Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Bob Hawke”

For the past decade, the world has been told that ecologically sustainable development is the hope for the future: using only what we need without comprising the opportunities and needs of future generations. Across the Pacific, the concept has been embraced by all levels of government, by non-government conservation groups, by industry, by the media, and by conservation biologists. A former Australian Prime Minister, Bob Hawke, even went so far during a re-election campaign as to commit the Australian Government and the Australian people to the ecologically sustainable development of the Australian continent.

At the April 1977 Premiers' Conference Malcolm Fraser secured unanimous agreement from the premiers to call for a voluntary three-month freeze of wages and prices. The freeze was never implemented. It offrcially ended in May when the Arbitration Commission awarded a national wage case increase of 1.9 per cent in line with its wage indexation principles. This paper examines the economic and political context in which the Premiers' Conference took place, the interactions between the federal government and unions—particularly the role played by ACTU President Bob Hawke—and the Arbitration Commission's reasons for rejecting the wages side of the freeze.

The March 1996 Australian Federal Election Was The most important Australian election for more than a decade. It resulted in the return of the Liberal-National coalition to office after thirteen years in opposition, ending a period of unprecedented Labor-initiated change, first under the leader-ship of Bob Hawke and since 1991, Paul Keating.The election was also important because the new government will in all probability lead Australia into the new millennium and guide the country through a period of intense change in the Asia Pacific region; how the Liberal-Nationals approach the whole question of Australia's changing relationship with the world will shape Australia's future and wellbeing for decades to come. And finally, the election was notable for making John Howard prime minister during his second period as Liberal leader, a prospect that Howard himself had once ridiculed as akin to ‘Lazarus with a triple bypass’.

On 19 August 1996, thousands of trade unionists and others stormed the Australian Parliament protesting against the Coalition Government's Work place Relations Bill. In a very visible departure from the years of cooperation and compromise with the previous Federal Labor Government, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on trade unionists and their supporters to demonstrate their opposition to the proposed legislation. This outbreak of anger might be thought to herald a reaction to heightened attacks on the Australian working class, ushered in by the election of the Coalition Government on 2 March 1996, which ended thirteen years of Labor rule under leaders Bob Hawke (1983-1991) and Paul Keating (1991-1996). However, while indicating a renewed activism by a disenchanted and alienated working class, this outburst of anger was not attributable to a sudden shift in the overall direction of government policy. Rather, it was an expression of a profound disenchantment with thirteen years of Australian ‘New Labor’ and a fear of the future under a Coalition Government committed to the sharp edges of the neo-liberal agenda.

AbstractThe Great Shearers’ Strike of 1891 transformed Australian politics and created the context for the election of the first ‘labourist’ government in the world. This nationally significant history is reflected in Barcaldine’s central heritage precinct, with a large monument to the Tree of Knowledge and spacious Australian Workers Heritage Centre. The Centre was established as the ‘National Monument’ to working men and women when it was opened by Prime Minister Bob Hawke in 1991. The Centre is one of a number of industrial museums in the Central West, and exists alongside the Stockman’s Hall of Fame in nearby Longreach. The recent increase in tourism by Grey Nomads has resulted in a more concerted effort to formulate a clear heritage discourse in Barcaldine, one that draws on the town’s labour heritage. This increased emphasis on the heritage of the Great Shearers’ Strike has further politicised an already fraught heritage, and distanced the community from its local heritage spaces and stories. This article reflects on long-standing narratives relating to the local environment as a means to articulate contested heritage discourses, situate the significant labour history and reinforce the local community’s engagement in its heritage.

Water-cycle algorithm based on evaporation rate (ErWCA) is a powerful enhanced version of the water-cycle algorithm (WCA) metaheuristics algorithm. ErWCA, like other algorithms, may still fall in the sub-optimal region and have a slow convergence, especially in high-dimensional tasks problems. This paper suggests an enhanced ErWCA (EErWCA) version, which embeds local escaping operator (LEO) as an internal operator in the updating process. ErWCA also uses a control-randomization operator. To verify this version, a comparison between EErWCA and other algorithms, namely, classical ErWCA, water cycle algorithm (WCA), butterfly optimization algorithm (BOA), bird swarm algorithm (BSA), crow search algorithm (CSA), grasshopper optimization algorithm (GOA), Harris Hawks Optimization (HHO), whale optimization algorithm (WOA), dandelion optimizer (DO) and fire hawks optimization (FHO) using IEEE CEC 2017, was performed. The experimental and analytical results show the adequate performance of the proposed algorithm.

When perched, several species of small falcons, including American Kestrels (Falco sparverius), often pump their tails, but the possible function of this behaviour is unknown. Our objective was to use observations and experiments to examine the possible function(s) of tail-pumping by American Kestrels. Fieldwork was conducted from March 2015 to December 2015 at the Blue Grass Army Depot in Madison County, Kentucky. During observations of focal kestrels, we noted their behaviour (e.g. landing on a perch, hunting, or consuming prey), including when and how often they pumped their tails (i.e. rapid movement of the tail down, then back up to its original position). Kestrels typically tail-pumped when landing on a perch (mean = 4.1±0.2 pumps per 10 s) and consuming prey (mean = 2.4±0.2 pumps per 10 s). When hunting, kestrels tail-pumped at higher rates during the 30 s prior to attacking (mean = 1.1±0.3 pumps) than they did during the 30–60 s interval before an attack (mean = 0.3±0.1 pumps). During experiments where kestrels were presented with models of a conspecific and a predator (Cooper's Hawk, Accipiter cooperi), we found no difference in rates of tail-pumping prior to and during the presentation. These results suggest that tail-pumping by American Kestrels is not used either to communicate with conspecifics or as a predator-deterrent signal. Rather, kestrels appear to tail-pump to help maintain balance on perches when landing and consuming prey. In addition, prior to attacking prey, kestrels typically bob their heads (possibly to aid in judging distances), and tail-pumping may help them maintain stability as they head-bob and prepare to attack.

As ferritas geralmente são absorvedoras de radiação eletromagnética e apresentam a versatilidade de poderem ser manufaturadas com geometrias diferentes, e usadas na forma de ferritas policristalinas (corpo sinterizado) ou de compósitos de ferrita (adição de pó em matriz apropriada). A poliamida 6, por sua vez, pertence a uma classe de polímeros atraentes para aplicações em engenharia devido à combinação de propriedades como: estabilidade dimensional, boa resistência ao impacto sem entalhe e excelente resistência química. O objetivo deste trabalho foi sintetizar pós de ferrita NiFe2O4, e avaliar a adição destes em concentrações de 10, 30, 50 e 60% em massa a uma matriz polimérica de poliamida 6 usando um misturador da Haake Blücher, para obter compósitos de poliamida 6/NiFe2O4. Os pós e os compósitos foram caracterizados por difração de raios X (DRX) e microscopia eletrônica de varredura (MEV). Os difratogramas de raios X mostraram picos característicos da poliamida 6 e da ferrita. Por MEV foi observada a formação de aglomerados grandes para a concentração de 60% e, uma grande quantidade de poros. Para a concentração de 10%, as partículas ficaram mais dispersas, com menos aglomerados e menos poros no compósito.

Hybrid renewable energy microgrid has become an attractive solution to electrify urban areas. This research proposes a microgrid design problem including photovoltaic (PV) arrays, wind turbine, diesel, and batteries for which Harris hawk optimization (HHO), a metaheuristic technique, is applied. Based on a long-term techno-economic assessment, the HHO approach is used to determine the best hybrid microgrid size for a community in Saudi Arabia’s northern region. The efficacy of HHO is investigated, and its performance was compared with seven metaheuristic techniques, grasshopper optimization algorithm (GOA), cuckoo search optimizer (CSO), genetic algorithm (GA), Big Bang–Big Crunch (BBBC), coyote optimizer, crow search, and butterfly optimization algorithm (BOA), to attain the HRE microgrid optimal sizing based on annualized system cost (ASC) reduction. Some benchmarks (optimum and worst solutions, mean, median, standard deviation, and rate of convergence) are used to distinguish and analyze the performance of these eight metaheuristic-based approaches. The HHO surpassed the other seven metaheuristic techniques in achieving the best HRE microgrid solution with the lowest ASC (USD 149229.9) followed by GOA (USD 149380.5) and CSO (USD 149382.5). The findings revealed that the HHO, GOA, CSO, and coyote have acceptable performance in terms of capturing the global solution and the speed of convergence, with only minimal oscillations. The BBBC, crow search, GA, and BA, on the other hand, have unacceptably poor performance, trapping to the local solution, oscillations, and a long convergence time. In terms of optimal solution and convergence rate, the BBBC and GA both perform poorly when compared to the other metaheuristic techniques.

Neste estudo, fibras de sisal foram utilizadas como reforço para a matriz constituída de amido, glúten de milho e glicerol. O teor de fibra em relação a matriz variou de 5 a 30%. O processamento da matriz e dos compósitos foi realizado em um reômetro de torque Haake à 130 °C, 50 rpm por 10 minutos. As misturas obtidas foram moldadas por compressão à quente. As propriedades mecânicas; termodinâmico-mecânico (DMTA) e de absorção de água foram investigadas em função do teor de fibras na matriz de amido/glúten de milho/glicerol. O aumento do conteúdo de fibra provocou uma melhoria nas propriedades mecânicas dos compósitos com relação à matriz. O compósito reforçado com 30% de fibra de sisal apresentou aumento no módulo de elasticidade e tensão na ruptura de aproximadamente de 560 e 162%, respectivamente e diminuição nos valores de elongação na ruptura de 81%. Os resultados obtidos por DMTA mostraram aumento progressivo do módulo de armazenamento (E') e diminuição do módulo de amortecimento (tan d) com o aumento do teor de fibra, confirmando o efeito de reforço das fibras de sisal na matriz de amido/glúten de milho/glicerol. A incorporação das fibras na matriz também provocou diminuição da absorção de umidade e no coeficiente de difusão de água. A análise da morfologia dos compósitos mostrou boa dispersão das fibras na matriz.

Como melhorar o ensino do Eletromagnetismo? Essa é uma pergunta que pode ser respondida sob diversas perspectivas, entretanto, o objetivo do trabalho visa responder a partir de um diagnóstico sobre as dificuldades conceituais dos alunos de ensino médio e ingressantes universitários. O diagnóstico é construído a partir das evidências obtidas na administração de um teste conceitual denominado Electricity and Magnetism Concept Assesment (EMCA). Os procedimentos de análise baseiam-se na Teoria Clássica dos Testes (TCT), incluindo Fator de Hake para verificar impactos entre grupos não correspondentes. Os grupos se caracterizam e se distinguem entre perfis de proficiência e dificuldades conceituais de alunos da rede pública na cidade de Manaus. Seguindo procedimentos similares aos autores, os resultados corroboram que mesmo no nível superior há uma baixa compreensão de conceitos básicos no Eletromagnetismo. Partindo disso, comparam-se os níveis de proficiência entre os diferentes grupos normativos algumas instruções pedagógicas seguem na perspectiva de David Ausubel, visando contribuir para o desenvolvimento de aprendizagem significativa tendo como referência os itens com boa discriminação e com maiores dificuldades. Informações mais detalhadas para o grupo normativo são obtidas através da Análise Gráfica do Item (AGI), sendo destacados os distratores mais atrativos, sinalizando evidências de modelos mentais incorretos.

Purpose: Helicobacter pylori has been implicated in most severe cases of peptic ulcer. Despite this development, the diagnosis of this infection has been a major challenge due to the difficulty encountered during isolation using the conventional culture method. Presently, most health facilities in rural communities in Nigeria still adopt the culture method as the gold standard technique for the diagnosis of H. pylori infections. The need for the introduction of more accurate, robust and rapid diagnostic techniques is therefore imperative. This study was carried out to compare the overall performance of two diagnostic methods in the assessment of Helicobacter pylori infection status among peptic ulcer suspected patients attending health facilities in Lafia, Nigeria, using stool antigen immunoassay test and blood antibody test methods. Methodology: A total of 180 patients with peptic ulcer symptoms attending three health facilities (80 from DASH and 50 each from Jafamek Diagnostic Centre and Haske Hospital) were recruited by designated health workers through random selection using non-probability and convenience sampling. The blood and stool samples of each participant were screened using H. pylori antibody/ antigen test strips (Azure Biotech Inc). The stool samples were cultured on Brain Heart Infusion agar (Oxoid, UK) and the result used as a gold standard in this study. Data obtained were presented as frequencies and association between test methods analysed using contingency chi-square test and Cohen kappa statistics. Results: The outcome of the study showed that out of the 180 participants screened, 51 (28.33%) were positive using the culture method (CM), 111 (61.67%) were reactive for Helicobacter pylori blood antibody test (BAB), while 86 (47.78%) were positive for Helicobacter pylori stool antigen test (SAG). The sensitivity and specificity of the two methods were recorded as 74.50%, 44.20% and 70.60%, 61.20% for BAB and SAG respectively. The level of agreement according to the value of kappa was found to be poor with BAB but fair with SAG. Conclusion: Based on the findings of this study, the overall prevalence of H. pylori infection among the patients was relatively low compared to values obtained from other areas in Nigeria. Also, the stool antigen analytical method had the highest diagnostic accuracy compared to the serum antibody and culture techniques. Recommendation: The stool antigen method is considered the most effective in the diagnosis of Helicobacter pylori infections in the study community and should therefore be used regularly as first choice option.

To address the problems of uneven distribution and low coverage of wireless sensor network (WSN) nodes in random deployment, a node coverage optimization strategy with an improved COOT bird algorithm (COOTCLCO) is proposed. Firstly, the chaotic tent map is used to initialize the population, increase the diversity of the population, and lay the foundation for the global search for the optimal solutions. Secondly, the Lévy flight strategy is used to perturb the individual positions to improve the search range of the population. Thirdly, Cauchy mutation and an opposition-based learning strategy are fused to perturb the optimal solutions to generate new solutions and enhance the ability of the algorithm to jump out of the local optimum. Finally, the COOTCLCO algorithm is applied to WSN coverage optimization problems. Simulation results show that COOTCLCO has a faster convergence speed and better search accuracy than several other typical algorithms on 23 benchmark test functions; meanwhile, the coverage rate of the COOTCLCO algorithm is increased by 9.654%, 13.888%, 6.188%, 5.39%, 1.31%, and 2.012% compared to particle swarm optimization (PSO), butterfly optimization algorithm (BOA), seagull optimization algorithm (SOA), whale optimization algorithm (WOA), Harris hawks optimization (HHO), and bald eagle search (BES), respectively. This means that in terms of coverage optimization effect, COOTCLCO can obtain a higher coverage rate compared to these algorithms. The experimental results demonstrate that COOTCLCO can effectively improve the coverage rate of sensor nodes and improve the distribution of nodes in WSN coverage optimization problems.

Os nanocompósitos de polipropileno/ bentonita e polipropileno/compatibilizante/bentonita foram preparados empregando uma extrusora dupla rosca acoplada a um Reômetro de Torque Haake. A argila bentonita natural proveniente do Município de Boa Vista - PB passou por um processo de purificação para em seguida ser aditivada com carbonato de sódio e posteriormente tratadas com o sal quaternário de amônia, visando a obter argila organofílica. As argilas foram caracterizadas por granulometria por difração de laser, análise química, espectroscopia de infravermelho e DR-X. Os resultados de granulometria e análise química mostraram que o processo de purificação foi eficiente em retirar as frações mais grosseiras mantendo as frações finas bem como na eliminação de minerais acessórios. Os resultados de FTIR e DR-X mostraram que o sal quaternário de amônio foi incorporado à argila confirmando a organofilização. Posteriormente a argila bentonita organofílica foi incorporada ao polipropileno (PP) e PP/compatibilizante (PP-g-AA e PP-g-MA são polipropilenos enxertados com ácido acrílico e anidrido maleico, respectivamente). A formação dos nanocompósitos bem como as propriedades das misturas PP/ORG (ORG - argila organofílica) e PP/compatibilizante/ORG foram verificadas por DR-X, MET e propriedades mecânicas. As análises de DR-X, MET mostraram que pode ter ocorrido a formação de nanocompósitos intercalado devido aos deslocamentos dos picos para ângulos de 2q inferiores. Os resultados das propriedades mecânicas mostraram que houve uma melhoria em algumas propriedades mecânicas.

The discourse on indigenizing of social sciences has been popular among Indonesian scholars since 1970s. However, it has not shown any significant development, in spite of many writings of Nusantara scholars that can be bases of references to develop sociological theories of Nusantara, such as the manuscripts of Kawruh Jiwo Ki Ageng Suryomentaram and Amanat Galunggung. Making an effort to indigenize social sciences of Nusantara, the present study investigates both manuscripts. The results of the study argue that there are basic theories of sociology discussed in those two manuscripts. For example, the concepts of social integration (kabuyutan), division of labor, and historical consciousness, which are discussed in the manuscript of Amanat Galunggung. The sociological perspective of Amanat Galunggung is very similar to the structural-functional theory. While, the concepts found in Kawruh Jiwo Ki Ageng Suryomentaram, such as the concepts of four division of human being, feeling (rasa) and intention (karep), and reciprocal relations between human and society. Those theories are genuine and authentical; and if the theories are developed, they will result in a typical of Nusantara sociological theory. Keywords: Indigeneus, Kramadangsa, Rasa, Kabuyutan, Tri Tangtu REFERENCE Alatas, S.F., (2010), Diskusus Alternatif Dalam Ilmu Sosial Asia, Tanggapan Terhadap Eurocentrisme, Bandung, Mizan, Anthony Giddens (1997), Central Problem in Social Theoty, Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of Callifornia Press. Ary, H. Gunawan (2000), Sosiologi: Suatu Analisis Sosiologi tentang Pelbagai Problem Pendidikan, Cet. I; Jakarta: Rinika Cipta. Astrid S. Susanto (1979) Pengantar Sosiologi dan Perubahan Sosial, Bandung, Binacipta. Allice S. 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Chinese Australians are from a variety of backgrounds, Southeast Asian countries, Hong Kong and Taiwan for instance. Most Chinese Australians of Southeast Asian migrant backgrounds are politically inactive regarding the PRC, but do take the opportunity of China’s economic take off to expand their business. Migrants from Guangdong and Hong Kong used to be the most numerous in Australia since the middle 19th century and they were also the ones that kept the Chinese cultural tradition going in Australia (Petty 2009), symbolized by the iconic China towns built by them in most capital cities. More of contemporary migrants of Chinese ethnicity are from mainland China, such as a large number of students of English from the PRC who were able to stay and then to obtain residents status subsequent to the 1989Tiananmen events during which the then Australian Prime Minister Bob Hawke appeared tearfully on TV announcing the extension of visas (Fang and Weedon 2020). This source of migration continued, including immediate families of the students of English before the Tiananmen events (Liu Xi’an and Gao 1998), business and investment migrants and skilled migrants from the PRC.

Abstract Gene expression profiling has played a significant role in the identification and classification of tumor molecules. In gene expression data, only a few feature genes are closely related to tumors. It is a challenging task to select highly discriminative feature genes, and existing methods fail to deal with this problem efficiently. This article proposes a novel metaheuristic approach for gene feature extraction, called variable neighborhood learning Harris Hawks optimizer (VNLHHO). First, the F-score is used for a primary selection of the genes in gene expression data to narrow down the selection range of the feature genes. Subsequently, a variable neighborhood learning strategy is constructed to balance the global exploration and local exploitation of the Harris Hawks optimization. Finally, mutation operations are employed to increase the diversity of the population, so as to prevent the algorithm from falling into a local optimum. In addition, a novel activation function is used to convert the continuous solution of the VNLHHO into binary values, and a naive Bayesian classifier is utilized as a fitness function to select feature genes that can help classify biological tissues of binary and multi-class cancers. An experiment is conducted on gene expression profile data of eight types of tumors. The results show that the classification accuracy of the VNLHHO is greater than 96.128% for tumors in the colon, nervous system and lungs and 100% for the rest. We compare seven other algorithms and demonstrate the superiority of the VNLHHO in terms of the classification accuracy, fitness value and AUC value in feature selection for gene expression data.

Sales pipeline win-propensity prediction is fundamental to effective sales management. In contrast to using subjective human rating, we propose a modern machine learning paradigm to estimate the win-propensity of sales leads over time. A profile-specific two-dimensional Hawkes processes model is developed to capture the influence from seller's activities on their leads to the win outcome, coupled with lead's personalized profiles. It is motivated by two observations: i) sellers tend to frequently focus their selling activities and efforts on a few leads during a relatively short time. This is evidenced and reflected by their concentrated interactions with the pipeline, including login, browsing and updating the sales leads which are logged by the system; ii) the pending opportunity is prone to reach its win outcome shortly after such temporally concentrated interactions. Our model is deployed and in continual use to a large, global, B2B multinational technology enterprize (Fortune 500) with a case study. Due to the generality and flexibility of the model, it also enjoys the potential applicability to other real-world problems.

Women in federal politics are under-represented today and always have been. At no time in the history of the federal parliament have women achieved equal representation with men. There have never been an equal number of women in any federal cabinet. Women have never held an equitable number of executive positions of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) or the Liberal Party. Australia has had only one female Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, and she was the recipient of sexist treatment in the parliament and the media. A 2019 report by Plan International found that girls and women, were “reluctant to pursue a career in politics, saying they worry about being treated unfairly.” The Report author said the results were unsurprisingwhen you consider how female politicians are still treated in Parliament and the media in this country, is it any wonder the next generation has no desire to expose themselves to this world? Unfortunately, in Australia, girls grow up seeing strong, smart, capable female politicians constantly reduced to what they’re wearing, comments about their sexuality and snipes about their gender.What voters may not always see is how women in politics respond to sexist treatment, or to bullying, or having to vote against their principles because of party rules, or to having no support to lead the party. Rather than being political victims and quitting, there is a ground-swell of women who are fighting back. The rage they feel at being excluded, bullied, harassed, name-called, and denied leadership opportunities is being channelled into rage against the structures that deny them equality. The rage they feel is building resilience and it is building networks of women across the political divide. This article highlights some female MPs who are “maintaining the rage”. It suggests that the rage that is evident in their public responses is empowering them to stand strong in the face of adversity, in solidarity with other female MPs, building their resilience, and strengthening calls for social change and political equality.Her-story of Women’s MovementsThroughout the twentieth century, women stood for equal rights and personal empowerment driven by rage against their disenfranchisement. Significant periods include the early 1900s, with suffragettes gaining the vote for women. The interwar period of 1919 to 1938 saw women campaign for financial independence from their husbands (Andrew). Australian women were active citizens in a range of campaigns for improved social, economic and political outcomes for women and their children.Early contributions made by women to Australian society were challenges to the regulations and of female sexuality and reproduction. Early twentieth century feminist organisations such The Women’s Peace Army, United Association of Women, the Australian Federation of Women’s Societies for Equal Citizenship, the Union of Australian Women, the National Council of Women, and the Australian Federation of Women Voters, proved the early forerunners to the 1970s Women’s Liberation Movement (WLM). It was in many of these early campaigns that the rage expressed in the concept of the “personal is political” (Hanisch) became entrenched in Australian feminist approaches to progressive social change. The idea of the “personal is political” encapsulated that it was necessary to challenge and change power relations, achievable when women fully participated in politics (van Acker 25). Attempts by women during the 1970s to voice concerns about issues of inequality, including sexuality, the right to abortion, availability of childcare, and sharing of household duties, were “deemed a personal problem” and not for public discussion (Hanisch). One core function of the WLM was to “advance women’s positions” via government legislation or, as van Acker (120) puts it, the need for “feminist intervention in the state.” However, in advocating for policy reform, the WLM had no coherent or organised strategy to ensure legislative change. The establishment of the Women’s Electoral Lobby (WEL), together with the Femocrat strategy, sought to rectify this. Formed in 1972, WEL was tasked with translating WLM concerns into government policy.The initial WEL campaign took issues of concern to WLM to the incoming Whitlam government (1972-1975). Lyndall Ryan (73) notes: women’s liberationists were the “stormtroopers” and WEL the “pragmatic face of feminism.” In 1973 Whitlam appointed Elizabeth Reid, a member of WLM, as Australia’s first Women’s Advisor. Of her appointment, Reid (3) said, “For the first time in our history we were being offered the opportunity to attempt to implement what for years we had been writing, yelling, marching and working towards. Not to respond would have felt as if our bluff had been called.” They had the opportunity in the Whitlam government to legislatively and fiscally address the rage that drove generations of women to yell and march.Following Reid were the appointments of Sara Dowse and Lyndall Ryan, continuing the Femocrat strategy of ensuring women were appointed to executive bureaucratic roles within the Whitlam government. The positions were not well received by the mainly male-dominated press gallery and parliament. As “inside agitators” (Eisenstein) for social change the central aim of Femocrats was social and economic equity for women, reflecting social justice and progressive social and public policy. Femocrats adopted a view about the value of women’s own lived experiences in policy development, application and outcome. The role of Senator Susan Ryan is of note. In 1981, Ryan wrote and introduced the Sex Discrimination Bill, the first piece of federal legislation of its type in Australia. Ryan was a founding member of WEL and was elected to the Senate in 1975 on the slogan “A woman’s place is in the Senate”. As Ryan herself puts it: “I came to believe that not only was a woman’s place in the House and in the Senate, as my first campaign slogan proclaimed, but a feminist’s place was in politics.” Ryan, the first Labor woman to represent the ACT in the Senate, was also the first Labor woman appointed as a federal Minister.With the election of the economic rationalist Hawke and Keating Governments (1983-1996) and the neoliberal Howard Government (1996-2007), what was a “visible, united, highly mobilised and state-focused women’s movement” declined (Lake 260). This is not to say that women today reject the value of women’s voices and experiences, particularly in politics. Many of the issues of the 1970s remain today: domestic violence, unequal pay, sexual harassment, and a lack of gender parity in political representation. Hence, it remains important that women continue to seek election to the national parliament.Gender Gap: Women in Power When examining federal elections held between 1972 and 2016, women have been under-represented in the lower house. In none of these elections have women achieved more than 30 per cent representation. Following the 1974 election less that one per cent of the lower house were women. No women were elected to the lower house at the 1975 or 1977 election. Between 1980 and 1996, female representation was less than 10 per cent. In 1996 this rose to 15 per cent and reached 29 per cent at the 2016 federal election.Following the 2016 federal election, only 32 per cent of both chambers were women. After the July 2016 election, only eight women were appointed to the Turnbull Ministry: six women in Cabinet and two women in the Outer Cabinet (Parliament of Australia). Despite the higher representation of women in the ALP, this is not reflected in the number of women in the Shadow Cabinet. Just as female parliamentarians have never achieved parity, neither have women in the Executive Branch.In 2017, Australia was ranked 50th in the world in terms of gender representation in parliament, between The Philippines and South Sudan. Globally, there are 38 States in which women account for less than 10 per cent of parliamentarians. As at January 2017, the three highest ranking countries in female representation were Rwanda, Bolivia and Cuba. The United Kingdom was ranked 47th, and the United States 104th (IPU and UNW). Globally only 18 per cent of government ministers are women (UNW). Between 1960 and 2013, 52 women became prime ministers worldwide, of those 43 have taken office since 1990 (Curtin 191).The 1995 United Nations (UN) Fourth World Conference on Women set a 30 per cent target for women in decision-making. This reflects the concept of “critical mass”. Critical mass proposes that for there to be a tipping balance where parity is likely to emerge, this requires a cohort of a minimum of 30 per cent of the minority group.Gender scholars use critical mass theory to explain that parity won’t occur while there are only a few token women in politics. Rather, only as numbers increase will women be able to build a strong enough presence to make female representation normative. Once a 30 per cent critical mass is evident, the argument is that this will encourage other women to join the cohort, making parity possible (Childs & Krook 725). This threshold also impacts on legislative outcomes, because the larger cohort of women are able to “influence their male colleagues to accept and approve legislation promoting women’s concerns” (Childs & Krook 725).Quotas: A Response to Gender InequalityWith women representing less than one in five parliamentarians worldwide, gender quotas have been introduced in 90 countries to redress this imbalance (Krook). Quotas are an equal opportunity measure specifically designed to re-dress inequality in political representation by allocating seats to under-represented groups (McCann 4). However, the effectiveness of the quota system is contested, with continued resistance, particularly in conservative parties. Fine (3) argues that one key objection to mandatory quotas is that they “violate the principle of merit”, suggesting insufficient numbers of women capable or qualified to hold parliamentary positions.In contrast, Gauja (2) suggests that “state-mandated electoral quotas work” because in countries with legislated quotas the number of women being nominated is significantly higher. While gender quotas have been brought to bear to address the gender gap, the ability to challenge the majority status of men has been limited (Hughes).In 1994 the ALP introduced rule-based party quotas to achieve equal representation by 2025 and a gender weighting system for female preselection votes. Conversely, the Liberal Party have a voluntary target of reaching 50 per cent female representation by 2025. But what of the treatment of women who do enter politics?Fig. 1: Portrait of Julia Gillard AC, 27th Prime Minister of Australia, at Parliament House, CanberraInside Politics: Misogyny and Mobs in the ALPIn 2010, Julia Gillard was elected as the leader of the governing ALP, making her Australia’s first female Prime Minister. Following the 2010 federal election, called 22 days after becoming Prime Minister, Gillard was faced with the first hung parliament since 1940. She formed a successful minority government before losing the leadership of the ALP in June 2013. Research demonstrates that “being a female prime minister is often fraught because it challenges many of the gender stereotypes associated with political leadership” (Curtin 192). In Curtin’s assessment Gillard was naïve in her view that interest in her as the country’s first female Prime Minister would quickly dissipate.Gillard, argues Curtin (192-193), “believed that her commitment to policy reform and government enterprise, to hard work and maintaining consensus in caucus, would readily outstrip the gender obsession.” As Curtin continues, “this did not happen.” Voters were continually reminded that Gillard “did not conform to the traditional.” And “worse, some high-profile men, from industry, the Liberal Party and the media, indulged in verbal attacks of a sexist nature throughout her term in office (Curtin 192-193).The treatment of Gillard is noted in terms of how misogyny reinforced negative perceptions about the patriarchal nature of parliamentary politics. The rage this created in public and media spheres was double-edged. On the one hand, some were outraged at the sexist treatment of Gillard. On the other hand, those opposing Gillard created a frenzy of personal and sexist attacks on her. Further attacking Gillard, on 25 February 2011, radio broadcaster Alan Jones called Gillard, not only by her first-name, but called her a “liar” (Kwek). These attacks and the informal way the Prime Minister was addressed, was unprecedented and caused outrage.An anti-carbon tax rally held in front of Parliament House in Canberra in March 2011, featured placards with the slogans “Ditch the Witch” and “Bob Brown’s Bitch”, referring to Gillard and her alliance with the Australian Greens, led by Senator Bob Brown. The Opposition Leader Tony Abbott and other members of the Liberal Party were photographed standing in front of the placards (Sydney Morning Herald, Vertigo). Criticism of women in positions of power is not limited to coming from men alone. Women from the Liberal Party were also seen in the photo of derogatory placards decrying Gillard’s alliances with the Greens.Gillard (Sydney Morning Herald, “Gillard”) said she was “offended when the Leader of the Opposition went outside in the front of Parliament and stood next to a sign that said, ‘Ditch the witch’. I was offended when the Leader of the Opposition stood next to a sign that ascribed me as a man’s bitch.”Vilification of Gillard culminated in October 2012, when Abbott moved a no-confidence motion against the Speaker of the House, Peter Slipper. Abbott declared the Gillard government’s support for Slipper was evidence of the government’s acceptance of Slipper’s sexist attitudes (evident in allegations that Slipper sent a text to a political staffer describing female genitals). Gillard responded with what is known as the “Misogyny speech”, pointing at Abbott, shaking with rage, and proclaiming, “I will not be lectured about sexism and misogyny by this man” (ABC). Apart from vilification, how principles can be forsaken for parliamentary, party or electoral needs, may leave some women circumspect about entering parliament. Similar attacks on political women may affirm this view.In 2010, Labor Senator Penny Wong, a gay Member of Parliament and advocate of same-sex marriage, voted against a bill supporting same-sex marriage, because it was not ALP policy (Q and A, “Passion”). Australian Marriage Equality spokesperson, Alex Greenwich, strongly condemned Wong’s vote as “deeply hypocritical” (Akersten). The Sydney Morning Herald (Dick), under the headline “Married to the Mob” asked:a question: what does it now take for a cabinet minister to speak out on a point of principle, to venture even a mild criticism of the party position? ... Would you object if your party, after fixing some areas of discrimination against a minority group of which you are a part, refused to move on the last major reform for that group because of ‘tradition’ without any cogent explanation of why that tradition should remain? Not if you’re Penny Wong.In 2017, during the postal vote campaign for marriage equality, Wong clarified her reasons for her 2010 vote against same-sex marriage saying in an interview: “In 2010 I had to argue a position I didn’t agree with. You get a choice as a party member don’t you? You either resign or do something like that and make a point, or you stay and fight and you change it.” Biding her time, Wong used her rage to change policy within the ALP.In continuing personal attacks on Gillard, on 19 March 2012, Gillard was told by Germaine Greer that she had a “big arse” (Q and A, “Politics”) and on 27 August 2012, Greer said Gillard looked like an “organ grinder’s monkey” (Q and A, “Media”). Such an attack by a prominent feminist from the 1970s, on the personal appearance of the Prime Minister, reinforced the perception that it was acceptable to criticise a woman in this position, in ways men have never been. Inside Politics: Leadership and Bullying inside the Liberal PartyWhile Gillard’s leadership was likely cut short by the ongoing attacks on her character, Liberal Deputy leader Julie Bishop was thwarted from rising to the leadership of the Liberal Party, thus making it unlikely she will become the Liberal Party’s first female Prime Minister. Julie Bishop was Australia’s Minister for Foreign Affairs from 2013 to 2018 and Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party from 2007 to 2018, having entered politics in 1998.With the impending demise of Prime Minister Turnbull in August 2018, Bishop sought support from within the Liberal Party to run for the leadership. In the second round of leadership votes Bishop stood for the leadership in a three-cornered race, coming last in the vote to Peter Dutton and Scott Morrison. Bishop resigned as the Foreign Affairs Minister and took a seat on the backbench.When asked if the Liberal Party would elect a popular female leader, Bishop replied: “When we find one, I’m sure we will.” Political journalist Annabel Crabb offered further insight into what Bishop meant when she addressed the press in her red Rodo shoes, labelling the statement as “one of Julie Bishop’s chilliest-ever slapdowns.” Crabb, somewhat sardonically, suggested this translated as Bishop listing someone with her qualifications and experience as: “Woman Works Hard, Is Good at Her Job, Doesn't Screw Up, Loses Out Anyway.”For political journalist Tony Wright, Bishop was “clearly furious with those who had let their testosterone get the better of them and their party” and proceeded to “stride out in a pair of heels in the most vivid red to announce that, despite having resigned the deputy position she had occupied for 11 years, she was not about to quit the Parliament.” In response to the lack of support for Bishop in the leadership spill, female members of the federal parliament took to wearing red in the parliamentary chambers signalling that female members were “fed up with the machinations of the male majority” (Wright).Red signifies power, strength and anger. Worn in parliament, it was noticeable and striking, making a powerful statement. The following day, Bishop said: “It is evident … that there is an acceptance of a level of behaviour in Canberra that would not be tolerated in any other workplace across Australia" (Wright).Colour is political. The Suffragettes of the early twentieth century donned the colours of purple and white to create a statement of unity and solidarity. In recent months, Dr Kerryn Phelps used purple in her election campaign to win the vacated seat of Wentworth, following Turnbull’s resignation, perhaps as a nod to the Suffragettes. Public anger in Wentworth saw Phelps elected, despite the electorate having been seen as a safe Liberal seat.On 21 February 2019, the last sitting day of Parliament before the budget and federal election, Julie Bishop stood to announce her intention to leave politics at the next election. To some this was a surprise. To others it was expected. On finishing her speech, Bishop immediately exited the Lower House without acknowledging the Prime Minister. A proverbial full-stop to her outrage. She wore Suffragette white.Victorian Liberal backbencher Julia Banks, having declared herself so repelled by bullying during the Turnbull-Dutton leadership delirium, announced she was quitting the Liberal Party and sitting in the House of Representatives as an Independent. Banks said she could no longer tolerate the bullying, led by members of the reactionary right wing, the coup was aided by many MPs trading their vote for a leadership change in exchange for their individual promotion, preselection endorsements or silence. Their actions were undeniably for themselves, for their position in the party, their power, their personal ambition – not for the Australian people.The images of male Liberal Members of Parliament standing with their backs turned to Banks, as she tended her resignation from the Liberal Party, were powerful, indicating their disrespect and contempt. Yet Banks’s decision to stay in politics, as with Wong and Bishop is admirable. To maintain the rage from within the institutions and structures that act to sustain patriarchy is a brave, but necessary choice.Today, as much as any time in the past, a woman’s place is in politics, however, recent events highlight the ongoing poor treatment of women in Australian politics. Yet, in the face of negative treatment – gendered attacks on their character, dismissive treatment of their leadership abilities, and ongoing bullying and sexism, political women are fighting back. They are once again channelling their rage at the way they are being treated and how their abilities are constantly questioned. They are enraged to the point of standing in the face of adversity to bring about social and political change, just as the suffragettes and the women’s movements of the 1970s did before them. The current trend towards women planning to stand as Independents at the 2019 federal election is one indication of this. Women within the major parties, particularly on the conservative side of politics, have become quiet. Some are withdrawing, but most are likely regrouping, gathering the rage within and ready to make a stand after the dust of the 2019 election has settled.ReferencesAndrew, Merrindahl. Social Movements and the Limits of Strategy: How Australian Feminists Formed Positions on Work and Care. Canberra. 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