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Glancy, H. Mark. "Hollywood and Britain : the Hollywood 'British' film, 1939-1945." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333476.
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Chasin, Stephanie. "Citizens of empire Jews in the service of the British Empire, 1906-1940 /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1690289521&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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de, Bromhead Alan, Alan Fernihough, Markus Lampe, and Kevin Hjortshøj O'Rourke. "When Britain Turned Inward: The Impact of Interwar British Protection." American Economic Association, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/6823/1/aer.pdf.
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International trade collapsed, and also became much less multilateral, during the 1930s. Previous studies, looking at aggregate trade flows, have argued that trade policies had relatively little to do with either phenomenon. Using a new dataset incorporating highly disaggregated information on the United Kingdom's imports and trade policies, we find that while conventional wisdom is correct regarding the impact of trade policy on the total value of British imports, discriminatory trade policies can explain the majority of Britain's shift toward Imperial imports in the 1930s.
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Sanden, Jeanette van der. "A little Britain on the continent : British perceptions of Belgium." Thesis, University of London, 2006. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.535961.
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Mizutani, Satoshi. "The British in India and their domiciled brethren : race and class in the colonial context, 1858-1930." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fa01ca84-a9e5-432d-bb51-4091416be26c.
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This DPhil dissertation aims to delineate an ambivalent construction of 'Britishness' in late British India by paying special attention to certain discourses and practices that regulated the lives of both colonial elites and of their impoverished and/or racially mixed kin. Peculiar racial self-anxieties of the colonial ruling classes, - namely those over hygienic / sexual degradation and cultural hybridisation, the increased presence of indigent and/or racially mixed white populations, and the undesired consequences of the last - are examined thorough a close and analytically coherent analysis of colonial representations and practices. An important feature of this research is to bring the internal-cum-class distinctions of metropolitan society to the fore in order to circumscribe a peculiarly class-specific constitution of British racial identity in the colonial context. Broadly speaking, in two related senses can the (re)production of white racial prestige in the British Raj be regarded as a class-conditioned phenomenon. First of all, colonial Britishness can be said to have been characterised by class because not all persons or groups of British descent living in the colony were recognised as 'European enough': only those from the upper or middle classes were considered as so 'European' as to be capable of ruling the 'subject races' of India. The remaining people of British racial origins, including the so-called 'poor whites', the 'domiciled Europeans' (those whites permanently settled in India), and the mixed-decent 'Eurasians', were not regarded as 'British enough' (although they were not seen as 'Indian', either). Especially, 'domiciled Europeans' and 'Eurasians', often collectively referred to as 'the domiciled class', were not treated as 'British' but only as 'Native' in socio-legal terms: the 'domiciled' differed from 'Indians' in terms of racial and cultural identification, but were supposed to be no higher than the latter by constitutional status and socio-economic standard. Secondly it was because of its recourse to 'bourgeois philanthropy' that the construction of Britishness in late British India may be said to have been bound by aspects of Victorian or Edwardian class culture. Although the British excluded their domiciled brethren from the sphere of their social and economic privileges, the former also 'included' the latter within limited frames of philanthropic and educational care. For, their exclusion from the elite white community notwithstanding, the domiciled were still regarded as one part of the European (as opposed to Indian) body politic. Thus the colonial authorities feared that an unregulated destitution of 'poor whites', domiciled Europeans, and Eurasians might present itself as a political menace to the prestige of the British race as a whole: in a sense, the authority of Britishness also depended on how 'European pauperism' could be solved before it had disorderly effects on the colonial hierarchies of race and class. It was in this context that the philanthropic management of pauperism emerged as a negative but no less unimportant measure for reproducing British prestige in the colonial context. And central to this was a specific, colonial application of a politics of class that the bourgeoisie played against the indigent and various 'unfit' populations in the metropole.
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Palmer, Michael R. "The British nexus and the Russian liberals, 1905-1917." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2000. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=88128.
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Lynch, Pamela. "The people of Roman Britain : a study of Romano-British burials." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0101.
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This thesis utilises the evidence from mortuary archaeology to explore the identity of the inhabitants of Britain during the period of Roman rule. It assimilates burial evidence from diverse sources both published and unpublished and integrates it with other material and literary evidence to investigate the people of the province and examine aspects of their lives. By assessing the extent and reliability of the mortuary evidence and by combining this evidence from major cemeteries, smaller burial sites and individual or isolated burials it has been possible to determine aspects of their lives from a different perspective than that previously employed. The thesis has been divided into five parts. Part 1 (chapters 1 to 3) serves as an introduction. Part 2 (chapters 4 and 5) considers the evidence available while Part 3 (chapters 6 to 8) focuses on specific groups within the population. Part 4 (chapter 9) looks at instances of death and burial that differ from the norm and Part 5 (chapters 10-12) presents a picture of the daily life of these people. The study concludes with a summing up of the evidence and a look at the future of mortuary studies of Roman Britain. The introductory chapters set out the objectives of the dissertation, look at the work that has already been done in this area and evaluates the need for a synthesis of the available evidence. The scope of the project, both temporally and geographically is outlined in chapter 2. The third chapter takes a look at the contemporary written evidence available, in the form of literary and epigraphic contributions, and assesses its reliability as an indicator of the appearance and lives of the Romano-Britons. This survey looks not only at the Roman view of the natives of the province but extends beyond the Roman period to examine the literary evidence that is available from the subsequent centuries. Chapters 4 and 5 take an in-depth look at the evidence available on the people of Roman Britain. The extent of the burial evidence is reviewed in chapter 4 while chapter 5 deals specifically and in depth with how this evidence can be utilised. The skeletal evidence is assessed for its extent and reliability. Factors affecting the survival of the remains is appraised and the effects of the biases created by such differential survival considered. Grave-goods and the organisation of the cemeteries are brought into the evaluation and the strengths and weaknesses of all of the evidence evaluated. The following chapters (6 to 11) focus on discrete aspects of the population. Chapters 6 to 8 look at the representation of specific groups within the community - the young, the elderly and those who arrived from other parts of the empire. With the aim of providing an indication of the diversity of both the composition of the population, the communities they represent and the associated burial rites, chapter 9 examines some of the more distinctive burials from Britain during this period. An area of intense interest, decapitation burials provides the focal point of this chapter. What may appear to be more mundane aspects of the lives of these people occupy chapters 10 to 12. What kept them busy, their occupations and their pastimes is viewed from the perspective of the burial evidence in chapters 10 and 11, while chapter 12 examines the mortuary evidence, in the form of funerary art and the remains of clothing, hair and accessories for their appearance.
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Loh, Waiyee. "Empire of culture : contemporary British and Japanese imaginings of Victorian Britain." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/82122/.
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Since the 1980s and 1990s, cultural commodities produced in both Britain and Japan have enjoyed an upsurge in global popularity, giving rise to notions of “Creative Britain” and “Cool Japan.” As a result of this boom, British and Japanese governments have attempted to develop and/or collaborate with both domestic and foreign cultural industries as a solution to national economic decline. This turn to culture as a means of generating economic revenue is part of a global trend where neoliberal economic ideas converge with the rise of a “creative economy.” This thesis argues that the image of Victorian Britain in Japanese shōjo manga, as well as in British neo-Victorian fiction, suggests that the history of free trade and British imperialism in East Asia in the nineteenth century underpins this increasing emphasis on cultural commodity production and export in Britain and Japan. In other words, British and Japanese neo-Victorian texts published in the period 1980-present demonstrate that what we call “globalisation” today is deeply informed by economic relations and cultural hierarchies established between distant places in the nineteenth century. Recognising these connections between past and present helps us understand why the Japanese today “choose” to consume British “high” cultural goods, and why the Japanese state and cultural industries “choose” to focus their energies on exporting popular culture products. These “choices,” I argue, are historically conditioned by Japan’s encounter with the West, and especially Britain, in the nineteenth century, and the perception of British cultural superiority that this encounter has fostered. In examining the transnational networks that connect Britain and Japan in the nineteenth century and in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century, this thesis uses a “global history” framework to expand existing approaches to neo-Victorianism, girl culture in Japan, and World Literature.
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Holloway, Brent. ""Without Conquest or Purchase": The Annexation Moment in British Columbia, 1866-1871." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34473.
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While the annexation movement in British Columbia appears to have been short-lived and disorganized, it was nevertheless understood as a serious threat to British rule. This study seeks to reconcile this contradiction through an examination of newspapers, debates, despatches, and correspondence drawn from British Columbia, Britain, Canada, and the United States. In examining the movement, this study reveals both the peculiar capacity of the minor agitation to present an exaggerated image of its popularity, and the key geopolitical assumptions which led observers to overestimate its importance. As the narrative spectre of annexationism outpaced the actual strength of the movement, confederationist leaders and British and American authorities were led to embark on misguided political strategies. The British Columbian annexation movement’s disproportionate impact reveals the complex interaction between local politics and global forces in British North American history, and demonstrates the role of ideology and rumour-making in shaping global political narratives.
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Kuiken, Jonathan Robert. "Empires of Energy: Britain, British Petroleum, Shell and the Remaking of the International Oil Industry, 1957-1979." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104079.
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Thesis advisor: James E. Cronin<br>This dissertation examines British oil policy from the aftermath of the Suez Crisis in 1956-1957 until the Iranian Revolution and the electoral victory of Margaret Thatcher's Conservative Party in 1979. It was a period marked by major transitions within Britain's oil policy as well as broader changes within the international oil market. It argues that the story of Britain, and Britain's two domestically-based oil companies, BP and Shell, offers a valuable case study in the development of competing ideas about the reorganization of the international oil industry in the wake of the rise of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting countries and the companies' losing control over the production of oil. The emergence of OPEC, and the political and resource nationalism which provided it with its inspiration, proved to be a challenge for the companies. In their view, this had to be countered commercially through the maintenance of the role of the major oil companies as well as the further internationalization of the oil market; a process which they believed would help de-politicize oil production and distribution. Although the Governments which ruled Britain in this era were initially in favor of this laissez-faire approach, economic and political uncertainty in Britain, coupled with the game-changing potential of Britain's own North Sea oil resources led to a gradual process of state intervention into oil matters, both at home and abroad. Out of this emerged a different philosophy on the part of Cabinet and Whitehall officials, one which saw the future of oil being in the hands of the state and state-controlled companies. This growing divergence weakened the traditional partnership between BP, Shell and the British Government and limited cooperation until the defeat of the Labour Party in 1979 by Thatcher's Conservatives reversed the trend of growing state involvement. Together these inter-connected accounts provide an important counter-point to the idea that the emergence of a fully international oil market was inevitable and reveals that the reformation of the oil market in the post-1973 world was the result of political and as well as market forces<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History
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Sillery, Jane L. "Salvaging democracy? : The United States and Britain in British Guiana 1961-1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338912.
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Adams, Matthew. "Imagining Britain : the formation of British national identity during the eighteenth century." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2002. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3975/.
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This thesis explores the supposed development of an 'imagined community' of the British during the eighteenth century. Responding in particular to Linda Colley, it aims to show that her use of Benedict Anderson's well-known definition of the nation is both inappropriate and misleading. Taking as its evidence the substantial genre of contemporary historical writing about pre-Norman Britain, it attempts to develop an account of that genre's relationship to the growing reading public in Britain, its capacity to provide the imaginative terrain in which that public might consider itself to possess a shared identity, and the limits and obstacles to such a project. In doing so, it also explores the nature of the historical genre in this period, and finds its development to be tightly bound up with developments in print culture more generally, but especially with the rise of the novel and of the newspaper (the very genres lying at the heart of Anderson's account of nationalism). Later chapters concern themselves with developing the arguments brought out in the first half of the thesis, using different forms of evidence: histories of the common law, the debate on population, and the debate over the French Revolution. Here I deal variously with issues of custom, tradition, commerce and improvement, and their purchase upon notions of truth, as well as with the position of marginal figures - women, 'the mob' - in the supposedly national imagination. I conclude by arguing that the nation represented by Anderson is fundamentally utopian in character, that it did not and does not meet the essentially elitist 'imagined community' which my thesis uncovers, and should not be used to describe it.
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Zajdband, Astrid. "German Rabbis in British exile and their influence on Judaism in Britain." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2015. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/54352/.
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This thesis identifies the German rabbinate in British exile as a distinct refugee sub-group and traces its experiences from the onset of Nazism in Germany in the 1930s to those in Britain, ending in 1956 It argues that the rabbinate rose to unprecedented prominence under the Nazi regime as it was part of the communal leadership structure within German Jewry and maintained this role in the early years in exile. It was found that the end of the war and the vanishing of outside pressures impacted on the German rabbinate changing it into a different, modern, Anglo-Jewish institution, with German roots and influences. With the changed demands of the Anglo-Jewish population on their rabbis and the ageing German rabbis passing on, the heritage was transferred into Anglo-Jewish institutions such as newly founded synagogues and the Leo Baeck College. This had been facilitated through the rigorous training and the powerful experiences of the immigrant rabbis which gave the impact for religious expansion in Britain. Their influence turned the progressive but also the orthodox movement into a powerful force in the Anglo-Jewish landscape today. On a personal level the study uncovered that despite their prominence, the experiences of the German rabbinate in British exile unfolded along the same lines as that of the general refugee population fleeing Nazism. In their leadership capacity however most rabbis were able to reclaim their position in the midst of the refugees, the remnants of their former communities now in exile. With that they held responsibility and power. Their attempts of transplanting and maintaining the German Jewish heritage in Britain was a desperate and only marginally successful undertaking with only few traces still recognizable today. Their attempts had a dramatic influence on the course and future of Anglo-Jewry.
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Klingensmith, James Meade Jr. "Reinventing Britain: British National Identity and the European Economic Community, 1967-1975." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1337116642.
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Bérubé, Damien. "The East India Company, British Fiscal-Militarism and Violence in India, 1765-1788." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40965.
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The grant of the diwani to the East India Company in August 1765 represents a climacteric moment in British imperial histories. Vested by the Mughal Emperor Shah Allam II, this newfound right to collect revenue saddled the Company with the broader and formal economic, judicial and military responsibilities of a territorial empire. Wherefore, in the era of post-Mughal political splintering, the EIC, as an emerging subcontinental state had to contend with internal revolts abetted by ethno-religious and socio-economic crises, but also because of threats posed by the Kingdom of Mysore and the Maratha Confederacy. Nevertheless, in the midst of the American Revolution, the EIC’s contentious and contested conduct of imperial governance in India became an ideological, philosophical and pragmatic point of domestic and imperial contention. Thus, confronted with the simultaneous internal and external implications of the crises of Empire between 1765 and 1788, the role of the Company’s fiscal-military administration and exercise of violence within the spheres British imperial governance was reconceptualised and in doing so contemporaries underwrote the emergence of what historians have subsequently called the ‘Second British Empire’ in India. Alternatively, the reconceptualisation of the EIC’s fiscal-military administration served to ensure the continuity and preservation of the British imperial nexus as it was imposed upon Bengal. This work, therefore, traces the Company’s fiscal-military administration and dispensation of violence during the ‘crises of empire’ as a point of genesis in the development and reformation of British imperial governance. Moreover, it will show that the interdependent nature of the Company’s ‘fiscal-military hybridity’ ultimately came to underwrite further the ideological, philosophical and pragmatic consolidation of imperial governance in ‘British India’. Accordingly, this dissertation examines the interdependent role between Parliament’s reconceptualisation of the East India Company’s fiscal-military administration of violence and the changing nature of British imperial governance in ‘British India’.
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Limoncelli, Amy E. "Great Britain and International Administration: Finding a New Role at the United Nations, 1941-1975." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107229.
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Thesis advisor: James Cronin<br>This dissertation argues that British officials attempted to use the legacies of British administrative and imperial structures embedded in twentieth century international institutions to define a new world role for Britain after the Second World War. This role, they determined, would be based in international, administrative, and technical experience and expertise. The concept of an international civil service, loyal to the aims of the international organization they served, was first proposed by British diplomats at the League of Nations and based in the British concept of a politically neutral civil service. After the Second World War, British officials hoped that the legacies of their earlier influence - including administrative structures, ideologies, and a large cadre of officials trained through the British civil service in international administrative and technical affairs - would allow them to remain influential in the administration of the new international organizations despite Britain’s diminished postwar status. They were initially successful in this endeavor, with high rates of representation across the ranks of the United Nations, particularly in social and economic fields. Over time, facing political opposition in the General Assembly over their remaining colonial holdings, British officials hoped that their support for the United Nations – particularly as embodied in their representation in the international civil service – might redeem their international image. However, British interests saw increased competition with those of the United States, Soviet Union, and the global South as the United Nations grew over the course of the 1950s and 1960s. Moreover, principles of equitable geographic representation in the international civil service meant that as membership in the United Nations grew, British representation declined. By the early 1970s, British officials abandoned their earlier hopes of maintaining an outsized role at the United Nations. Examined in this way, the international civil service served as a microcosm for Britain’s own standing in the world as well as one way that British officials actively attempted to manipulate that standing<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History
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Sullivan, Melissa. "Revisioning middlebrow culture Virginia Woolf, Rose Macaulay, and the politics of taste, 1894-1941 /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 317 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1601514451&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Wilkinson, Callie Hannah. "The residents of the British East India Company at Indian royal courts, c. 1798-1818." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/269319.
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Generations of historians have looked to Bengal, Bombay, and Madras to detect the emergence of the legal and administrative mechanisms that would underpin Britain’s nineteenth-century empire. Yet this focus on ‘British’ India overshadows the very different history of nearly half the Indian subcontinent, which was still ruled by nominally independent monarchs. This dissertation traces the increasingly asymmetrical relationships between the East India Company and neighbouring Indian kingdoms during a period of intensive British imperial expansion, from 1798 to 1818. In so doing, it sheds fresh light on the contested process through which the Company consolidated its political predominance over rival Indian powers, setting a precedent for indirect rule that would inform British policy in Southeast Asia and Africa for years to come. The relationship between the Company and Indian governments was mediated through the figure of the Resident, the Company’s political representative at Indian courts, and the Residents therefore lie at the heart of this dissertation. Given their geographical distance from British administrative centres and their immersion in Indian political culture, the Residents’ experiences can be used to chart the growing pains of an expanding, modernizing empire, and to elucidate the dynamics of cross-cultural interaction and exchange. Based on the letters and papers of the dozen Residents stationed at major Indian courts, this dissertation shows how practical and ideological divisions within the Company regarding the appropriate forms of imperial influence were exacerbated by mutual suspicions resulting from geographical distance and the blurring of personal and public interests in the diplomatic line. This process was further complicated and constrained by the Residents’ reliance on the social and cultural capital of Indian elites and administrators with interests of their own. The Company’s consolidation of political influence at Indian courts was fraught with problems, and the five thematic chapters reflect recurring points of conflict which thread their way through these formative years. These include: the fragility of information networks and the proliferation of rumours; questions about the use of force and the applicability of the law of nations outside Europe; controversies surrounding political pageantry and conspicuous consumption; ambivalent relationships between Residents and their Indian state secretaries; and the Residents’ embroilment in royal family feuds. Ultimately, this dissertation concludes that the imposition of imperial authority at Indian courts was far from smooth, consisting instead of a messy and protracted series of practical experiments based on many competing visions of the ideal forms of influence to be employed in India.
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Kadish, S. "Bolsheviks and British Jews : The Anglo-Jewish community, Britain and the Russian Revolution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384774.
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Ishiguro, L. M. "Relative distances : family and empire between Britain, British Columbia and India, 1858-1901." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2011. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1334453/.
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This thesis explores the entangled relationship between family and empire in the late-nineteenth-century British Empire. Using the correspondence of British families involved in British Columbia or India between 1858 and 1901, it argues that family letters worked to make imperial lives possible, sustainable and meaningful. This correspondence enabled Britons to come to terms with the personal separations that were necessary for the operation of empire; to negotiate the nature of shifting relationships across imperial distances; and to produce and transmit family forms of colonial knowledge. In these ways, Britons ‘at home’ and abroad used correspondence to navigate the meanings of empire through the prism of family, both in everyday separations and in moments of crisis. Overall, the thesis argues, letter-writing thus positioned the family as a key building block of empire that bound together distant and different places in deeply personal and widely experienced, if also tenuous and anxious, ways. The thesis follows a modular structure, with chapters that explore overlapping but distinct topics of correspondence: food, dress, death and letterwriting itself. Each of these offers a different lens onto the ways in which family correspondence linked Britain with India and British Columbia through intimate channels of affection, obligation, information and representation. At the same time, this multi-sited study also probes the relationships among these three places during the second half of the nineteenth century. Comparing the writing of families engaged with two very different sites of empire—one, an anxiety-ridden garrison state imagined as the ‘jewel in the crown of empire,’ and the other, a more distant and comparatively unknown settler colony on the ‘edge of empire’—the thesis develops a history of British imperial families that underscores the importance of both specific, local contexts and the wider, partially interconnected world of the British Empire.
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Cicektakan, Nazim Can. "Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire : British discourses on the 'Ottomans', 1860-1878." Thesis, University of Essex, 2014. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/15416/.
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This dissertation explores British perceptions of and discourses on the ‘Ottomans’ in the mid-nineteenth century, which have been largely overlooked in the existing literature. It approaches the question through three case studies analysing the construction of the perceptions through a discourse-analytic framework. This thesis is divided into two main parts, with the first part providing essential background information for the three case studies which make up the second part. Chapter 1 (Introduction) sets out the research question and the methodology. Chapter 2 looks at the development of Anglo-Ottoman relations from the beginning until the nineteenth century, identifying important stages in these relations which in turn impacted upon British perceptions. These early British perceptions are traced in Chapter 3, indentifying a range of perceptions none of which achieve a dominant position in the British public discourse on the Ottoman Empire and the Ottomans. Part 2 constitutes the core of the dissertation. Chapter 4 focuses on Britain and the Ottoman Empire in the 1860s and 1870s, analysing the wider setting which forms the background to the case studies. Chapter 5 examines the Lebanon Crisis of 1860 tracing the formation of two discourses on the Ottomans in Britain: the sick-man discourse and the integrity discourse, which competed for dominance in the public debate. Chapter 6 examines the Cretan Crisis of 1866, which showed the continued use of these two discourses, with the sick-man discourse finding more support but not yet dominating the debate. This changes during the Bulgarian Atrocities Campaign of 1876, which is explored in Chapter 7. During this crisis, the sick-man discourse undergoes both a radicalisation and popularisation following the graphic coverage in the British press of the atrocities committed in the Balkans which is picked up by politicians who feel the need to respond to pressure from the streets. The Conclusion sums up the main findings of the dissertation and discusses how far the nineteenth-century constructions of the Ottomans as the ‘other’ in Britain remain relevant in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, when the Muslims take the place of the Ottomans as the ‘other’.
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Mikasa, Princess Akiko of. "Collecting and displaying 'Japan' in Victorian Britain : the case of the British Museum." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669978.
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Malik, Sarita. "Representing Black Britain : a history of Black and Asian images on British television /." London : Sage, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37742086d.
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Andrews, Margaret. "The paleopathology of the Romano-British to early medieval transition in Southern Britain." Thesis, University of Reading, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.742407.
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Hall, Joe. "An oral history of England international rugby union players, 1945-1995." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/16283.
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This thesis is the first oral history study of English rugby union. Through personally conducted interviews, it focuses on the experiences of men who played rugby union for England in the post-war, amateur era, and considers what they can tell us about both the sport and the society of which it was a part. The period it covers begins with the end of the Second World War, in 1945, and ends when rugby union ceased to be an amateur sport, in 1995. These fifty years were a time of both change and continuity, and it is a primary concern of this thesis to consider the extent of each in both rugby union and in wider society. Through looking at, in particular, English rugby union’s links with education, its relationship with work in a period in which its players were amateur, and its place on the spectrum of class, this study demonstrates, above all, the durability of rugby union’s social core, even in the midst of outward change to the sport. In doing so, it makes an important contribution to the historiography of both British sport and post-war Britain more generally, arguing for consideration of social continuity among a field largely dominated by notions of change. It also constitutes a unique study of a particular group of middle-class men, and demonstrates that sport – and oral history – can add much to our understanding of post-war social history.
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Malik, Abida. "The experiences of British Muslim civic actors : stigma, performance and active citizenship in Britain." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.715182.
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This thesis is a qualitative investigation that explores how British Muslim civic actors within Muslim organisations perceive belonging, citizenship and negotiate tensions. Fifty interviews with civic actors from fifteen national Muslim civic organisations were undertaken across Britain during 2007/08. The theoretical debates which shaped the study, are based on Goffman's notion of stigma, dramaturgy and frame analysis. The findings suggest that although facing alienation and exclusion, Muslim civic actors increased their participation and exercised forms of active citizenship. This was based on their frames, religious values and principles in difference to liberal and national normative conceptions. They performed an authentic Muslim self to present a diligence to participation, civic duty and responsibility. The civic actors circumvented the 'them and us' approach by actively participating in the front stage, British civil society. The marginalisation, framing, as 'bad Muslim', stigma and Islamophobia they experienced did not prevent them from identifying with British citizenship identities. Britishness, multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism and social cohesion were seen as other forms of belonging. These did not present a sense of 'divided loyalties' to the civic actors. The religious notion of the Ummah was perceived as a core identity, which provided participants with a sense of belonging amongst the uncertainties they found within Britain. In the present neoliberal political context, the findings suggest a need to increase dialogue between the state and Muslim civic organisations to counter divides and dissolve the perceived boundaries of 'us versus them'. This thesis furthers the debates on citizenship, integration, belonging and multiculturalism in a contemporary British socio-political context.
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Wright, Nigel Richard Reginald. "Separating Romans and barbarians : rural settlement and Romano-British material culture in North Britain." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0124.
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This thesis investigates the role which Roman artefacts played within rural settlements in North Britain during the Romano-British period. The possibility that Roman artefacts were used by native Britons as markers of prestige is explored through the presence or absence of Roman artefact types. The more prestigious the occupants of the rural settlements were, the more likely they were to have access to a variety of exotic trade items. The methodology employed in this study has been adapted from previous studies on pottery types and settlement remains from Scotland. This thesis examines an area that centres on Hadrian's Wall, which at various times in its history acted as the frontier for the Roman Empire, as well as being a staging post for troops and a means of controlling the local population's movement. The study region includes land up to 50 kilometres either side of Hadrian's Wall, and examines rural settlements located within one or two days travel from the Wall. The excavation reports of rural settlements were examined, and include settlement types such as homesteads, hillforts and villas. From these sites, Roman artefact types were quantified and used to generate data for analysis. The results agree with the hypothesis that social hierarchy can be detected through the comparative presence or absence of Roman artefact types. It is also apparent that the settlements on either side of Hadrian's Wall, and either side of the Pennines mountain chain, were not part of a simple, homogenous culture. This thesis begins with an outline of the geographic and environmental nature of the region (Chapter 2), and an examination of settlement and society in North Britain during the preceding Bronze and Iron Ages (Chapter 3). An essay on Romano-British society and settlement is included (Chapter 4), and is followed by a brief discussion of post- Roman Britain (Chapter 5). Following an outline of the methodology used (Chapter 6), the results of analysis are presented in detail (Chapter 7). The Discussion chapter explores how the results of analysis meet existing theories of rural settlement and society, and compares North Britain with continental data from Germany and North Gaul (Chapter 8).
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Jacob, May. "Apna Britain : negotiating identity through television consumption among British Pakistani Muslim women in Bradford." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/778/.
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British Pakistani Muslim women of Bradford inhabit a highly mediatised space where contested discourses of gender, ethnicity, culture and nationality take shape. This ethnographic study looks into the ways British Pakistani women in Bradford use television to negotiate and manage identities and identifications (Hall, 1996) in the context of everyday life. Electronic media, especially television, become central to the manifestation of conflicting discourses of belonging to national and transnational communities. The tensions associated with national and transnational identities are negotiated and renewed in the context of everyday life and as women move between the domestic, the ‘community’ and the national sphere. Through an ethnographic lens and an empirical study that took place in a community centre and four households, the discussion unravels these women’s attempts to exercise agency within the intensively restrictive socio-cultural framework where their lives unfold. Most relevant to this thesis is the use of electronic media, especially television. This thesis explores the role of television in three parallel realms: the home, the ‘community’ and the nation. Participants were found to engage with television narratives in their homes, not as passive viewers but as active audiences creating new meanings. Communal spaces were re-imagined through women’s participation in social events and by employing ‘women-oriented’ religious media. Subsequently the women approached their belonging in the national context by contesting their portrayals in mainstream media and by reinterpreting the cultural norms of their parents through the narratives of television. By underlining the importance of Bradford’s locally specific culture and the ways this culture has been influenced by the systemic alienation of working-class ethnic minority families, I argue that women and their narratives of identity and belonging have been radically curtailed. However, active agency and persistent structural negotiations have led many participants to reinvent ethnicity’, thus creating ‘new [rooted, local and yet supra-national] ethnicities’ (Hall, 1996, emphasis mine). The space around television – in its consumption and media talk – provides a platform for engaging with hegemonic discourses of ethnicity, religion, gender and nationality and for reflecting on the limits of these discourses, as well as on the limits of their identities. A strong shared sense of belonging to a community provides the framework to manage these contradictory realities of the socially situated gendered identities. I argue that the role of television is cyclical, in that the meanings created at home ripple into the nation and back via the ‘community’. Media are central to diasporic life and the crises that explicate migrant life are reflected in their media consumption. Within unsettling narratives of being a migrant, the participants seek belonging among the familiar within the mediatised world that surrounds the diasporic life. In this space, identities and identifications are seemingly new, but are born out of the ashes of the old and familiar.
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Sedgwick, John. "The British film industry and the market for feature films in Britain 1932-37." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260284.
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François, Pieter. "Belgium, 'a little Britain on the continent' : the British perception of Belgium (1830-1870)." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.435287.
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Ali, A. A. A. "Libya and Britain : a study of the history of British-Libyan relations 1969-1979." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2014. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/82/.
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This thesis examines relations between Libya and the United Kingdom after 1969 when a new government came to power in Tripoli which seemed to pose a direct threat to a number of key British interests. The thesis is grounded on a careful reading of secondary literature which has been integrated into newly available official documents available in the National Archive. The main claim to originality is in the light these documents throw on our understanding of that relationship. The thesis uses a case study approach which examines specific themes in UK-Libya relations which include arguments over arms sales, the oil economy and the role of oil companies, and relations over the Irish question and the problematic Libyan supply of weapons and support to the IRA in the 1970s. It inevitably touches on relations between both governments and the United States, but that is not a main focus of the study. These areas have been chosen for study because they represent the most significant areas of bargaining and conflict between Libya and the UK in the time period, according to both the secondary literature and press debate at the time and the newly available documentation. The author has been aware of the limitations of using the National Archives, especially where material has newly arrived for view. These include the scope of official ‘weeding’ before documents are made available to conserve space and to avoid repetition, but also to exclude sensitive material relating to intelligence and cognate aspects of relations with other governments. These limitations qualify, but do not undermine, the conclusions drawn. The main findings of the research refine our existing understanding of Libya-UK relations, important given that there is only a limited literature on the topic, and that no previous published work explores them using the National Archives. The archive material helps one to conclude that Straw’s (2010) argument that the basis of UK-Libya relations was always ‘strategic interest’ is partly sound but ultimately mistaken. Other important factors such as trade also mattered, and energy issues were at the same time ‘strategic’ and ‘trade-related’ for both sides. At least as important, mutual misunderstandings and a certain amount of confusion about the intentions of the other party (and what they could find negotiable) also shape the relationship, although strategic interest remains an important factor. The thesis also reveals for the first time differences in the evaluation of Libyan policy and intentions at different levels of the UK government, demonstrating that the bureaucratic politics of the British system of foreign policy making shaped some of the British responses to Libyan actions. Equally, although the evidence suggests that Gaddafi dominated Libyan policy making, it is clear that the elite surrounding him also played some part in policy making and in defining responses to British actions and announcements. Above all, the thesis demonstrates the complexity of the dynamics of UK-Libya relations in the time period studied, and that both sides consistently tended to believe that they had more influence over the other than was in fact the case.
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Malik, Sarita. "Representing Black Britain : Black images on British television from 1936 to the present day." Thesis, n.p, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
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Francois, Pieter. "Belgium, a 'little Britain on the continent' : The British perception of Belgium (1830-70)." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529903.
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McCarthy, Michael R. "Romano-British People and the Language of Sociology." Wiley, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4022.
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Despite the vast amount of work and the huge database for Roman Britain, the people of the province remain very difficult to discern. There are many reasons for this, but one is that we have not yet learned to look behind the disjecta membra of archaeology in order to understand the structure and nature of society, and how the Roman Conquest may have impacted upon it. The language of sociology offers scope for thought, especially when combined with examples drawn from historically documented societies in later periods. Whilst models drawn from the classical world are important, attention also needs to be focused on the local, and on the factors that determined the shape of people's lives and influenced their daily activities. Not all these are archaeologically detectable; nevertheless an appreciation of their existence is an important pre-requisite in attempting explanations of patterns in the data.
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Thomas, Bruce K. "Appellate Recruitment Patterns in the Higher British Judiciary: 1850 - 1990." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4650/.
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This study seeks to advance the understanding of appellate promotion in the senior judiciary of Great Britain . It describes the population and attributes of judges who served in the British High Courts, Court of Appeal, and Appellate Committee of the House of Lords (i.e., Law Lords) from 1850 to 1990. It specifically builds upon the work of C. Neal Tate and tests his model of appellate recruitment on a larger and augmented database. The study determines that family status, previously asserted as having a large effect on recruitment to the appellate courts, is not as important as previously believed. It concludes that merit effects, professional norms, and institutional constraints offer equally satisfactory or better explanations of appellate recruitment patterns.
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Myers, Elizabeth. "Suez: A Crisis of British Identity Interrogating the narrative of British strength in the press coverage during the 1956 Suez Crisis." Thesis, Department of History, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18252.
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The Suez Crisis in 1956 has been identified as a critical turning point for Britain as the global spheres of powers shifted after the war. Although the crisis marks a deterioration of Britain’s geopolitical reputation during the 20th Century, it is not clear that the British population was aware of the severity of the crisis as it unfolded. An interrogation of the newspaper coverage of this event shows that the British were clinging on to a lingering sense of power that was rooted in their declining empire. This collective sense of identity obscured the serious implications of Britain’s military failure in the Suez Crisis.
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Le, Cornu Daryl John, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Bright hope : British radical publicists, American intervention, and the prospects of a negotiated peace, 1917." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_LeCornu_D.xml, 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/801.
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This dissertation is about a group of influential British publicists on the left-wing of the Liberal Party known as Radicals. The focus is on the year 1917 during the First World War and the Radical publicist’s belief in the necessity of a negotiated settlement as an essential ingredient to achieving a just and lasting peace. These publicists also believed that the United States could play a unique role in mediating an end to the war and reforming the international system. Radical publicists tirelessly campaigned for a revision of Allied war aims and were convinced that alliances, the arms race, secret diplomacy, imperialism and militarism, played a large part in the outbreak of war and its prolongation. They believed that when the peace settlement came, it should not be a peace of vengeance but a just peace that addressed these flaws in the international system. The Radical publicists looked increasingly to the American President Wilson for leadership, while Wilson was drawn to the Radical publicist’s progressive internationalist ideas, particularly the concept of a league of nations. The Conclusion examines the reason for the failure of the Wilsonian strategy to achieve a just and lasting peace in 1919, but points to the enduring legacy of the Radical publicist’s ideas about creating a stable world order. This dissertation finishes by looking at contemporary commentators who advocate an approach to world order in the tradition of the Radical publicists of the First World War<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Carswell, Richard John. "'Britain could not ask for a better ally' France in the British press 1939 - 40." Thesis, University of Reading, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.494964.
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This thesis looks at France through the eyes of the British press in 1939-40 and assesses the press as historical evidence and 'barometer of the times'. The thesis briefly describes the press's treatment of France in the period 1918-38 as background and then concentrates on the nineteen months from January 1939 to July 1940. It analyses the performance of the press according to the amount of space that it devoted to France; the range of French subjects reported on; its commentaries on French affairs; and its general attitudes to France and to Britain's relations with France.
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Ahmed, Zareen Roohi. "The role of Muslim women in Britain in relation to the British Government's Prevent strategy." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2015. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=228047.
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As part of the British government's Prevent strategy following the July 2005 attacks in London, Muslim women were engaged and empowered as allies to tackle violent extremism. This empowerment greatly improved the social and economic status of Muslim women in Britain. However the primary objective, to prevent the escalation of violent extremism, was not achieved. Furthermore, the way in which Prevent was implemented significantly damaged relations between those who were involved in the strategy and those who were excluded. The overarching research question was: 'How has the role of Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslim women in British society changed from the period 1995 to 2010 as a result of the 9/11 and 7/7 terrorist attacks and the government's Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) strategy or Prevent agenda?' This, and a number of sub-questions, were examined using a mixed methodology approach, which included information drawn from academic literature, open source reporting and journalism, as well as surveys, interviews and focus group discussions with British Muslim women. The study concludes that Muslim women took advantage of the opportunities offered to them by the British government as part of the Prevent strategy, not particularly with the intentions of preventing violent extremism, but more because their progression was an assertion of their own human rights. However, during this time, many Muslim institutions were being ostracised by the government because of their Islamic school of thought, older Muslims and Muslim men were excluded, and Muslims experienced resentment from non-Muslim communities that had lost their government funding due to the exclusive focus on the Muslim community. The findings of this study imply the need for further research into some of the issues highlighted above, also advocating the commissioning of an urgent review of the British government's Prevent agenda, to include the policies that conflate Islam and violence.
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Mason, Emily. "'Save Spain' : British support for the Spanish Republic within civil society in Britain, 1936-1939." Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16606/.
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While much has been written about British support for Republican Spain during the Spanish Civil War, this thesis offers a novel framework through which to consider this topic. It explores the popular humanitarian response to ‘Spain’ within the context of Britain’s bourgeoning civil society and popular political culture, following the advent of mass democracy in 1928. There has perhaps been a recent tendency amongst historians to underplay the breadth of British support for the Spanish Republic, and to suggest that the humanitarian character of this support was, very often, indicative of a detached and apolitical response. This thesis asks why the Spanish Republic had the unique appeal that it did, examining how people in Britain framed the conflict in Spain, and exploring what they did in practice in terms of raising humanitarian aid for, and awareness about, the Republican cause. In particular it does this by considering the response to ‘Spain’ within the peace movement, Co-operative movement and amongst British Christians. The thesis challenges the idea that many of those involved with the humanitarian campaigns saw Spain as a distant country and that they were detached from events there. It argues that, while political interpretations of the Spanish conflict were far from uniform, the plight and cause of the Republic resonated with notions of British identity in the 1930s, and with the crises that different groups and individuals perceived to be threatening their world order. It explores how the topic of non-intervention was debated within civil society and argues that support for this policy was not necessarily indicative of isolationism. It suggests that support for Republican Spain, even where it was largely ‘humanitarian’ in character, went alongside interest in the issues surrounding the conflict and is illustrative of a degree of both democratic engagement and popular internationalism within 1930s Britain.
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Le, Cornu Daryl John. "Bright hope : British radical publicists, American intervention, and the prospects of a negotiated peace, 1917." Thesis, View Thesis, 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/801.
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This dissertation is about a group of influential British publicists on the left-wing of the Liberal Party known as Radicals. The focus is on the year 1917 during the First World War and the Radical publicist’s belief in the necessity of a negotiated settlement as an essential ingredient to achieving a just and lasting peace. These publicists also believed that the United States could play a unique role in mediating an end to the war and reforming the international system. Radical publicists tirelessly campaigned for a revision of Allied war aims and were convinced that alliances, the arms race, secret diplomacy, imperialism and militarism, played a large part in the outbreak of war and its prolongation. They believed that when the peace settlement came, it should not be a peace of vengeance but a just peace that addressed these flaws in the international system. The Radical publicists looked increasingly to the American President Wilson for leadership, while Wilson was drawn to the Radical publicist’s progressive internationalist ideas, particularly the concept of a league of nations. The Conclusion examines the reason for the failure of the Wilsonian strategy to achieve a just and lasting peace in 1919, but points to the enduring legacy of the Radical publicist’s ideas about creating a stable world order. This dissertation finishes by looking at contemporary commentators who advocate an approach to world order in the tradition of the Radical publicists of the First World War
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Le, Cornu Daryl John. "Bright hope British radical publicists, American intervention, and the prospects of a negotiated peace, 1917 /." View Thesis, 2005. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20060123.103228/index.html.
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Hynes, Greg. "Propaganda, Perspective, and the British World: New Zealand’s First World War Propaganda and British Interactions, 1914-1918." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Humanities and Creative Arts, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9126.
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Despite the ubiquity of the First World War as a key moment in the development of New Zealand’s national identity in scholarship and public memory, key aspects remain under explored. This thesis addresses a particularly noticeable gap – the operation and contents of New Zealand’s official First World War propaganda campaign. Through this focus, this thesis particularly explores how such propaganda reflected New Zealand’s place within, and engagement with, the concept of the ‘British world’. Propaganda is an ideal window into the workings of the British world during the war, illustrating both the operation of the practical connections, and the ideological reflections of national, imperial, and ‘British’ identities in the British world. Therefore, New Zealand and Britain’s First World War propaganda demonstrates the nature of the British world, particularly through exploration of the ways that New Zealand’s official campaign connected to and interacted with Britain’s official wartime propaganda campaign. Specifically, the thesis argues that a gap existed between the rhetorical ‘British world’, as constructed in the content of New Zealand’s wartime propaganda, and the practical realities of how the British world operated and interacted during the war.
While New Zealand was comfortable rhetorically identifying itself as ‘British’ and part of the British world, practical limitations of communication and interaction with Britain often inhibited this theoretical community. The concept of ‘Dominion perspective’ is crucial to this interpretation. New Zealand’s Dominion status was central to the operation of propaganda in and between New Zealand and Britain during the war, and to New Zealand’s identification of itself within its propaganda. This interpretation reflects a wider view of New Zealand’s experience of the British world. Though concepts of Dominion status and the British world were centrally important to New Zealand during the war, they were not unproblematic. These concepts were frequently reshaped both theoretically and practically. The First World War was crucial to this development, as the closer interaction and cooperation within the British world it demanded, laid bare both the practical shortcomings of the British world, and the contested nature of concepts of Dominion status and the British world itself. The operation of official wartime propaganda in the British world reflects this wider process, and its significance to New Zealand.
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Teixeira, Christopher. "THE CRIME OF COMING HOME: BRITISH CONVICTS RETURNING FROM TRANSPORTATION IN LONDON, 1720-1780." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2226.
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This thesis examines convicts who were tried for the crime of  returning from transportation at London s Old Bailey courthouse between 1720 and 1780. While there is plenty of historical scholarship on the tens of thousands of people who endured penal transportation to the American colonies, relatively little attention has been paid to convicts who migrated illegally back to Britain or those who avoided banishment altogether. By examining these convicts, we can gain a better understanding of how transportation worked, how convicts managed to return to Britain, and most importantly, what happened to them there. This thesis argues that convicts resisted transportation by either avoiding it or returning from banishment after obtaining their freedom. However, regardless of how they arrived back in Britain, many failed to reintegrate successfully back into British society, which led to their apprehension and trial. I claim that most convicts avoided the death penalty upon returning and that this encouraged more convicts to resist transportation and return home. The thesis examines the court cases of 132 convicts charged with returning from transportation at the Old Bailey and examines this migration home through the eyes of those who experienced it. First, the thesis focuses on convicts in Britain and demonstrates how negative perceptions of transportation encouraged them to resist banishment. The thesis then highlights how convicts obtained their freedom in the colonies, which gave them the opportunity to return illegally. Finally, the thesis shows that returned felons tried to reintegrate into society by relocating to new cities, leading quiet honest lives, or by returning to a life of crime.<br>M.A.<br>Department of History<br>Arts and Humanities<br>History MA
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Iqbal, Humera. "Parenting and child development in multi-ethnic Britain : a study of British Indian, British Pakistani and non-immigrant White families living in the UK." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/245623.
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Past research has neglected second generation onward immigrant families in Britain as they further acculturate into host society culture, as well as the experiences of majority ethnic-group families in relation to second generation immigrant families. The central focus of this study was an in-depth assessment of the similarities and differences in parenting practices, parent-child relationships, child psychological adjustment and parental social experiences in British-born Indian, Pakistani and non-immigrant White mothers with 5-7 year old children living in culturally diverse areas of the UK. This is the first in-depth comparative study focusing on normative second generation families rather than disadvantaged samples. In total, 90 mothers participated, and the study employed a multi-method approach. A range of measurement techniques including standardised interviews, questionnaires, observations of parent-child interaction and a child test were used. The study was organised according to two aspects of family life. A quantitative approach was used to investigate parenting and child adjustment. A mixed-methods approach, using both quantitative and qualitative analyses was used to examine the broader social environment of the mother and child, exploring family life in relation to surrounding cultural and contextual factors in the three ethnic groups. The children showed positive levels of adjustment, with no differences between groups. In terms of parenting, similarities were found between family types for some aspects of parenting as assessed by interview, including maternal warmth, mother-child interaction and maternal control. The differences that were identified generally reflected differences between the Pakistani and White mothers, with the Indian mothers lying between the two. For example, the British Pakistani group showed higher levels of child supervision, child-centredness, and overt discipline compared to White mothers. They were also more likely to be in an arranged marriage and less likely to confide in their partner. Regarding the observational measure of mother-child interaction, there was no difference between family types for the overall construct of mutuality. In relation to cultural and contextual factors, Pakistani mothers were more religious, compared with Indian and White mothers. Overall, both second generation Indian and Pakistani mothers showed a more bicultural identity. Qualitative analysis revealed that a range of ethnic-racial socialisation techniques for discussing race and ethnicity with children were used by mothers from all groups. Pakistani mothers remained more traditional and were most likely to use religio-cultural socialisation whereas Indian and White mothers used egalitarianism more, i.e. teaching children the importance of individual qualities as opposed to membership in their ethnic group. Indian mothers were the most positive about multiculturalism and seemed to face fewer challenges associated with diversity. Both Pakistani and White mothers experienced discrimination. White mothers felt they were still trying to adapt to increased diversity, some believing that their culture was being sidelined and under threat. It was concluded that there were many similarities in parenting practices and family life between British Indian, British Pakistani and non-immigrant White groups, with children from each group showing positive adjustment. However, although all mothers were born and raised in Britain, differences still existed indicating that ethnicity was an influential factor in parenting. The study increases understanding of the extent to which the parenting processes that have been found to be most significant for positive child development can be generalised to other ethnic groups. It also provides information on acculturation patterns in the host society and what it means to be born to second generation parents and live in a multicultural environment in the UK today. The findings have implications for theory and policy development regarding family life in different ethnic groups.
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Murphy, Sean. "Broadly speaking : Scots language and British imperialism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11047.
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This thesis offers a three-pronged perspective on the historical interconnections between Lowland Scots language(s) and British imperialism. Through analyses of the manifestation of Scots linguistic varieties outwith Scotland during the nineteenth century, alongside Scottish concerns for maintaining the socio-linguistic “propriety” and literary “standards” of “English,” this discussion argues that certain elements within Lowland language were employed in projecting a sentimental-yet celebratory conception of Scottish imperial prestige. Part I directly engages with nineteenth-century “diasporic” articulations of Lowland Scots forms, focusing on a triumphal, ceremonial vocalisation of Scottish shibboleths, termed “verbal tartanry.” Much like physical emblems of nineteenth-century Scottish iconography, it is suggested that a verbal tartanry served to accentuate Scots distinction within a broader British framework, tied to a wider imperial superiorism. Parts II and III look to the origins of this verbal tartanry. Part II turns back to mid eighteenth-century Scottish linguistic concerns, suggesting the emergence of a proto-typical verbal tartanry through earlier anxieties to ascertain “correct” English “standards,” and the parallel drive to perceive, prohibit, and prescribe Scottish linguistic usage. It is argued that later eighteenth-century Scottish philological priorities for the roots and “purity” of Lowland Scots forms – linked to “ancient” literature and “racially”-loaded origin myths – led to an encouraged “uncovering” of hallowed linguistic traits. This renegotiated reverence for certain Lowland forms was bolstered by contemporary “diasporic” imaginings – envisioning, indeed pre-empting the significance of Scots migrants in the sentimental preservation of a seemingly-threatened linguistic distinction. Part III looks beyond Scotland in the early decades of the nineteenth century. Through a consideration of the markedly different colonial and “post-colonial” contexts of British India and the early American Republic, attitudes towards certain, distinctive Lowland forms, together with Scots' assertions of English linguistic “standards,” demonstrate a Scottish socio-cultural alignment with British imperial prestige.
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Parnell, John Robert. "Baptists and Britons: Particular Baptist Ministers in England and British Identity in the 1790s." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4947/.
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This study examines the interaction between religious and national affiliations within a Dissenting denomination. Linda Colley and Jonathan Clark argue that religion provided the unifying foundation of national identity. Colley portrays a Protestant British identity defined in opposition to Catholic France. Clark favors an English identity, based upon an Anglican intellectual hegemony, against which only the heterodox could effectively offer criticism. Studying the Baptists helps test those two approaches. Although Methodists and Baptists shared evangelical concerns, the Methodists remained within the Church of England. Though Baptists often held political views similar to the Unitarians, they retained their orthodoxy. Thus, the Baptists present an opportunity to explore the position of orthodox Dissenters within the nation. The Baptists separated their religious and national identities. An individual could be both a Christian and a Briton, but one attachment did not imply the other. If the two conflicted, religion took precedent. An examination of individual ministers, specifically William Winterbotham, Robert Hall, Mark Wilks, Joseph Kinghorn, and David Kinghorn, reveals a range of Baptist views from harsh criticism of to support for the government. It also shows Baptist disagreement on whether faith should encourage political involvement and on the value of the French Revolution. Baptists did not rely on religion as the source of their political opinions. They tended to embrace a concept of natural rights, and their national identity stemmed largely from the English constitutional heritage. Within that context, Baptists desired full citizenship in the nation. They called for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts and the reform of Parliament. Because of their criticism of church and state, Baptists demonstrate the diversity within British Protestantism. For the most part, religion did not contribute to their national identity. In fact, it helped distinguish them from other Britons. Baptist evangelicalism reinforced that separate identity, as the nation did not outweigh spiritual concerns. The church and state establishment perceived the Baptists as a threat to social order, but Baptists advocated reform, not revolution. They remained both faithful Baptists and loyal Britons.
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Leung, Yuen-ying Anita, and 梁琬瑩. "An analysis of the 'brain drain' and the British Nationality (Hong Kong) Bill, 1990." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964096.
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Chu, Wai Li. "We had no urge to do away an ex-colony: the changing views of the British government over Hong Kong's future, 1967-1979." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/399.
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This thesis discusses the British government's decision to maintain colonial rule in Hong Kong beyond 1997 between 1967 and 1979. After the 1967 riots, the Labour and Conservative governments started considering the negotiation of Hong Kong's future in the 1980s. Their views on Hong Kong's future evolved from the Labour's uncertainty, to Conservative's optimism, and finally to Labour's attempts to erase the 1997 deadline and to retain Hong Kong as a colony permanently. Factors taken into their considerations included Cold War, decolonisation, China's policies on Hong Kong, and Britain-Hong Kong relations. Both Labour and Conservative insisted on preserving British sovereignty over disputed colonies such as Hong Kong, the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar regardless of the worldwide decolonisation. Besides, their eagerness to contain Communism and maintain Britain's international status, and Hong Kong's strategic and psychological value in Cold War outweighed the deficiencies of Britain-Hong Kong relations and China's unpredictable policies. Therefore, Labour and Conservative governments intended to run Hong Kong as a colony perpetually rather than decolonise it as did in other colonies. To achieve this goal, the British government adopted a reform-oriented colonialism. It empowered the Hong Kong government to deliver social reforms to improve the colony's living standard, which were used to prepare a colony's decolonisation. After the 1967 riots, although Governor David Trench implemented this colonial idea regarding Hong Kong's future, he remained as a housekeeper and only looked for the short term. Succeeding Trench in 1971, Murray MacLehose established a responsive colonial administration and delivered the Conservative's long-term strategy--to widen the living standard between Hong Kong and China--to deter China from recovering the territory. Notable reforms were on government-people relations, housing, education, social welfare and medical and health services. By 1974, the Labour government followed and modified this strategy to justify British colonial rule in Hong Kong domestically and internationally. In this process, Hong Kong was able to design its social reforms, to counter Britain's interests and to reshape its relations with Britain into a partnership. Yet Britain delegated Hong Kong to do so only to remain ultimate control rather than decolonised it. In other words, delegation of power and improvement of living standard were Britain's tools to retain its colonial rule in Hong Kong perpetually. Colonialism and decolonisation were thus interrelated.
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Pedaliu, Effie G. H. "Britain, Italy and the early Cold War : aspects of British foreign policy towards Italy, 1946-1949." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1525/.
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This thesis examines political and military aspects of British policy towards Italy during 1946-1949. It focuses on five major areas: the punishment of Italian war criminality, the reconstruction of the Italian Armed forces, the role of Italy in British plans for European cooperation, British involvement in the Italian election of April 1948 and Italy's inclusion into NATO. It analyses the factors that influenced the evolution of British policy such as pressures from the emerging Cold War, Britain's diminished power in the region and its desire to remain a major international player in the post WWII world. It evaluates the impact that Italian domestic politics and Italian realities had on the conception and execution of British policy. It reveals that British policy towards Italy was governed not only by British power politics, the desire to frustrate the designs of the Soviet Union and the Italian Communists, and the challenge of growing US influence in Italy but also by moral and ideological underpinnings such as the desire to secure the punishment of some of the worst Italian war criminals and the aspiration, as manifested by British intervention in the Italian election of 1948, to provide Italy with a form of government which was a social democratic anti-Communist alternative to the American form based on an undiluted capitalism. British policy during this period had intended to include Italy in any British plans for European cooperation when the time was right. Its resistance to Italian inclusion into NATO stemmed primarily from pragmatism rather than any persisting punitive attitudes towards a defeated opponent. British foreign policy towards Italy did not achieve all its aims but it cannot, even remotely, be described as a failure. Italy remained firmly anchored in the Western bloc, the seeds of social democracy were nurtured, disengagement was managed in an orderly and successful manner and the British stance over Italo-Yugoslav relations succeeded in neutralising potential dangers to Italy by helping to expose Stalin in the eyes of the Yugoslavs.