Dodek, Adam. "The Canadian Override: Constitutional Model or Bête Noire of Constitutional Politics?" Israel Law Review 49, nr 1 (29.02.2016): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223715000187.
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Israeli proponents of the enactment of a legislative override often invoke Canada as a model that Israel should follow. Their proposals would allow the Knesset to ‘override’ a decision of the Supreme Court of Israel that strikes down a law on the ground that it violates a Basic Law. Proponents of an Israeli override seek recourse to various types of argument to support their position. This article focuses on one such argument: the use of Canada as a model to support the Israeli argument for enacting an override. It argues that in order to evaluate both the value of adopting the Canadian override and the likelihood of its transplantation to Israel being successful, one needs to acquire a deep understanding of its operation in Canada. The article contains four sections in addition to the introduction. Section 2 briefly explains what ‘the Canadian override’ is and how it came to be. Section 3 analyses the positive attraction of the Canadian override as a constitutional model, and identifies three different models of the Canadian override. Section 4 focuses on the Canadian experience with its override. It explains why Canadians have come to view it in negative terms – the ‘bête noire of Canadian constitutional politics’– because of the manner in which it was adopted and the circumstances in which it was first used. Section 5 concludes with some thoughts on legal transplants, legitimacy and lessons for Israel from the Canadian experience.
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Norman, Mark. "Saturday Night’s Alright for Tweeting: Cultural Citizenship, Collective Discussion, and the New Media Consumption/Production of Hockey Day in Canada". Sociology of Sport Journal 29, nr 3 (wrzesień 2012): 306–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.29.3.306.
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Drawing upon data collected during the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’s 2011 Hockey Day in Canada broadcast, this paper examines how users of Twitter variously reproduced or contested this mediated television program. Three emergent themes from these data are discussed: the sociocultural importance of hockey to Canadians; the corporate sponsorship of Hockey Day in Canada; and the role of controversial commentator Don Cherry on the Canadian public broadcaster. These data suggest that new media can be a site for collective discussion on important sociopolitical issues, a conclusion that is discussed with reference to Scherer and Whitson’s (2009) argument that access to hockey broadcasts is a component of Canadian cultural citizenship; and Jenkins’ (2006a; 2006b) research on access to and participation in new media cultures.
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Elliott, Susan, i Francesca Cardwell. "What about the other 50 percent of the Canadian population? Food allergies ignored in national policy plan". Canadian Food Studies / La Revue canadienne des études sur l'alimentation 5, nr 3 (30.09.2018): 285–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cfs-rcea.v5i3.326.
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Food allergy is a growing public health epidemic in Canada, affecting 50 percent of Canadian households either directly or indirectly. Despite the physical, psychosocial and quality of life impacts to those affected, food allergy has recently been ignored in the Canadian policy context. While the complete etiology of food allergy remains unknown, we have enough information to make strong policy choices that can maximize choice and minimize risk for affected Canadians, and place Canada at the forefront of food allergy management and research. Policy recognizing food allergy as a chronic health issue that represents a significant public health problem in Canada is critical.
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Takševa, Tatjana. "What It Takes to Feel Canadian: Multiculturalism and the Logic of Home". Canadian Ethnic Studies 56, nr 1 (2024): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ces.2024.a921080.
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Abstract: This paper is based on a conversation I had with D.Š., a 42-year-old woman who emigrated to Nova Scotia in 2014 from Bosnia and Herzegovina with her husband and young son. We met in December 2022 to talk about the idea of 'home' when it comes to being an immigrant and a first-generation Canadian. As a first-generation Canadian who emigrated to Canada from the former Yugoslavia in 1992 and someone who has been personally interested in diasporic identities in the Canadian context, I found D.Š.'s perspective meaningful and illustrative of many issues relating to challenges and potentials in Canada's official status as a multicultural nation. D.Š.'s narrative identifies, restructures, and deconstructs in multiple ways a key social boundary, 'foreignness,' which is embedded in the practice of homemaking and the process of integration understood as relational. My analysis of D.Š.'s narrative is conceptualized in terms of the identity work that is required of all Canadians for Canada to live up to its official status as a multicultural country. In the analysis, I draw upon the philosophy of encounter, the concept of 'homemaking' and recent studies on relational integration. The paper engages empirically the meaning of relational integration in the context of everyday 'homemaking.' Résumé: Cet article est fondé sur une conversation que j'ai eue avec D.Š. une femme de 42 ans qui a émigré de Bosnie-Herzégovine pour la Nouvelle-Écosse en 2014 avec son mari et son jeune fils. Nous nous sommes rencontrées en décembre 2022 pour parler de l'idée de "chez soi" en tant qu'immigrante et Canadienne de première génération. En tant que Canadienne de première génération ayant émigré au Canada depuis l'ex-Yougoslavie en 1992 et m'étant personnellement intéressée aux identités diasporiques dans le contexte canadien, j'ai trouvé le point de vue de D.Š. significatif et illustrant de nombreuses questions relatives aux défis et aux potentiels du statut officiel du Canada en tant que nation multiculturelle. Le récit de D.Š. identifie, restructure et déconstruit de multiples façons une frontière sociale clé, l'"extranéité," qui est ancrée dans la pratique du ménage et dans le processus d'intégration compris comme relationnel. Mon analyse du récit de D.Š. est conceptualisée en termes de travail identitaire requis de tous les Canadiens pour que le Canada soit à la hauteur de son statut officiel de pays multiculturel. Dans cette analyse, je m'appuie sur la philosophie de la rencontre, le concept de "hospitalité" et des études récentes sur l'intégration relationnelle. L'article aborde de manière empirique la signification de l'intégration relationnelle dans le contexte du "hospitalité" quotidien.
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Buckner, Phillip. "The Canadian Civil Wars of 1837–1838". London Journal of Canadian Studies 35, nr 1 (30.11.2020): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2020v35.005.
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Canadian historians have traditionally stressed that the rebellions of 1837 and 1838 in Upper and Lower Canada were revolts against British imperial authority. Less stressed has been the fact that the rebellions were also civil wars and that British troops were aided by substantial numbers of loyalists in defeating the rebels. In recent years historians have tended to downplay the importance of French-Canadian nationalism, but by 1837–8 the rebellion in Lower Canada was essentially a struggle between French-Canadian nationalists and a broadly-based coalition of loyalists in Lower Canada. Outside Lower Canada there was no widespread support for rebellion anywhere in British North America, except among a specific group of American immigrants and their descendants in Upper Canada. It is a myth that the rebellions can be explained as a division between the older-stock inhabitants of the Canadas and the newer arrivals. It is also a myth that the rebels in the two Canadas shared the same objectives in the long run and that the rebellions were part of a single phenomenon. French-Canadian nationalists wanted their own state; most of the republicans in Upper Canada undoubtedly believed that Upper Canada would become a state in the American Union. Annexation was clearly the motivation behind the Patriot Hunters in the United States, who have received an increasingly favourable press from borderland historians, despite the fact that they were essentially filibusters motivated by the belief that America had a manifest destiny to spread across the North American continent. Indeed, it was the failure of the rebellions that made Confederation possible in 1867.
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Møller, Helle. "Culturally safe communication and the power of language in Arctic nursing". Études/Inuit/Studies 40, nr 1 (14.06.2017): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1040146ar.
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Nursing education and healthcare in Nunavut and Greenland have been developed, and to a large degree governed, by Danish and Euro-Canadian norms, culture, and language. Teachers and healthcare professionals are mostly Danish-speaking Danes in Greenland and English-speaking Euro-Canadians from southern Canada in Nunavut. This is not trivial for Greenlandic and Canadian Inuit nursing students or nurses, or for Canadian and Greenlandic Inuit healthcare recipients, the majority of whom speak Greenlandic or Inuktitut as their mother tongue. Drawing primarily on data from interviews with Canadian and Greenlandic Inuit nurses and nursing students between 2007 and 2010, I discuss the ways in which language as habitus may work to support or impede culturally safe care, workplaces, and education. I argue that the double-cultured Greenlandic and Canadian Inuit nurses and nursing students are invaluable to Arctic healthcare systems as culturally safe healthcare providers and habitus brokers. Furthermore, healthcare professionals from outside Greenland and Nunavut can advantageously learn from their Greenlandic and Canadian Inuit counterparts.
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Das, Satya Brata. "From Isolation to Inclusion: How the Charter Changed our Perceptions of Being and Belonging". Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 31, nr 3 (8.11.2022): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/cf29448.
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The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is an indispensable catalyst in shaping Canadian identity, forming a rich and diverse mainstream that integrates and intermingles many streams of human experience. The idea of Canada and what it means to be Canadian is dynamic and evolving, empowered by a Charter that arguably for the first time recognized and affirmed Indigenous peoples as the founding nations of Canada, and nurtured a sense of inclusion that promoted unity in diversity. Just as emergence from the Covid-19 pandemic has been a journey from isolation to inclusion, so has the forging of Canadian identity since the adoption of the Constitution Act, 1982. Drawing from stories shared in a circle aux batons-rampus, and from observations from a four-decade career as a public intellectual, I argue that Canadians’ evolving sense of being and belonging, brought into even sharper relief by the Covid-19 pandemic, is shaped by a Charter which embraced both individual and collective rights.
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Hurley, Erin. "Canadian Theatre in New York City: Two Case Studies". Canadian Theatre Review 105 (styczeń 2001): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.105.002.
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New York is awash in Canadian citizens, cultural events and consulates. Two consular bodies and five Canadian organizations serve the upwards of 100,000 Canadians living in the Tri-State area (New York, New Jersey and Connecticut). Each consulate has a cultural development program and boasts a publication announcing upcoming Canadian cultural events in New York.2 Moreover, mediatized images of Canada have successfully permeated New York’s popular consciousness. In fashion, American designer Isaac Mizrahi documented his 1994 fall fashion-homage to Nanook of the North in the film Unzipped. In music, two of America’s favourite “divas” are Canadian Céline Dion and Shania Twain formed the core of VH-1’s runaway success, Divas Live. In film, Mike Myers’s enormous popularity rests in part on Saturday Night Live’s “Wayne” and “Garth,” two heavy-metal fans from Scarborough. Atom Egoyan’s The Sweet Hereafter (1998) garnered an Academy Award nomination. Female lead Sarah Polley was one of Vanity Fair’s up-and-coming actors in April 1999. The most visible media images of Canada are Molson’s “Joe Canadian” series of television advertisements (premiered in March 2000) and Matt Stone and Trey Parker’s movie musical satire, South Park: Bigger, Longer and Uncut (released in June 1999). Pop culture iterations of Canada seem to be everywhere.
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Krebs, Andreas. "Reproducing Colonialism: Subject Formation and Talk Radio in English Canada". Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, nr 2 (czerwiec 2011): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000163.
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Abstract.This paper examines how two talk radio programs—CBC'sSounds Like Canadaand Corus Radio Network'sAdler Online—work to reproduce colonialism in Canada through formation of colonial subjectivity. It proceeds through analysis of listener experience informed by postcolonial theory, and the work of Deleuze and Guattari. The mobilization of affective states by these programs, specifically sympathy and outrage, has important implications for how colonialism continues to dictate many of the terms of Canadian political discourse. If colonialism continues to be reproduced in our daily interactions with the media, this poses serious threats to Canadian multiculturalism and to the potential for realizing Aboriginal political goals.Résumé.Cet article explore la manière dont deux émissions-débats radiophoniques (Sounds Like Canadade CBC ainsi queAdler Onlinedu réseau Corus Radio) participent à la reproduction du colonialisme au Canada en renforçant la formation d'une subjectivité coloniale. Cette recherche propose une analyse de l'expérience d'un auditeur développée conjointement avec les théories postcoloniales et les oeuvres de Deleuze et Guattari. La mobilisation d'états affectifs, plus précisément la sympathie ou l'indignation, qu'engendre l'écoute de ces émissions-débats a de nombreuses implications sur la façon dont le colonialisme continue de dicter plusieurs éléments clés du discours politique canadien. La perpétuation du colonialisme au cours de nos interactions quotidiennes avec les médias pose un risque non négligeable pour le multiculturalisme canadien et pour l'atteinte éventuelle des objectifs politiques des communautés autochtones.
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Connor, J. T. H. "Medical History Memorialized: The Origins and First Decade of the Canadian Bulletin of Medical History / Bulletin canadien d’histoire de la médecine (1979–94)". Canadian Journal of Health History 39, nr 1 (1.04.2022): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjhh.562-012022.
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In 1979, the Canadian Society for the History of Medicine, founded in Quebec City, Canada, in 1950, inaugurated its first official organizational organ, Newsletter/Nouvelles, which ran for 10 issues in five annual volumes. In 1984, this modest means of institutional communication expanded to become the Canadian Bulletin of the History of Medicine / Bulletin canadien d’histoire de la médecine, a peer-reviewed journal that continues to the present. Central to the founding and operation of both publications was Kenneth B. Roberts of the Faculty of Medicine, Memorial University of Newfoundland. This discussion outlines the foundation, evolution, and activities of both these periodicals from 1979 to 1994. Their relationship to the growth of both the Canadian Society for the History of Medicine and the field of medical history in Canada are also delineated.
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Tunks, Eldon. "Persistent Pain Prevalence and Medical Management". Pain Research and Management 7, nr 4 (2002): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2002/469716.
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In this issue, Moulin et al (pages 179-184) report an epidemiological survey of persistent pain and medical treatment of this pain in Canada. Two thousand twelve adult Canadians were included in a randomized sample and were interviewed by telephone. The sample was stratified to correspond to the Canadian population's prevalences of sex, age and region, according to the 1996 census data. For this study, the Canadian Ipsos-Reid Express Omnibus survey was used.
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Merkle, Denise. "Language, politics, and the nineteenth-century French–Canadian official translator". Beyond transfiction 11, nr 3 (7.11.2016): 436–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.11.3.07mer.
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This article aims to contribute to the history of Canadian official translators by looking at three activist translators who were also published writers in post-confederation nineteenth-century Canada. All three francophone official translators “exiled” to Ottawa, the newly designated capital of the young confederation, were actively engaged in creating francophone spaces in and from which they could promote French-Canadian cultures and the French language. Refusing to submit passively to Anglo-dominated government authorship and to the increasingly anglicized Canadian landscape, they coordinated their efforts to carve out a distinct and distinctive place for Canadian francophones. Their weapon of choice in confronting Anglo-Canadian hegemony was authorship. From historical narrative, to novels, caustic songs and nationalist poetry, their writings nurtured pride in the shared history of French-Canadians from different backgrounds — despite the traumatic Grand Dérangement and Conquête — and generated hope for the future of their nation(s).
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Evren, Sevan, Andrew Yuzhong Bi, Shuchi Talwar, Andrew Yeh i Howard Teitelbaum. "Doctors of osteopathic medicine (DO): a Canadian perspective". Canadian Medical Education Journal 5, nr 1 (17.12.2014): e62-e64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36834/cmej.36622.
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Background: Doctors of osteopathic medicine (DO) are one of the fastest growing segments of health care professionals in the United States. Although Canada has taken significant leaps in the acknowledgment of US trained DOs, there continues to be a lack of understanding of the profession by Canadian trained physicians. In this article, we provide a brief overview of osteopathic medical education and training in the United States.Method: Current information of osteopathic training by American Association of Colleges of Osteopathic Medicine (AACOM) and American Osteopathic Association (AOA) was presented. Data pertaining to Canadians enrolled in osteopathic colleges was compared with allopathic (MD) and international medical graduates (IMGs).Results: Doctors of osteopathic medicine programs provide an additional pathway for students interested in pursuing a medical education. Canadian applications to osteopathic colleges are expected to grow due to successful post-graduate US residency matching, increased difficulty of matriculating at Canadian medical schools, and a greater awareness of the profession in Canada.Conclusions: Given the increasing enrollment of Canadian students in US osteopathic medical schools, we expect that Canadian DOs will play a significant role in shaping health care in both the US and Canada.
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Ang, Adrian, i John R. Petrocik. "Religion, Religiosity, and the Moral Divide in Canadian Politics". Politics and Religion 5, nr 1 (16.03.2012): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000654.
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AbstractSocial group conflict along regional, ethnic, linguistic, and religious cleavages is deeply embedded in the Canadian historical experience. Contemporary analyses, however, have deprecated the role of religion and religiosity in shaping Canadians' political attitudes. This analysis demonstrates that religion and religiosity are significant correlates of Canadian attitudes on moral issues, paralleling the pattern observed in the United States. It demonstrates that the religious cleavage has been a salient feature of Canadian politics for some time and considers whether the contemporary moral divide could serve as a portent of cultural-religious conflict in Canada if a “political entrepreneur” articulated an issue agenda linked to these religion-based differences.
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Dollinger, Stefan. "Academic and public attitudes to the notion of ‘standard’ Canadian English". English Today 27, nr 4 (8.11.2011): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078411000472.
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This paper reflects on ‘standards’ in Canadian English in scholarly research and the public debate about English in Canada from a number of viewpoints. The goals of these reflections are three-fold. First, I aim to characterize the chasm between scholarly and public debates about a language ‘standard’ in Canadian English (CanE). While this debate is not new (e.g. Kretzschmar, 2009: 1–5 for a recent example), its application in the Canadian context is a desideratum. Second, I aim to characterize the standard in CanE from a demographic point of view: what is this standard and, above all, which Canadians (and, more importantly, how many) presently speak it? And third, what can linguists who research Canadian English offer to the public, and how can the perceived gap in knowledge be bridged?
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MacDonald, Shannon L., i Lawrence R. Robinson. "Academic Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation Acute Care Consultations". Canadian Journal of Neurological Sciences / Journal Canadien des Sciences Neurologiques 45, nr 4 (8.05.2018): 470–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cjn.2018.18.
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AbstractThe objective of this study was to describe the provision of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation acute care consultations in the United States and Canada. Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation department chairs/division directors at academic centers in Canada and the United States were mailed an 18-item questionnaire. Seven of 13 (54%) Canadian and 26/78 (33%) American surveys were returned. A majority of Canadian and American academic institutions provide acute care consultations; however, there were some national differences. American institutions see larger volumes of patients, and more American respondents indicated using a dedicated acute care consultation service model compared with Canadians.
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Seale, Emily, Linda S. Greene-Finestone i Margaret de Groh. "Examining the diversity of ultra-processed food consumption and associated factors in Canadian adults". Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism 45, nr 8 (sierpień 2020): 857–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/apnm-2019-0518.
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Ultra-processed food (UPF) consumption is increasing globally at an unprecedented rate. We investigated UPF consumption among Canadian adults and associated sociodemographic and health-related factors. This study was a secondary analysis of the Foodbook study (2014–2015), which collected self-reported data on foods consumed by Canadians during a 7-day period. UPF diversity was assessed by summing the different types of UPFs consumed in the previous week to produce a diversity score. Descriptive statistics summarized UPF diversity among subgroups in Canada. Regression models identified significant associations between UPF diversity, body mass index (BMI), and sociodemographic variables. This study included 6062 participants, aged 18 years and older, representing 24.7 million Canadian adults. Almost all Canadian adults (99.0%) consumed UPFs at least once weekly. The most common UPFs consumed were chocolate, chips/pretzels, cold breakfast cereal, and fast foods. UPF diversity was greatest among men, young respondents, those with high income, and those with obesity. When controlling for potential confounders, UPF diversity for men and women was significantly associated with younger age and higher BMI; it was also associated with region for women. This study suggests UPF consumption in Canada varies across sociodemographic subgroups, but ultimately is pervasive. Further research examining potential health risks associated with UPF consumption is encouraged to inform Canadian interventions. Novelty: Almost all Canadians consume at least one type of ultra-processed food weekly. Nearly half or more Canadians consume chocolate, chips/pretzels, cold breakfast cereal, or fast food at least once weekly. Gender, age, and BMI are consistently associated with ultra-processed food diversity.
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Haggart, Blayne. "Fair Copyright for Canada: Lessons for Online Social Movements from the First Canadian Facebook Uprising". Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, nr 4 (grudzień 2013): 841–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423913000838.
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Abstract.Despite the growing importance of social media, their political effectiveness remains understudied. Drawing on and updating resource mobilization theory and political process theory, this article considers how social media make “political engagement more probable” and determine the success of online social movements. It does so by examining the mainstreaming of the Canadian “user rights” copyright movement, focusing on the Fair Copyright for Canada Facebook page, created in December 2007. This decentralized, grassroots, social media-focused action—the first successful campaign of its kind in Canada and one of the first in the world—changed the terms of the Canadian copyright debate and legitimized Canadian user rights. As this case demonstrates, social media have changed the type and quantity of resources needed to create and sustain social movements, creating openings for new groups and interests. Their success, however, remains dependent on the political context within which they operate.Résumé.Malgré l'importance croissante des médias sociaux, leur efficacité politique est encore peu étudiée. En s'appuyant sur et en mettant á jour la théorie de la mobilisation des ressources et la théorie du processus politique, cet article examine comment les médias sociaux rendent « l'engagement politique plus probable » (Jensen et al., 2012 : 16) et détermine la réussite des mouvements sociaux en ligne. Il le fait en examinant l'intégration du mouvement canadien de « droits d'utilisateur » dans le débat sur les droits d'auteur et en se concentrant sur la page FacebookFair Copyright for Canada, créée en décembre 2007. Cet action décentralisée populaire, axée sur les médias sociaux—la première campagne réussie de son genre au Canada et l'une des premières du monde—a changé les termes du débat sur les droits d'auteur canadiens et a légitimé les droits d'utilisateur canadiens. Cette affaire montre que les médias sociaux ont changé le type et la quantité des ressources nécessaires pour créer et maintenir les mouvements sociaux, et qu'ils ont crée, par la suite, des ouvertures pour des nouveaux groupes et intérêts. Leur succès reste cependant dépendant du contexte politique dans lequel elles opèrent.
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Dowie-Chin, Tianna. "“We deh yah”". Annals of Social Studies Education Research for Teachers 4, nr 1 (31.07.2023): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/assert56.
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In August 2022, Garvin Yapp, a 57-year-old migrant farm worker from Jamaica, was killed while working on a tobacco farm in Ontario, Canada. Yapp’s untimely and preventable death came just days after Jamaican farm workers penned a letter comparing their working conditions in Southern Ontario to “systematic slavery.” What was glaringly missing were accounts of the experiences of Black immigrants, like Yapp or my grandmother, who represent a large percentage of Black Canadians. Their stories and our stories were missing. When in reality, “We deh yah!” ). Black immigrants, specifically those from the eastern Caribbean, are a notable part of Canada’s history and present yet the Canadian curriculum often essentializes the Black American experience as representative of Black Canadians. While Black Canadians born in the US are an important part of the Black Canadian population, this essentialization of Black Canadians obscures the lived realities of Black Canadians who often experience antiblackness that is shaped by their intersectional identity, related to citizenship, language, and socioeconomic status. Thus, to truly apprehend and challenge the manifestation of antiblackness in Canada, it is imperative to recognize and understand the diversity of Black Canadians. This article offers two things educational stakeholders, like teachers, should consider in order to work towards recognizing the diversity of Black Canada