Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Building materials Environmental aspects South Australia”

AbstractObjectiveTo explore consumer trust in food, especially people’s experiences that support or diminish trust in the food supply; consumer practices to strengthen trust in food; and views on how trust in the food supply could be increased.SettingAdelaide, South Australia.DesignIn-depth qualitative research interviews and focus groups.SubjectsWomen and men who are primary food providers in families (n= 24).ResultsMedia coverage of food scares and scandals and personal experience of food-borne illness challenged respondents’ trust in the food system. Poor retail food handling practices and questionable marketing ploys by food manufacturers also decreased trust. Buying ‘Made-in-Australia’ produce and following food safety procedures at home were important practices to strengthen food trust. Knowledge of procedures for local food inspection and for national food regulation to keep food safe was scanty. Having a strong regulatory environment governing food safety and quality was considered by respondents to be of prime importance for trust building.DiscussionThe dimensions of trust found in this study are consistent with key theoretical aspects of trust. The need for trust in highly complex environments, in this case the food supply, was evident. Trust was found to be integral to food choice, and negative media reports, the sources of which themselves enjoy various levels of dependability, were found to easily damage trust relationships. The lack of visibility of authoritative monitoring and surveillance, misleading food advertising, and poor retail food handling practices were identified as areas that decreased consumer trust. Respondents also questioned the probity of food labelling, especially health claims and other mechanisms designed to guide food choice. The research highlights the role trust plays in food choice. It also emphasises the importance of a visible authoritative presence in the food system to strengthen trust and provide reassurance to consumers.

Background: This paper presents an innovative design for a school building, awarded in the concourse “Scuole innovative”, published by the italian Ministry of Education, University and Research. The new school building is located in a newly built urban area of Montemiletto (Avellino, Italy), at the south-east of the Leonessa castle and the ancient nucleus of the town. The Comprehensive Institute that includes a kindergarten, a primary school and a secondary school, is proposed as a Civic Center, an “urban place”, characterized by new spaces of relationship and aggregation. Objective: The main idea of the project design is the creation of an innovative school with respect to the architectural, structural and plant system aspects and to the energetic efficiency and characterized by the presence of new environments of learning and openness to the territory. Materials and Methods: The project proposals can be summarized in the different points: a) unit of the morphological-settlement solution and the articulation of the Civic Center, to be identified as new reference point in the city; b) adherence of the characters of the school to the landscape and visual connection with the castle; c) urban and architectural role of the system of the paths and connections, which surround and enter in the intervention area; d) extension and permeation between the natural and artificial environments assigning to the roof the task of increasing open spaces; e) accentuation of the public and multi-functional character of the different spaces, so that the school can be a place for meeting and comparison, in which it is possible to test new ways of teaching; f) use of different types of green open spaces as gardens, flowerbeds, educational vegetable gardens that change with the seasons, sporting fields, cycle-forgave routes among the green. Moreover, with respect to the structural aspects, seismic isolation at the basis of the building is proposed. This paper focuses mainly on the aspects related to energy and environmental sustainability and life cycle cost with reference to the case study design. The goal is to reduce the impact on the ecosystem, trying to make the school building organic to the existing environment. The containment of energy consumption for the air conditioning of the rooms is done through the isolation of the massive walls of the façade, covered with local stone (Irpinia breccia) and polycarbonate. Water-saving is obtained by reusing rainwater for the irrigation of vegetable gardens, vegetation and sanitary use. Results and Conclusion: The use of recycled materials and components is proposed: the Irpinia breccia covering the façade and, with different grain sizes, the external roofing and flooring; the polycarbonate; the polyester insulation; the outdoor furniture in recycled wood. In addition, dry reinforced concrete construction technologies are chosen. Definitively, the main concept is to have “a school in the park”.

<p><strong><em>Abstract:</em></strong><em> Vertical Housing still become the solution of fulfilling housing needs as dense and slum settlement spread, such as in Manggarai, South Jakarta. Vertical Housing which had been built in Jakarta which had to do a fast construction sometimes ignore the social and economic factors of occupants, as well as the impact of construction to environment. Therefore, the construction of Vertical Housing has to integrate the social, economic, and environmental factor. The problem of design is how to design a form of building such as space and building façade which able to facilitate activities and occupants’ need which is affected by site conditions and social life of occupants.</em> <em>This Vertical Housing aims to get spaces for activities and fulfilling the needs of occupants in the present and the future, and minimizing negative impacts of construction to environment. Design methode based on the concept of Sustainable Architecture because it considers the balancing of social, economic and environmental factors. The implementation of Sustainable Architecture is done by applying five </em><em>S</em><em>ustainable </em><em>A</em><em>rchitecture chosen aspects, such as sustainable site and land-use, sustainable energy, sustainable material, sustainable water, and sustainable community. These design aspects of Sustainable Architecture will result some concepts such as provision of shared social and economy spaces, green open spaces, the use of durable and eco-friendly materials, building façade responds to climate, and waste treatment system.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>: Economic, Environment, Social, Sustainable Architecture, Vertical Housing</em></p>

This research provides an assessment tool that assists the selection process of sustainability in detached suburban housing. It investigates the implications of using different design and construction methods including architecturally designed houses, developer housing and prefabricated houses. The study simulates one example of the three types of houses that have been chosen to fulfil a real client brief on a real site on the Sunshine Coast, Queensland Australia. Criteria for sustainability assessment are formulated based on literature reviews, exemplar designs and similar research projects for which the houses can be adequately evaluated. This criterion covers aspects including energy use, materials and thermal performance. The data is collected using computer models and sustainability assessment software to compare and draw conclusions on the success of each house.Our study indicates that architecturally designed housing with prefabricated building techniques are a better alternative to generic developer style housing. Our research provides an insight into the implications of three key elements of sustainability including energy use, materials and thermal performance. Designers, builders, developers and home-buyers are given an insight into some options currently available on the housing market and how the choices made during early design stages can provide a more positive environmental impact.

Architectural quality and preservation of rural characteristics is a goal of building design for sustainable environments. The environment has a different function for different societies, creating a large variety of meanings. In the Zeta region of Montenegro, the negative transformation of the rural environment is happening more rapidly than the recording of its traditional built assets. Protection and conservation of traditional rural architecture in this rural region of south-eastern Europe are important to both mitigation of the consequences of unsustainable rural shifts and the preservation of cultural heritage. This research focuses on the meaning of the different dwelling and residential environment features for the residents of the traditional houses of the rural areas of the Zeta region, Montenegro. The aim of the research was to obtain more insight and information on the meaning of architectural and rural design features by exploring the sustainability-related characteristics of traditional rural houses in the so-far insufficiently studied micro-region of the western Balkans to reveal their value and to initiate discussion of the role of heritage regeneration in sustainable rural development. Fifty (50) traditional houses of agrarian and rural areas of the Zeta region of Montenegro were observed and analysed in terms of the building site, space planning of the interior space, and building materials used. The analysis has revealed that many ecological aspects were taken into consideration and different methods were implemented during the construction of the traditional houses of the Zeta region. Taking into consideration the age of those structures, the constructors did not have an in-depth awareness of sustainability theories, and they were acting based on their personal practices and specific environmental requirements. This study’s results can help update a database of sustainability for the traditional architectural heritage of Montenegro, which will enhance the process of creating sustainable buildings without losing the place identity and staying in the same cultural context. Restoration of the traditional houses of the Zeta region of Montenegro, but also of the other rural areas of Montenegro, must in future be defined in a way that enables the preservation of recognized general values and further improvement of environmental quality and climate resilience. Simultaneously, functional reactivation of traditional houses should be understood as a contribution to the sustainable development of the studied region of Montenegro.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to find common ground between the theory of crime prevention by means of architecture and environment design and between the theory of sustainable development. The importance of creating a visually and environmentally friendly urban environment is shown as a means of involving people in the urban infrastructure, and, consequently, increasing the safety level.Methodology/approach: The interdisciplinary approach based on knowledge of urban studies, architecture, town planning, criminology and sociology. The analysis of safety of the urban environment and foreign experience. Exploration of approaches and techniques for creating a safe urban environment based on foreign experience. Modern methods include architectural means, planning and environmental design: lighting, gardening, anti-vandal measures, safe building construction.Research findings: The urban development indicates criminogenic and a relatively safe areas. The use of eco-friendly materials and architectural means is aimed at energy conservation and their positive impact on the urban environment as a whole. The identified aspects of the public safety, sustainable development, ecology and architecture include use of local natural materials or composites that can accumulate energy or respond to environmental changes; vandal-resistant materials; landscaping not only as a decoration, but also as a defense against criminal encroachments and en- vironmental improvement; more intensive planting in the urban structure to improve the environment.Practical implications: Multi-storey apartments are more typical for large Russian cities like in South Korea. Due to their high density, such areas do not experience problems with accessibility and developed infrastructure, but control and security are more important. The reconstruction of existing or creation of new objects (building, park or area) consists of the following algorithm: collection of information about the site, analysis of analogs, the implementation of the selected principles, selection of appropriate tools and materials, and postproject research for quality assessment. The discussed examples can help in the building design and reconstruction. The proposed algorithm for assessing the safety of the urban environment can be introduced into the design process.Originality/value: The value of research lies in the comparison of different concepts of safe built environment. A study of the foreign experience in the urban places and living environment. The paper makes an attempt to draw analogies between different types of multi-storey urban development and identifies the greatest criminality of this or that type of development. The paper provides an overview of the latest studies of the urban environment. For the first time, an attempt is made to adapt the principles of decriminalization to the specific features of the Russian cities. The paper suggests the reconstruction algorithm for the urban areas, taking into account the requirements of criminogenic safety, and proposes the principles of decriminalization.

Relocating a natural history collection is a daunting prospect. Underpinning successful relocation is getting the fundamentals right. From the moment the seed of an idea for a new facility is planted, a raft of detailed planning and preparation issues emerge. Meticulous planning and management is essential, from initial design through to the last specimen being housed in its new location. Herbaria are complex organisms each with a core collection of specimen sheets and associated infrastructure to house them; ancillary collections such as ‘spirit’ and ‘DNA’, a library, databasing, mounting, materials, imaging, loans and exchange, facilities for environmental control, biosecurity, space for staff, volunteers, research students, and class or public access and outreach. All these elements require careful consideration for relocation regardless of the size of the collection. Timelines for relocations from initial decisions to commencement of the move vary widely. Early involvement of core herbarium staff is critical to managing risks to the integrity of the collection during a move. Success of the operation can be gauged immediately after the move and again, much later, based on feedback on the operation of the facility and whether planned expansion will meet future needs. All these considerations are important and essentially the same, irrespective of distance of relocation or size of the collection. We will discuss the fundamental issues of herbarium relocation based on two recent case studies.The Western Australian Herbarium moved from its 1970s home to a modern, purpose-built, best practice facility incorporating innovative design features in 2011 with c. 800,000 specimens. The John T. Waterhouse Herbarium at UNSW Sydney (The University of New South Wales) moved c. 66,000 specimens in October 2017 from within a 1962 departmental building, to a modern, purpose-built facility, incorporating significant improvements, as part of a much larger relocation of its School. We will provide a guide to assist future relocations, both imminent (such as the N.C.W. Beadle Herbarium at the University of New England (&gt;100,000 specmens), and the National Herbarium of New South Wales, &gt;1,400,000 specimens) and for those yet to be considered. This will be a presentation on behalf of the Managers of Australasian Herbarium Collections (MAHC), a network of herbarium Collection Managers in Australia and New Zealand.

For nearly two decades (1994–2012) a series of three consecutive Cooperative Research Centres (CRC) dealing with cotton production provided the impetus and financial support for a substantial body of soil science research in eastern and northern Australia. Focusing on the most commonly utilised soil for irrigated crop production, the Vertosol, CRC-affiliated soil researchers undertook detailed soil inventories of cotton-growing valleys in New South Wales, and tackled a range of applied soil research questions that faced the entire Australian cotton industry. Across the broad categories of soil mapping and characterisation, soil physical condition, salinity and sodicity, soil chemical fertility, and soil carbon and biota, some 120 CRC-affiliated research papers were published in peer-reviewed journals during the years of the CRC. Findings from this body of research were fed back to the industry through conferences, extension workshops and materials, and to a lesser extent, the peer-reviewed publications. In certain cases, underpinning basic research was carried out concurrently with the more applied research, meaning that the cotton CRC were effectively supporting advances in the discipline of soil science, as well as in sustainable cotton production. A feature of the soil research portfolio over the span of the three cotton CRC was that priorities shifted according to the interplay of three factors; the natural maturation of research topics and the concomitant evolution of cotton farming systems, the rising importance of environmental implications of agricultural land use, and the emergence of carbon as a national research priority. Furthermore, the commitment of the CRC to education resulted in the involvement of undergraduate and postgraduate university students in all aspects of the soil research effort. A legacy of the triumvirate of cotton CRC is a wide-ranging body of both applied and basic knowledge regarding the physical, chemical and biological attributes of Australian Vertosols used for irrigated agriculture.

The 2008 excavations on the small island of Dhaskalio opposite Dhaskalio Kavos on the Cycladic island of Keros are reviewed. An account is given of the survey, recording many walls of the early Bronze Age, and of the excavations, continued from the 2007 season. Excavations at the summit of Dhaskalio revealed a substantial building 16 m long and 4 m wide, within which was discovered the ‘Dhaskalio hoard’ comprising a chisel, an axe-adze, and a shaft-hole axe of copper or bronze. Study of the pottery reveals continuity, within which a sequence of three phases within the Early Cycladic II and III periods can be established.Excavations were continued and concluded within the Special Deposit at Kavos South with the recovery of many more special but fragmentary materials including marble vessels and figurines. Specialist studies for the geomorphology, geology, petrology, ceramic petrology, metallurgy and environmental aspects (botanical and faunal remains, phytoliths) are in progress. No more fieldwork is planned prior to final publication of the 2006 to 2008 seasons.Στο άρθρο ετηχειρείται ένας συνοπτικός απολογισμός των ανασκαφών της περιόδου του 2008 στην νησΐδα Δασκαλιό, απέναντι από τον Κάβο Δασκαλιού, στο ΝΔ άκρο της νήσου Κέρου, των Κυκλάδων. Περιληππκά αναφέρονται τα αποτελέσματα της τοπογράφησης με τον εντοπισμό πολλών τοίχων της Πρώψης Εποχής του Χαλκού, αλλά και αυτά της ανασκαφής, η οποία αποτελεί την συνέχεια των ανασκαφών του 2007. Κατά τις ανασκαφές στην κορυφή του Δασκαλιού αποκαλύφθηκε ένα ευμέγεθες κτήριο μήκους 16 μέτρων και πλάτους 4 μέτρων, εντός του οποίου βρέθηκε ο ‘Θησαυρός του Δασκαλχού’, ο οποίος αποτελείται από μία σμίλη, μία αξίνα-πέλεκυ, κοα έναν πέλεκυ με συμφυή οττή για την τοποθέτηση του στειλεού, όλα χάλκινα ή μπρούτζινα. Η μελέτη της κεραμικής απέφερε σημαντικά αποτελέσματα και απέδειξε ότι υπάρχει συνέχεια. Η αυτή ίδια μελέτη κατέδειξε μία ακολουθία τριών φάσεων, οι οποίες χρονολογήθηκαν από την Πρωτοκυκλαδική II έως και την Πρωτοκυκλαδική III περίοδο.Οι ανασκαφές στον Κάβο Δασκαλιού συνεχίστηκαν και ολοκληρώθηκαν στην περιοχή της Νότιας Ειδικής Απόθεσης με την αποκάλυψη πλήθους ιδιαίτερων, αλλά αποσπασματικά σωζόμενων, ευρημάτων, μεταξύ των οποίων, πολλών μαρμάρινων αγγείων και ενδοίλίων.Οι εξειδικευμένες μνκρομορφολογικές-γεωαρχαιολογικές, γεωλογικές και πετρογραφικές μελέτες, αλλά και οι αναλύσεις πηλού και οι μελέτες, που αφορούν στην αρχαιομεταλλουργία και στο παλαιοπεριβάλλον (αναλύσεις των καταλοίπων της χλωρίδας και της πανίδας αλλά και των φυτολίθων), βρίσκονται σε εξέλιξη. Άλλες έρευνες επί του εδάφους προς το ηαρόν δεν προγραμματίζονται, πριν από την ολοκλήρωση της τελικής δημοσίευσης των αποτελεσμάτων των ερευνών των περιόδων 2006 έως και 2008.

In 2013, the Capricornia Arts Mob (CAM), an Indigenous collective of artists situated in Rockhampton, central Queensland, Australia, successfully tendered for one of three public art projects that were grouped under the title Flood Markers (Roberts; Roberts and Mackay; Robinson and Mackay). Commissioned as part of the Queensland Government's Community Development and Engagement Initiative, Flood Markers aims to increase awareness of Rockhampton’s history, with particular focus on the Fitzroy River and the phenomena of flooding. Honouring Land Connections is CAM’s contribution to the project and consists of several “memory poles” that stand alongside the Fitzroy River in Toonooba Park. Rockhampton lies on Dharumbal Country with Toonooba being the Dharumbal name for the Fitzroy River and the inspiration for the work due to its cultural significance to the Aboriginal people of that region. The name Toonooba, as well as other images and icons including boomerangs, spears, nets, water lily, and frogs, amongst others, are carved, burnt, painted and embedded into the large ironbark poles. These stand with the river on one side and the colonial infrastructure of Rockhampton on the other (see fig. 1, 2 and 3).Figure 1 Figure 2Figure 3Within this article, we discuss Honouring Land Connections as having two main functions which contribute to its significance as Indigenous cultural expression and identity affirmation. Firstly, the memory poles (as well as the process of sourcing materials and producing the final product) are a manifestation of Country and a representation of its stories and lived memories. Honouring Land Connections provides a means for Aboriginal people to revel in Country and maintain connections to a vital component of their being as Indigenous. Secondly, by revealing Indigenous stories, experiences, and memories, Honouring Land Connections emphasises Indigenous voices and perspectives within a place dominated by Eurocentric outlooks and knowledges. Toonooba provides the backdrop on which the complexities of cultural and identity formation within settler-colonial spaces are highlighted whilst revelling in continuous Indigenous presence.Flood Markers as ArtArtists throughout the world have used flood markers as a means of visual expression through which to explore and reveal local histories, events, environments, and socio-cultural understandings of the relationships between persons, places, and the phenomena of flooding. Geertz describes art as a social text embedded within wider socio-cultural systems; providing insight into cultural, social, political, economic, gendered, religious, ethnic, environmental, and biographical contexts. Flood markers are not merely metric tools used for measuring the height of a river, but rather serve as culture artefacts or indexes (Gell Art and Agency; Gell "Technology of Enchantment") that are products and producers of socio-culture contexts and the memories and experiences embedded within them. Through different methods, mediums, and images, artists have created experiential and intellectual spaces where those who encounter their work are encouraged to engage their surroundings in thought provoking and often-new ways.In some cases, flood markers have brought attention to the “character and natural history” of a particular place, where artists such as Louise Lavarack have sought to provoke consciousness of the movement of water across flood plains (Lavarack). In other works, flood markers have served as memorials to individuals such as Gilbert White whose daughter honoured his life and research through installing a glass spire at Boulder Creek, Colorado in 2011 (White). Tragedies such as Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans in 2005 have also been commemorated through flood markers. Artist Christopher Saucedo carved 1,836 waves into a freestanding granite block; each wave representing a life lost (University of New Orleans). The weight of the granite symbolises the endurance and resilience of those who faced, and will continue to face, similar forces of nature. The Pillar of Courage erected in 2011 in Ipswich, Queensland, similarly contains the words “resilience, community, strength, heroes, caring and unity” with each word printed on six separate sections of the pillar, representing the six major floods that have hit the region (Chudleigh).Whilst these flood markers provide valuable insights into local histories, specific to each environmental and socio-cultural context, works such as the Pillar of Courage fail to address Indigenous relationships to Country. By framing flooding as a “natural disaster” to be overcome, rather than an expression of Country to be listened to and understood, Euro and human-centric perspectives are prioritised over Indigenous ways of knowing and being. Indigenous knowledges however encourages a reorientation of Eurocentric responses and relationships to Country, and in doing so challenge compartmentalised views of “nature” where flooding is separated from land and Country (Ingold Perception; Seton and Bradley; Singer). Honouring Land Connections symbolises the voice and eternal presence of Toonooba and counters presentations of flooding that depict it as historian Heather Goodall (36) once saw “as unusual events of disorder in which the river leaves its proper place with catastrophic results.”Country To understand flooding from Indigenous perspectives it is first necessary to discuss Country and apprehend what it means for Indigenous peoples. Country refers to the physical, cosmological, geographical, relational, and emotional setting upon which Indigenous identities and connections to place and kin are embedded. Far from a passive geographic location upon which interactions take place, Country is an active and responsive agent that shapes and contextualises social interactions between and amongst all living beings. Bob Morgan writes of how “Country is more than issues of land and geography; it is about spirituality and identity, knowing who we are and who we are connected to; and it helps us understand how all living things are connected.” Country is also an epistemological frame that is filled with knowledge that may be known and familiarised whilst being knowledge itself (Langton "Sacred"; Rose Dingo; Yunupingu).Central to understanding Country is the fact that it refers to a living being’s spiritual homeland which is the ontological place where relationships are formed and maintained (Yunupingu). As Country nurtures and provides the necessities for survival and prosperity, Indigenous people (but also non-Indigenous populations) have moral obligations to care for Country as kin (Rose Nourishing Terrains). Country is epistemic, relational, and ontological and refers to both physical locations as well as modes of “being” (Heidegger), meaning it is carried from place to place as an embodiment within a person’s consciousness. Sally Morgan (263) describes how “our country is alive, and no matter where we go, our country never leaves us.” Country therefore is fluid and mobile for it is ontologically inseparable to one’s personhood, reflected through phrases such as “I am country” (B. Morgan 204).Country is in continuous dialogue with its surroundings and provides the setting upon which human and non-human beings; topographical features such as mountains and rivers; ancestral beings and spirits such as the Rainbow Snake; and ecological phenomena such as winds, tides, and floods, interact and mutually inform each other’s existence (Rose Nourishing Terrains). For Aboriginal people, understanding Country requires “deep listening” (Atkinson; Ungunmerr), a responsive awareness that moves beyond monological and human-centric understandings of the world and calls for deeper understandings of the mutual and co-dependant relationships that exist within it. The awareness of such mutuality has been discussed through terms such as “kincentrism” (Salmón), “meshworks” (Ingold Lines), “webs of connection” (Hokari), “nesting” (Malpas), and “native science” (Cajete). Such concepts are ways of theorising “place” as relational, physical, and mental locations made up of numerous smaller interactions, each of which contribute to the identity and meaning of place. Whilst each individual agent or object retains its own autonomy, such autonomy is dependent on its wider relation to others, meaning that place is a location where “objectivity, subjectivity and inter-subjectivity converge” (Malpas 35) and where the very essence of place is revealed.Flooding as DialogueWhen positioned within Indigenous frameworks, flooding is both an agent and expression of Toonooba and Country. For the phenomenon to occur however, numerous elements come into play such as the fall of rain; the layout of the surrounding terrain; human interference through built weirs and dams; and the actions and intervention of ancestral beings and spirits. Furthermore, flooding has a direct impact on Country and all life within it. This is highlighted by Dharumbal Elder Uncle Billy Mann (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann") who speaks of the importance of flooding in bringing water to inland lagoons which provide food sources for Dharumbal people, especially at times when the water in Toonooba is low. Such lagoons remain important places for fishing, hunting, recreational activities, and cultural practices but are reliant on the flow of water caused by the flowing, and at times flooding river, which Uncle Mann describes as the “lifeblood” of Dharumbal people and Country (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann"). Through her research in the Murray-Darling region of New South Wales, Weir writes of how flooding sustains life though cycles that contribute to ecological balance, providing nourishment and food sources for all beings (see also Cullen and Cullen 98). Water’s movement across land provokes the movement of animals such as mice and lizards, providing food for snakes. Frogs emerge from dry clay plains, finding newly made waterholes. Small aquatic organisms flourish and provide food sources for birds. Golden and silver perch spawn, and receding waters promote germination and growth. Aboriginal artist Ron Hurley depicts a similar cycle in a screen-print titled Waterlily–Darambal Totem. In this work Hurley shows floodwaters washing away old water lily roots that have been cooked in ant bed ovens as part of Dharumbal ceremonies (UQ Anthropology Museum). The cooking of the water lily exposes new seeds, which rains carry to nearby creeks and lagoons. The seeds take root and provide food sources for the following year. Cooking water lily during Dharumbal ceremonies contributes to securing and maintaining a sustainable food source as well as being part of Dharumbal cultural practice. Culture, ecological management, and everyday activity are mutually connected, along with being revealed and revelled in. Aboriginal Elder and ranger Uncle Fred Conway explains how Country teaches Aboriginal people to live in balance with their surroundings (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). As Country is in constant communication, numerous signifiers can be observed on land and waterscapes, indicating the most productive and sustainable time to pursue certain actions, source particular foods, or move to particular locations. The best time for fishing in central Queensland for example is when Wattles are in bloom, indicating a time when fish are “fatter and sweeter” (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). In this case, the Wattle is 1) autonomous, having its own life cycle; 2) mutually dependant, coming into being because of seasonal weather patterns; and 3) an agent of Country that teaches those with awareness how to respond and benefit from its lessons.Dialogue with Country As Country is sentient and responsive, it is vital that a person remains contextually aware of their actions on and towards their surroundings. Indigenous peoples seek familiarity with Country but also ensure that they themselves are known and familiarised by it (Rose Dingo). In a practice likened to “baptism”, Langton ("Earth") describes how Aboriginal Elders in Cape York pour water over the head of newcomers as a way of introducing them to Country, and ensuring that Country knows those who walk upon it. These introductions are done out of respect for Country and are a way of protecting outsiders from the potentially harmful powers of ancestral beings. Toussaint et al. similarly note how during mortuary rites, parents of the deceased take water from rivers and spit it back into the land, symbolising the spirit’s return to Country.Dharumbal man Robin Hatfield demonstrates the importance of not interfering with the dialogue of Country through recalling being told as a child not to disturb Barraru or green frogs. Memmott (78) writes that frogs share a relationship with the rain and flooding caused by Munda-gadda, the Rainbow Snake. Uncle Dougie Hatfield explains the significance of Munda-gadda to his Country stating how “our Aboriginal culture tells us that all the waterways, lagoons, creeks, rivers etc. and many landforms were created by and still are protected by the Moonda-Ngutta, what white people call the Rainbow Snake” (Memmott 79).In the case of Robin Hatfield, to interfere with Barraru’s “business” is to threaten its dialogue with Munda-gadda and in turn the dialogue of Country in form of rain. In addition to disrupting the relational balance between the frog and Munda-gadda, such actions potentially have far-reaching social and cosmological consequences. The rain’s disruption affects the flood plains, which has direct consequences for local flora and transportation and germination of water lily seeds; fauna, affecting the spawning of fish and their movement into lagoons; and ancestral beings such as Munda-gadda who continue to reside within Toonooba.Honouring Land Connections provided artists with a means to enter their own dialogue with Country and explore, discuss, engage, negotiate, and affirm aspects of their indigeneity. The artists wanted the artwork to remain organic to demonstrate honour and respect for Dharumbal connections with Country (Roberts). This meant that materials were sourced from the surrounding Country and the poles placed in a wave-like pattern resembling Munda-gadda. Alongside the designs and symbols painted and carved into the poles, fish skins, birds, nests, and frogs are embalmed within cavities that are cut into the wood, acting as windows that allow viewers to witness components of Country that are often overlooked (see fig. 4). Country therefore is an equal participant within the artwork’s creation and continuing memories and stories. More than a representation of Country, Honouring Land Connections is a literal manifestation of it.Figure 4Opening Dialogue with Non-Indigenous AustraliaHonouring Land Connections is an artistic and cultural expression that revels in Indigenous understandings of place. The installation however remains positioned within a contested “hybrid” setting that is informed by both Indigenous and settler-colonial outlooks (Bhabha). The installation for example is separated from the other two artworks of Flood Markers that explore Rockhampton’s colonial and industrial history. Whilst these are positioned within a landscaped area, Honouring Land Connections is placed where the grass is dying, seating is lacking, and is situated next to a dilapidated coast guard building. It is a location that is as quickly left behind as it is encountered. Its separation from the other two works is further emphasised through its depiction in the project brief as a representation of Rockhampton’s pre-colonial history. Presenting it in such a way has the effect of bookending Aboriginal culture in relation to European settlement, suggesting that its themes belong to a time past rather than an immediate present. Almost as if it is a revelation in and of itself. Within settler-colonial settings, place is heavily politicised and often contested. In what can be seen as an ongoing form of colonialism, Eurocentric epistemologies and understandings of place continue to dominate public thought, rhetoric, and action in ways that legitimise White positionality whilst questioning and/or subjugating other ways of knowing, being, and doing (K. Martin; Moreton-Robinson; Wolfe). This turns places such as Toonooba into agonistic locations of contrasting and competing interests (Bradfield). For many Aboriginal peoples, the memories and emotions attached to a particular place can render it as either comfortable and culturally safe, or as unsafe, unsuitable, unwelcoming, and exclusionary (Fredericks). Honouring Land Connections is one way of publicly asserting and recognising Toonooba as a culturally safe, welcoming, and deeply meaningful place for Indigenous peoples. Whilst the themes explored in Honouring Land Connections are not overtly political, its presence on colonised/invaded land unsettles Eurocentric falsities and colonial amnesia (B. Martin) of an uncontested place and history in which Indigenous voices and knowledges are silenced. The artwork is a physical reminder that encourages awareness—particularly for non-Indigenous populations—of Indigenous voices that are continuously demanding recognition of Aboriginal place within Country. Similar to the boomerangs carved into the poles representing flooding as a natural expression of Country that will return (see fig. 5), Indigenous peoples continue to demand that the wider non-Indigenous population acknowledge, respect, and morally responded to Aboriginal cultures and knowledges.Figure 5Conclusion Far from a historic account of the past, the artists of CAM have created an artwork that promotes awareness of an immediate and emerging Indigenous presence on Country. It creates a space that is welcoming to Indigenous people, allowing them to engage with and affirm aspects of their living histories and cultural identities. Through sharing stories and providing “windows” into Aboriginal culture, Country, and lived experiences (which like the frogs of Toonooba are so often overlooked), the memory poles invite and welcome an open dialogue with non-Indigenous Australians where all may consider their shared presence and mutual dependence on each other and their surroundings.The memory poles are mediatory agents that stand on Country, revealing and bearing witness to the survival, resistance, tenacity, and continuity of Aboriginal peoples within the Rockhampton region and along Toonooba. Honouring Land Connections is not simply a means of reclaiming the river as an Indigenous space, for reclamation signifies something regained after it has been lost. What the memory poles signify is something eternally present, i.e. Toonooba is and forever will be embedded in Aboriginal Country in which we all, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, human and non-human, share. The memory poles serve as lasting reminders of whose Country Rockhampton is on and describes the life ways of that Country, including times of flood. Through celebrating and revelling in the presence of Country, the artists of CAM are revealing the deep connection they have to Country to the wider non-Indigenous community.ReferencesAtkinson, Judy. Trauma Trails, Recreating Song Lines: The Transgenerational Effects of Trauma in Indigenous Australia. Spinifex Press, 2002.Bhabha, Homi, K. The Location of Culture. Taylor and Francis, 2012.Bradfield, Abraham. "Decolonizing the Intercultural: A Call for Decolonizing Consciousness in Settler-Colonial Australia." Religions 10.8 (2019): 469.Cajete, Gregory. Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence. 1st ed. 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"The Edge of the Sacred, the Edge of Death: Sensual Inscriptions." Inscribed Landscapes: Marking and Making Place, eds. Bruno David and M. Wilson. U of Hawaii P, 2002. 253-69.Lavarack, Louise. "Threshold." 17 Jan. 2019 <http://www.louiselavarack.com.au/>.Malpas, Jeff. Place and Experience: A Philosophical Topography. Cambridge UP, 1999.Martin, Brian. "Immaterial Land." Carnal Knowledge: Towards a 'New Materialism' through the Arts, eds. E. Barret and B. Bolt. Tauris, 2013. 185-04.Martin, Karen Lillian. Please Knock before You Enter: Aboriginal Regulation of Outsiders and the Implications for Researchers. Post Pressed, 2008.Memmott, Paul. "Research Report 10: Aboriginal Social History and Land Affiliation in the Rockhampton-Shoalwater Bay Region." Commonwealth Commission of Inquiry, Shoalwater Bay Capricornia Coast, Queensland: Research Reports, ed. John T. Woodward. A.G.P.S., 1994. 1-107.Moreton-Robinson, Aileen. The White Possessive: Property, Power, and Indigenous Sovereignty. U of Minnesota P, 2015.Morgan, Bob. "Country – a Journey to Cultural and Spiritual Healing." Heartsick for Country: Stories of Love, Spirit and Creation, eds. S. Morgan et al. Freemantle P, 2008: 201-20.Roberts, Alice. "Flood Markers Unveiled on Fitzroy." ABC News 5 Mar. 2014. 10 Mar. 2014 <https://www.abc.net.au/local/photos/2014/03/05/3957151.htm>.Roberts, Alice, and Jacquie Mackay. "Flood Artworks Revealed on Fitzroy Riverbank." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 20104 <http://www.abc.net.au/local/stories/2013/10/29/3879048.htm?site=capricornia>.Robinson, Paul, and Jacquie Mackay. "Artwork Portray Flood Impact." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 2014 <http://www.abc.net.au/lnews/2013-10-29/artworks-portray-flood-impact/5051856>.Rose, Deborah Bird. Dingo Makes Us Human: Life and Land in an Aboriginal Australian Culture. Cambridge UP, 1992.———. Nourishing Terrains: Australian Aboriginal Views of Landscape and Wilderness. Australian Heritage Commission, 1996.Salmón, Enrique. 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Bibliography: p. 119-122. Aims to show how the GB Tool (Green BuildingTool) can be used to access the environmental performance of residential building developments, with a focus on South Australia. Describes the history of, and rationale for, the GB Tool; and its practical implementation. Identifies some theoretical short comings of the GB Tool, as well as some practical difficulties with using it.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this thesis I examine the natural building movement in South Africa in an attempt to determine the systemic influences that appear to confine it to a small market operating at the very edge of the mainstream building sector. I make use of the conceptual framework of the multi-level perspective to explore the interrelationships between natural building as a technological niche and the mainstream building sector as the dominant regime. I extend the concept of a technological niche by appending the term 'latent' to form the term 'latent technological niche', to describe a technology with sustainability credentials that fails to break into the mainstream market, despite achieving technological maturity and constant though minimal market share. The research objectives of this thesis are to: identify pathways for the natural building niche to move beyond its latent state; to determine how the translations of natural building practices to the building sector might occur; and how this might transform the building sector regime. I explore how action research involving knowledge sharing between multi-stakeholder, niche and regime actors might stimulate debate and subsequent action to overcome entry barriers; and serve as a catalyst to advance a latent technological niche beyond its confined market. I present an action research method, a 'latent technological mediation', of facilitated 1st and 2nd order social learning. This is used as a mechanism of tapping into the immediate knowledge of actors in the socio-technical regime. The purpose being to identify the external forces and internal processes of a latent technological niche. The status of a latent technological niche is assessed by comparing these processes in the context of external forces against seven processes, presented in this thesis. These seven processes are considered crucial for a technology to break into the mainstream market and are adapted from the internal processes of success, described in the literature on strategic niche management and the characteristics of a successful 'bounded socio-technical experiment' (BSTE) described in the conceptual work on BSTE's. The potential for natural building systems to enter the mainstream building sector, particularly in South Africa, is used as a case study to apply the latent technological mediation method. The findings of this research suggest that the mainstream building sector is undergoing a transition following the path of socio-techical transformation. The uncertainty introduced by the parallel system of informal settlement, which may drive transition along the more dramatic technological substitution or de-alignment and re-alignment transition pathways is briefly explored.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie tesis ondersoek ek die natuurlike gebou beweging in Suid-Afrika in 'n poging om die sistemiese invloede te bepaal, wat neig om dit te beperk tot 'n klein mark teen die rand van die hoofstroom gebou sektor. Ek maak gebruik van die konseptuele raamwerk van die multi-vlak perspektief om die onderlinge verband tussen natuurlike geboue, as 'n tegnologiese nis, en die hoofstroom gebou sektor, as die dominante regime, te verken. Ek brei die konsep van 'n tegnologiese nis uit, deur die aanbring van die word 'latente' om die term 'latente tegnologiese nis' te vorm. 'n Latente tegnologie nis het volhoubaarheid potensiaal maar slaag nie daarin om in die hoofstroom mark in te breek nie, ten spyte van die bereiking van tegnologiese volwassenheid en 'n konstante maar minimale mark aandeel. Die navorsing doelwitte van hierdie tesis is om: roetes te identifiseer waarlangs die natuurlike gebou nis buite sy latente toestand kan beweeg; om te bepaal hoe die 'vertalings' van natuurlike gebou praktyke aan die gebou sektor kan voorkom; en hoe dit die gebou sektor regime kan verander. Ek bestudeer hoe aksie navorsing waarby kennis tussen verskeie belanghebbendes, nis en regime betrokkenes gedeel is, kan debatteer en die daaropvolgende aksie stimuleer inskrywing hindernisse te oorkom; en dien as 'n katalisator om 'n latente tegnologiese nis te bevorder buite sy beperkte mark. Ek bied 'n aksie-navorsing metode, 'n 'latente tegnologiese bemiddeling' van gefasiliteerde 1st en 2de order sosiale leerervaring aan. Dit dien as 'n meganisme van deling in die onmiddellike kennis van die spelers in die sosio-tegniese regime. Die doel is om die eksterne kragte en interne prosesse van 'n latente tegnologiese nis te identifiseer. Die status van 'n latente tegnologiese nis is beoordeel deur hierdie prosesse te vergelyk in die konteks van eksterne kragte teen sewe prosesse, wat in hierdie tesis aangebied is. Hierdie sewe prosesse word beskou as noodsaaklik vir 'n tegnologie om in die hoofstroom mark in te breek en is aangepas uit die interne prosesse van sukses, soos beskryf in die literatuur oor strategiese nis bestuur en die eienskappe van 'n suksesvolle 'begrensde sosio-tegniese eksperiment' (BSTE) beskryf in die konseptuele literatuur oor BSTE. Die potensiaal vir natuurlike gebou stelsels om die hoofstroom gebou sektor te betree, veral in Suid-Afrika, word gebruik as 'n gevallestudie om die latente tegnologiese bemiddeling metode toe te pas. Die bevindinge van die navorsing dui daarop dat die hoofstroom gebou sektor 'n verandering ondergaan op die pad van n sosio-tegniese transformasie. Die onsekerheid veroorsaak deur die parallelle informele nedersetting, wat 'n meer dramatiese tegnologiese substitusie, of ontsporing en herbelyning kan veroorsaak, word kortliks ondersoek.

Thesis (MTech (Built Environment))--Peninsula Technikon, 2001
The construction industry globally, contributes between 18% and 24% of the GDP, and because of its labour intensive characteristics, contributes handsomely to total employment, forming important backward and forward linkages with the rest of the economy. Nevertheless, the extent and sophistication of these linkages crucially depend on the relative development of the construction industry relative to the overall economy. In the developing countries, these linkages are not very strong because of the use of informal materials, which is not commercialised and whose opportunity costs are often zero, and the huge imports of construction materials used in the modem sector of the economy. However, whether in the developed or developing economies, the construction industry is a major contributor to economic growth and development by providing the necessary infrastructure that facilitates production, consumption and recreational activities. In fulfilling these activities, the construction industry generates huge wastes of which only a tiny proportion are recycled and reused. However, in economies and countries where adequate and functional housing is a problem mainly due to lack of affordability, recycling and reuse of construction waste is a necessary prerequisite to enhancing housing affordability in these countries. This is the current situation that South Africa finds itself "''here because of its past history of 'apartheid', economic opportunities and amenities were denied to the blacks. There is nowhere that this deprivation is more pronounced than in the built environment sector where housing shortages and general disamenities prevail. High levels of unemployment further exacerbate the situation, - - which is a consequence of low skills and high illiteracy-rates. Thus, housing demand and supply by this group of the population are most likely, on the evidence available, to fall predominantly within the low-income housing category. Presently, all households falling into this category rely on financial assistance from the government to facilitate low-cost housing consumption because of pervasive poverty, which itself is due to the very high unemployment rate, illiteracy, lack of skills and general deprivation: a legacy of 'apartheid' policies enforced by previous government. The dilemma however is how to meet the huge housing demand within the limited resources available to the government on the one hand, and on the other, to satisfy such demand without compromising the environmental sustainability of the physical environment. Thus, the thesis aims to determine ways in which the construction industry could contribute to the sustainability of the carrying capacity of the biophysical environment and enhance social sustainability by facilitating affordability through the possible reductions to construction costs through recycling and reuse. By means of questionnaires and detailed interviews, underscored by a qualitative research approach, the potential of construction recycling and the possible contributions to environmental sustainability and housing affordability are determined. At completion, it is expected that this work will not only contribute to existing knowledge but would be of significance in terms of policy formulation to construction industry practitioners, central and local government policy makers, and other governmental and non-governmental organisations operating in the area of housing.